Academic literature on the topic 'HISTORY / Military / Iraq War (2003-)'
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Journal articles on the topic "HISTORY / Military / Iraq War (2003-)"
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Zweig, Michael. "Iraqi Unions and Their American Labor Allies." International Labor and Working-Class History 78, no. 1 (2010): 132–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547910000207.
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Since the start of the Iraq war in 2003, images of suicide bombings, religious violence, and general chaos have come to mind when most Americans have thought about Iraq. Counterposed are thoughts of US military efforts to separate the combatants and restore order. Whether one has supported or opposed the US actions in Iraq, the actual Iraqi people, almost all of them ordinary working people, remain remote and unknown.
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Turner, Mark A., Mathew D. Kiernan, Andrew G. McKechanie, Peter J. C. Finch, Frank B. McManus, and Leigh A. Neal. "Acute military psychiatric casualties from the war in Iraq." British Journal of Psychiatry 186, no. 6 (June 2005): 476–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/bjp.186.6.476.
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BackgroundThe view that most military personnel evacuated from war zones are suffering from combat stress reactions, or are otherwise traumatised by the horrors of war, has an impact on all aspects of military psychiatry.AimsTo delineate the reasons for psychiatric aeromedical evacuation from Iraq from the start of build-up of UK forces in January 2003 until the end of October that year, 6 months after the end of formal hostilities.MethodA retrospective study was conducted of field and in-patient psychiatric assessments of 116 military personnel evacuated to the UK military psychiatric in-patient facility in Catterick Garrison.ResultsEvacuees were mainly non-combatants (69%). A significant proportion were in reserve service (21%) and had a history of contact with mental health services (37%). Only 3% had a combat stress reaction. In over 85% of cases evacuation was for low mood attributed to separation from friends or family, or difficulties adjusting to the environment.ConclusionsThese findings have implications especially for screening for suitability for deployment, and for understanding any longer-term mental health problems arising in veterans from Iraq.
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Adhraa AbdulHussein Naser, Dr. "Iraq Wars: From A literary text to Social Context." لارك 3, no. 46 (June 30, 2022): 45–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31185/lark.vol3.iss46.2548.
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This article investigates Iraq wars presentation in literature and media. The first section investigates the case of the returnees from the war and their experience, their trauma and final presentation of that experience. The article also investigates how trauma and fear is depicted to create an optimized image and state of fear that could in turn show Iraqi society as a traumatized society. Critics such as Suzie Grogan believes that the concept of trauma could expand to influence societies rather than one individual after exposure to trauma of being involved in wars and different major conflicts. This is reflected in Iraq as a country that was subjected to six comprehensive conflicts in its recent history, i.e. less than half a century; these are the Iraq-Iran war, the first Gulf war, the economic sanctions, the second Gulf war 2003, the civil war, and the wars of liberation against ISIS.
The second section investigates Franco Moretti's theory of the Dialectic of Fear and the implication of this hypothesis of stereotyping on the Iraq war and its transformation from an anomaly expressed issue in the media and creative texts to a social reality that is measured by presenting what is not acceptable as an acceptable pattern in the case of war and shock between Iraq and the wars that took place in the west, and the extent of its impact on the protraction of the state of social trauma suffered by Iraqis, who are still suffering under the effects of prolonged political conflicts even after the end of military field conflicts.
The research sheds the light on studies such as the Dialectic of Fear by Franco Moretti, Risk Society by Ulrich Beck and Oh My God: Diaries of American Soldiers in Mesopotamia edited and translated by Buthaina Al-Nasiri.
Key words: Iraqi war, trauma, risk society, social context, stereotyping.
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Simons, Greg. "Hard and Soft Power Approaches to Armed Conflicts: The United States in Iraq and Russia in Syria." Russia in Global Affairs 19, no. 2 (2021): 86–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.31278/1810-6374-2021-19-2-86-110.
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Armed conflicts are generally associated with the use of hard power for coercing and forcing an opponent to do something against its will in a situation where war is an extension of politics. However, there are many scholarly observations about the important role of soft power in armed conflicts, the interaction between hard and soft power, and the effects on one another within the framework of an armed conflict. This paper explores two specific armed conflicts, the 2003 U.S.-led military intervention in Iraq and the 2015 Russian intervention in Syria. Various aspects of hard and soft power approaches are discussed, and the outcome of military operations for the national soft power potential is analyzed. The results of the study show that whereas the Iraq War came as a disaster for the U.S., the military operation in Syria—despite dire predictions—created strengths and opportunities for Russia in international relations.
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Swed, Ori, Jae Kwon, Bryan Feldscher, and Thomas Crosbie. "The Corporate War Dead: New Perspectives on the Demographics of American and British Contractors." Armed Forces & Society 46, no. 1 (December 5, 2018): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x18811375.
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From an obscure sector synonymous with mercenaryism, the private military and security industry has grown to become a significant complementing instrument in military operations. This rise has brought with it a considerable attention. Researchers have examined the role of private military and security companies in international relations as well as the history of these companies, and, above all, the legal implications of their use in the place of military organizations. As research progresses, a significant gap has become clear. Only a handful of studies have addressed the complex of issues associated with contractors’ demographics and lived experience. This article sheds some light over this lacuna, examining contractors’ demographics using descriptive statistics from an original data set of American and British contractors who died in Iraq between the years 2003 and 2016. The article augments our understanding of an important population of post-Fordist-contracted workforce, those peripheral workers supplementing military activity in high-risk occupations with uncertain long-term outcomes.
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Vasterling, Jennifer J., Mihaela Aslan, Lewina O. Lee, Susan P. Proctor, John Ko, Shawna Jacob, and John Concato. "Longitudinal Associations among Posttraumatic Stress Disorder Symptoms, Traumatic Brain Injury, and Neurocognitive Functioning in Army Soldiers Deployed to the Iraq War." Journal of the International Neuropsychological Society 24, no. 4 (December 4, 2017): 311–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1355617717001059.
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AbstractObjectives: Military deployment is associated with increased risk of adverse emotional and cognitive outcomes. Longitudinal associations involving posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), relatively mild traumatic brain injury (TBI), and neurocognitive compromise are poorly understood, especially with regard to long-term outcomes, and rigorous research is necessary to better understand the corresponding relationships. The objective of this study was to examine short-term and long-term (>5 years) longitudinal associations among PTSD, neurocognitive performance, and TBI following military deployment. Methods: In this prospective study, N=315 U.S. Army soldiers were assessed at military installations before (2003–2005) and after (2004–2006) an index deployment to the Iraq War, and again an average of 7.6 years later (2010–2014) as a nationally dispersed cohort of active duty soldiers, reservists, and veterans. Thus, the study design allowed for two measurement intervals over which to examine changes. All assessments included the PTSD Checklist, civilian version, and individually-administered performance-based neurocognitive tests. TBI history was derived from clinical interview. Results: Autoregressive analyses indicated that visual reproduction scores were inversely related to subsequent PTSD symptom severity at subsequent assessments. Conversely, increases in PTSD symptom severity over each measurement interval were associated with poorer verbal and/or visual recall at the end of each interval, and less efficient reaction time at post-deployment. TBI, primarily mild in this sample, was associated with adverse PTSD symptom outcomes at both post-deployment and long-term follow-up. Conclusions: These results suggest longitudinal relationships among PTSD symptoms, TBI, and neurocognitive decrements may contribute to sustained emotional and neurocognitive symptoms over time. (JINS, 2018, 24, 311–323)
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Rossiter, Alicia Gill, Rita D'Aoust, and Michaela R. Shafer. "Military Serving at What Cost? The Effects of Parental Service on the Well-Being Our Youngest Military Members." Annual Review of Nursing Research 34, no. 1 (January 2016): 109–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0739-6686.34.109.
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Since the onset of war in Iraq and Afghanistan in April 2002, much attention has been given to the effect of war on servicemen and servicewomen who have now been serving in combat for over thirteen years, the longest sustained war in American history. Many service members have served multiple tours in Iraq and Afghanistan and suffered from the visible and invisible wounds of war. Much work has been done in the Veterans Administration, the Department of Defense, and the civilian sector after observing the effects of multiple deployments and overall military service on the service member. A survey of the literature revealed that the ethics of conducting research on programs to assist these brave men and women is fraught with ethical concerns based on a military culture that often precludes autonomy and privacy. While strides have been made in developing strategies to assist service members deal with their military service issues, a serious lack of information exists on the impact of a parent's service on the health and well-being of military children. A discussion of current research on services for children is presented with an analysis of the ethical problems that have precluded adequate study of those who need society's help the most.
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THOMAS, TIMOTHY L. "‘The War in Iraq’: An Assessment of Lessons Learned by Russian Military Specialists Through 31 July 2003." Journal of Slavic Military Studies 17, no. 1 (March 2004): 153–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13518040490440700.
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Rathbun, Brian C. "The Myth of German Pacifism." German Politics and Society 24, no. 2 (June 1, 2006): 68–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503006780681885.
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Germany's behavior during the lead-up to the United States' invasion of Iraq in 2003 seemed to confirm that the country is marked by a strategic culture of pacifism and multilateralism. However, a closer look at German actions and pattern of participation in military operations reveals that German pacifism is a myth. There was no cross party consensus on German foreign policy in the 1990s around a principled opposition to the use of force. Even in the early years after the Cold War, the Christian Democrats began very quickly, albeit deliberatively and often secretively, to break down legal and psychological barriers to the deployment of German forces abroad. Pacifism persisted on the left of the political spectrum but gave way following a genuine ideological transformation brought about by the experience of the Yugoslav wars. The nature of Germany's objection to the Iraq invasion, which unlike previous debates did not make ubiquitous references to German history, revealed how much it has changed since the end of the Cold War. Had the election in 2002 gone differently, Germany might even have supported the actions of the U.S. and there would be little talk today of a transatlantic crisis. It is now possible to treat Germany as a "normal" European power.
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Iversen, A. C., N. T. Fear, A. Ehlers, J. Hacker Hughes, L. Hull, M. Earnshaw, N. Greenberg, R. Rona, S. Wessely, and M. Hotopf. "Risk factors for post-traumatic stress disorder among UK Armed Forces personnel." Psychological Medicine 38, no. 4 (January 29, 2008): 511–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0033291708002778.
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BackgroundThere is considerable interest in understanding further the factors that increase the risk of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) for military personnel. This study aimed to investigate the relative contribution of demographic variables; childhood adversity; the nature of exposure to traumatic events during deployment; appraisal of these experiences; and home-coming experiences in relation to the prevalence of PTSD ‘caseness’ as measured by a score of ⩾50 on the PTSD Checklist (PCL) in UK Armed Forces personnel who have been deployed in Iraq since 2003.MethodData were drawn from the first stage of a retrospective cohort study comparing UK military personnel who were deployed to the 2003 Iraq War with personnel serving in the UK Armed Forces on 31 March 2003 but who were not deployed to the initial phase of war fighting. Participants were randomly selected and invited to participate. The response rate was 61%. We have limited these analyses to 4762 regular service individuals who responded to the survey and who have been deployed in Iraq since 2003.ResultsPost-traumatic stress symptoms were associated with lower rank, being unmarried, having low educational attainment and a history of childhood adversity. Exposure to potentially traumatizing events, in particular being deployed to a ‘forward’ area in close contact with the enemy, was associated with post-traumatic stress symptoms. Appraisals of the experience as involving threat to one's own life and a perception that work in theatre was above an individual's trade and experience were strongly associated with post-traumatic stress symptoms. Low morale and poor social support within the unit and non-receipt of a home-coming brief (psycho-education) were associated with greater risk of post-traumatic stress symptoms.ConclusionsPersonal appraisal of threat to life during the trauma emerged as the most important predictor of post-traumatic stress symptoms. These results also raise the possibility that there are important modifiable occupational factors such as unit morale, leadership, preparing combatants for their role in theatre which may influence an individual's risk of post-traumatic stress symptoms. Therefore interventions focused on systematic preparation of personnel for the extreme stress of combat may help to lessen the psychological impact of deployment.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "HISTORY / Military / Iraq War (2003-)"
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Botha, Nicolene. "Dispatches from the front : war reporting as news genre, with special reference to news flow." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/916.
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Thesis (MPhil (Journalism))--Stellenbosch University, 2007.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: During Gulf War II, the American government implemented new media policies which, due to their potentially manipulative impact, became a subject of concern to academics, social commentators and the media alike. Key to these policies was the Department of Defense's Embedded Media Program which allowed hundreds of selected reporters to accompany US forces to the war front. The US openly tried to win international support for the war, and critics felt that this policy was designed to saturate the media with reports supporting the American point of view. This study examines these policies, the history of war reporting as a separate news genre, as well as the fluctuating relations between the US military and the media. Because of the US media policies, the fact that only one South African newspaper reporter was in Iraq during Operation Iraqi Freedom phase of the war and South African newspapers' consequent reliance on foreign news sources, there was a real possibility that the American position would be propagated in the local press. To test whether this was the case, the way the war was reported on in four leading South African newspapers is examined in terms of gatekeeping, agendasetting and framing. Using an adapted version op Propp's fairytale analysis as a standard, it compares the slant and content of the South African coverage to the way four senior US government officials presented the war. Also, the coverage of the newspapers is compared to one another. The analyses indicate that while most of the information published by the newspapers came from American sources, the news reports generally did not mirror the US standpoint, but instead criticised President Bush and the war on Iraq. Neither the frequency of the newspapers, nor its cultural background showed any correlation with the way the war was depicted by the different newspapers. It is therefore concluded that while the US might have been successful in their attempt to "occupy the media territory" in terms of sources cited, they were not able to sway the opinion of the South African press in their favour. However, the US is aware of these failures and plans to rectify the mistakes made in Gulf War II by means of proactive global operations started in times of peace.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Tydens die Tweede Golfoorlog het die Amerikaanse regering 'n nuwe mediabeleid ingestel wat weens die potensieel manipulerende impak daarvan ’n bron van kommer vir akademici, sosiale kommentators en die media self geword het. Sentraal tot hierdie nuwe beleid was die Departement van Verdediging se sogenaamde "Embedded Media Program" wat honderde uitgesoekte joernaliste toegelaat het om Amerikaanse magte na die oorlogsfront te vergesel. Die VSA het openlik probeer om internasionale steun vir die oorlog te werf en kritici het gevoel dat dié beleid ontwerp is om die media met nuusberigte wat die Amerikaanse standpunt steun, te versadig. Hierdie studie ondersoek dié beleid, die geskiedenis van oorlogsverslaggewing as afsonderlike nuus-genre, asook die wisselvallige verhouding tussen die Amerikaanse weermag en die media. Weens die Amerikaanse mediabeleid, die feit dat slegs een Suid-Afrikaanse koerantverslaggewer tydens die Operation Iraqi Freedom fase van die oorlog in Irak was en Suid-Afrikaanse koerante gevolglik van buitelandse nuusbronne afhanklik was, was daar 'n werklike moontlikheid dat die Amerikaanse posisie deur die plaaslike pers gepropageer kon word. Om te toets of dit die geval was, is die manier waarop in vier vooraanstaande Suid-Afrikaanse koerante oor die oorlog berig is, ondersoek in terme van hekwagterskap, agendastelling en raamskepping. Deur 'n aangepaste weergawe van Propp se feëverhaalanalise as maatstaf te gebruik, is die neiging en inhoud van die Suid- Afrikaanse dekking vergelyk met die manier waarop vier senior Amerikaanse amptenare die oorlog voorgehou het. Die koerante se dekking is ook met mekaar vergelyk. Die analises wys dat hoewel die meeste van die inligting wat deur die koerante gepubliseer is van Amerikaanse bronne kom, die nuusberigte oor die algemeen nie die Amerikaanse standpunt weerspieël nie, maar eerder krities teenoor President Bush en die oorlog teen Irak is. Nie die frekwensie van die koerante of die kulturele agtergrond daarvan het enige korrelasie getoon met die manier waarop die oorlog deur die verskillende koerante uitgebeeld is nie. Die gevolgtrekking word gemaak dat hoewel die VSA moontlik daarin geslaag het om die "mediaterrein te okkupeer" in terme van aangehaalde bronne, het hulle nie daarin geslaag om die Suid-Afrikaanse pers se opinie in hul guns te swaai nie. Die VSA is egter bewus van die foute wat tydens die Tweede Golfoorlog gemaak is en beplan om dit deur middel van proaktiewe globale operasies in vredestyd reg te stel.
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Savych, Bogdan. "Effects of deployments on spouses of military personnel." Santa Monica, Calif. : Pardee Rand Graduate School, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA487634.
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Cetorelli, Valeria. "Demographic and health effects of the 2003-2011 War in Iraq." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2015. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3199/.
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The increasing international concern about the consequences of warfare for civilian populations has led to a growing body of demographic and health research. This research has been essential in providing estimates of war-induced excess mortality, a primary indicator by which to assess the intensity of wars and the adequacy of humanitarian responses. Far less attention has been paid to war-induced changes in fertility and population health, and the limited existing literature has rarely adopted a longitudinal approach. This is especially evident in the case of the 2003–2011 war in Iraq. Several studies have sought to quantify excess mortality, whereas other demographic and health effects of this war have been largely overlooked. This thesis fills substantive knowledge gaps using longitudinal data from the 2000, 2006 and 2011 Iraq Multiple Indicator Cluster Surveys (I-MICS). The data collected during wartime are found to be of similarly good quality as those collected during peacetime. The analysis shows that, besides causing a heavy death toll, the Iraq war also had profound long-term consequences for women and newborns. It provides the first evidence on the effect of the war on early marriage and adolescent fertility, with implications for women’s empowerment and reproductive health. It is also the first to quantify the effect of the war on neonatal polio immunisation coverage, with relevance for the recent polio outbreak. It finally assesses the main challenges to Iraq’s health sector rehabilitation efforts, namely the ongoing insecurity and persistently high rate of population growth. Overall, the findings have important documentation functions for the international community and serve as inputs for the design of humanitarian relief strategies in Iraq and similar war-torn countries, such as neighbouring Syria.
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Hess, Tara K. "Forced to Flee: Iraqi Experiences of Displacement in the 2003 War." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1275667201.
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Milakovic, Amy E. "The National Endowment for the Arts' "Operation Homecoming" shaping military stories into nationalistic rhetoric /." [Fort Worth, Tex.] : Texas Christian University, 2009. http://etd.tcu.edu/etdfiles/available/etd-10162009-150448/unrestricted/Milakovic.pdf.
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O'Leary, Brian R. Romero Herman S. "Contractor logistics support of the medium tactical vehicle replacement (MTVR) during Operation Iraqi Freedom /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Dec%5FOLeary%5FMBA.pdf.
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Thesis (M.B.A.)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2003."MBA professional report"--Cover. Thesis advisor(s):Donald R. Eaton, Michael W. Boudreau, Brad R. Naegle. Includes bibliographical references (p. 41-42). Also available online.
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Phillips, Maureen Patricia. "Birthing a third gender : the discourse of women in the American military /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/9514.
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Moeller, David K. "A model for future military operations : the effect of state security and human security on strategy /." Maxwell AFB, Ala. : School of Advanced Air and Space Studies, 2008. https://www.afresearch.org/skins/rims/display.aspx?moduleid=be0e99f3-fc56-4ccb-8dfe-670c0822a153&mode=user&action=downloadpaper&objectid=9c267789-85b9-4963-9298-936e82991d13&rs=PublishedSearch.
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AL, Baldawi Wisam Qusay Majeed. "Translating Iraq: The “Unknown Soldiers” of the US Occupation of Iraq." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1308165447.
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Collins, Sean T. "Post-Deployment Health Assessment in United States Service Members after Iraq Deployment: A Dissertation." eScholarship@UMMS, 2009. https://escholarship.umassmed.edu/gsn_diss/16.
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The purpose of this study was to identify health and emotional-related issues of service members after a deployment to Iraq. Secondary data analysis and a cross-sectional descriptive design, were used to analyze data from the Department of Defense Post Deployment Health Assessment (PDHA) database. The cognitive appraisal model of stress and coping (Lazarus and Folkman, 1984) guided this study. Several statistical techniques were used including: frequency distributions cross tab evaluations, factor analysis, reliability calculations, regression analysis and tests for mediation.
The study sample included 510, 352 service members (49,998 females, 460,349 males) with a mean age of 29 years. The sample represented all components and branches of the military. Of the total sample, 51.9% (n=264,777) saw wounded, killed or dead individuals and 22.1% (n=112,620) discharged their weapon in combat. Environmental exposures were an important source of stress. Exposures to sand and dust were the largest complaint (89.8% of the sample). Multiple physical symptoms were identified and 40% of the sample reported four or more symptoms (e.g. diarrhea, back pain, headache, fatigue). PTSD symptoms were identified in 11.8% (n = 60,200) and depressive symptoms in 26.5%, (n=123,808) of participants. Results of the study indicated that age, gender, rank, race/ethnicity, military component and branch were important predictors of emotional and health-related concerns in this sample. Appraisal variables (danger of being killed and exposure concerns) mediated the relationship between immediate (physical and depressive symptoms) and long term outcomes (health perception, PTSD symptoms) for the majority of the analyses; supporting the study hypothesis. However, length of deployment did not have a significant impact on stress-related outcomes in this study. Implications for practice, policy and future research are discussed.
Books on the topic "HISTORY / Military / Iraq War (2003-)"
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1944-, Scales Robert H., ed. The Iraq war: A military history. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 2003.
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The Iraq wars and America's military revolution. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 2010.
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Rose, Michael. Washington's war: From independence to Iraq. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2007.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "HISTORY / Military / Iraq War (2003-)"
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Bert, Wayne. "Iraq—2003–2010." In American Military Intervention in Unconventional War, 157–94. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230337817_8.
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Dieck, Helene. "The Intervention in Iraq in 2003." In The Influence of Public Opinion on Post-Cold War US Military Interventions, 127–39. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137519238_9.
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Mansoor, Peter R. "The Revolution in Military Affairs and Strategic Thought in the US Military, 1991–2003." In Landpower in the Long War, 32–43. University Press of Kentucky, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813177571.003.0003.
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A recurring theme of post-World War II US military history is the fixation of American policy-makers on technological solutions to strategic challenges. In the wake of the 1991 victory in the Gulf War, American military leaders embraced a Revolution in Military Affairs combining guided munitions with advanced intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance systems to provide war-winning capabilities for US forces. Although Army experimentation in the 1990s and early 2000s had much to commend it, senior Army leaders lost sight of the connection between strategy and military operations and virtually ignored any type of war other than the one for which the Army's powerful conventional forces were designed. In the aftermath of regime change in Iraq in 2003, US commanders struggled to develop concepts suitable to achieve the nation's strategic goals. Having all but ignored other types of conflict, Army leaders proved incredibly resistant to embracing counterinsurgency operations in Iraq until defeat stared them in the face. In the future, the US Army needs to integrate information networks, ISR systems, and guided munitions into a broader warfighting framework that military leaders can adapt to whatever type of enemies they may face, rather than counting on fighting a mirror-imaged enemy.
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"Iraq 2003–2010." In Western Military Interventions after the Cold War, edited by Bolesław Balcerowicz, 108–32. First edition. | London ; New York, NY : Routledge/Taylor & Francis Group, 2019. | Series: Cass military studies: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351175029-6.
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Lebovic, James H. "The Iraq War, 2003–2011." In Planning to Fail, 64–118. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190935320.003.0003.
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The George W. Bush administration showed signs of biased decision-making before and after the 2003 Iraq invasion, which it claimed was necessary because Iraq possessed weapons of mass destruction. With Donald Rumsfeld as secretary of defense, the administration focused narrowly on regime change and failed to plan for the aftermath of war. With the fall of Baghdad, the administration expanded US goals under the Coalition Provisional Authority without the capabilities to pursue them. Although the administration adjusted course in 2007, its new “surge” strategy, based on counterinsurgency principles, had the US military pursuing modest goals to suit available capabilities. Then the administration benefited unexpectedly from an alliance with Sunni insurgents (the Anbar Awakening) and the stand-down of the principal Shiite militia opposing US forces. US strategy finally amounted to staying the course through 2011, when the Obama administration chose to leave Iraq rather than seek a negotiated compromise.
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Jeffreys-Jones, Rhodri. "Estimating Anew and a Military Turn." In A Question of Standing, 163–71. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192847966.003.0014.
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Abstract This chapter explains how the Intelligence Reform and Terrorism Prevention Act of 2004 marked the end of a longer phase in American history that went back to 1947. It mentions military poaching assisted by intense criticism that threatened to weaken the CIA’s grip on covert action. It also examines common perceptions of what happened to the CIA in Bush’s second term, when the CIA was portrayed as sinking in a mire of ill-fated operations. The chapter deals with the commonly held notion that the 2004 law forced the CIA to yield the analytical high ground in an unsatisfactory manner. It argues that the 2007 Iran estimate nevertheless showed intelligence analysis to be in robust health. It refers to two major characteristics of the Bush years, privatization and militarization.
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"Lessons learned: civil–military relations during the Iran–Iraq War and their influence on the 1991 Gulf War and 2003 Iraq War." In The Iran-Iraq War, 27–44. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203074787-10.
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"America’s War in Iraq." In The Last Card, edited by Timothy Andrews Sayle, Jeffrey A. Engel, Hal Brands, and William Inboden, 25–45. Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501715181.003.0002.
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This chapter traces the emerging concerns and contradictory signals reaching George W. Bush up until the end of 2005. Two years after he stood before a banner that read “mission accomplished,” Bush's war in Iraq dragged on. Military officials and intelligence analysts warned of a growing insurgency as early as late 2003. Others hoped political developments would slowly, but surely, overtake opposition, bringing peace and stability to the country. Though Iraqi politics frequently concerned the Bush administration, the president had politics of his own to worry about in the fall of 2004. Iraq played a central role in the close-fought election between Bush and Democratic challenger Senator John Kerry. Bush won, and as is commonly the case, key personnel retired or shifted responsibilities for the second term. American public opinion faltered a year after Bush's inauguration, which proved the high point of his second-term popularity. Policy makers in turn feared they would lose political support at home before Iraq itself had time to stabilize. The administration persisted in its basic strategy in Iraq, while attempting to explain it more effectively at home with publication of the National Strategy for Victory in Iraq (NSVI).
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Harding, Scott, and Kathryn Libal. "War and the Public Health Disaster in Iraq." In War and Health, 111–36. NYU Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479875962.003.0006.
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This chapter addresses the systemic health and social consequences of the 2003 US invasion of Iraq. The war and subsequent destabilization of Iraqi society represent a continuation of structural violence against Iraqis initiated in the 1990s via economic sanctions. US military operations, and subsequent ethnic cleansing and other targeted violence by Iraqis, undermined local communities, created widespread suffering, and produced a significant human toll. While violence remains pervasive in Iraq, it accounts for only one aspect of a broader public health disaster. The conflict led to the “sectarianization” of public services, including healthcare, a brain drain of health professionals and educators, and the disintegration of one of the best healthcare systems in the Middle East. The deterioration of education and health systems, and more than two decades of forced migration of Iraqis to other countries, impede its long-term stability and reconstruction.
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Siracusa, Joseph M. "5. George W. Bush and the Iraq War." In Diplomatic History: A Very Short Introduction, 86–120. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780192893918.003.0005.
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‘George W. Bush and the Iraq War’ looks at the diplomacy of George W. Bush in the run up to the Iraq War, which marked the triumph of the militarization of American diplomacy and an era of endless wars. With UK support, and despite United Nations warnings, in 2003 Bush approved the airstrikes that preceded the invasion of Iraq in March that year. The war with Iraq lasted just over a month. George W. Bush finally got the war he wanted; the regime change he wanted. And he got his way. The militarization of American diplomacy had been achieved and a war of choice had inaugurated an era of endless wars.
Conference papers on the topic "HISTORY / Military / Iraq War (2003-)"
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أحمد براهیم, شمال. "The social foundations of peaceful coexistence in the Iraqi constitutions - a comparative study between texts and reality." In Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/7.
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" The process of building peaceful coexistence within societies is the basis upon which the entity of society and the state is based and its survival, and this process must be reflected in legal texts starting from the constitution and ending with laws, instructions and practices that include principles that contribute to: The stability of society and the state. But the lesson is not only in the texts, but these texts must be reflected in steps on the ground, so that they are integrated with each other, for the purpose of building a homogeneous and integrated society. If we look at modern Iraqi history, we will find that there are three stages of the life of the Iraqi state that witnessed three constitutions that included the elements of peaceful coexistence, and reality witnessed obstacles to these ingredients and these three stages are: the stage of establishing the Iraqi state, which is represented in the Iraqi Basic Law of 1925, and The stage of changing the state’s pattern from a monarchy to a republic, the impact of a military coup, represented in the temporary Iraqi Constitution of 1958, and finally the stage of building the Iraqi state after 2003, represented in the permanent Iraqi constitution of 2005, and these stages and the events and developments they witnessed have raised several questions and Of which: - What are the principles of peaceful coexistence in theory? - What are the legal texts in the three Iraqi constitutions on the social foundations of peaceful coexistence, and were these texts reflected on the ground? - Is the reality of peaceful coexistence in Iraq consistent with the principles stated in the Iraqi constitutions, especially the 2005 constitution? The importance of this study comes from what it discussed in the foundations of peaceful coexistence within societies that witnessed internal conflicts, and the Iraqi society is not far from them, also through its research on the foundations of peaceful coexistence, especially social ones in the three comparative Iraqi constitutions and the extent of their manifestation in governmental or semi-governmental institutions government to consolidate the foundations of coexistence among the various components of Iraqi society. The main hypothesis of this research is (The texts of the constitution are not the only guarantor for building peaceful coexistence within society, unless these texts are reflected in the way state institutions deal with social components). For the purpose of answering the previous questions and verifying the mentioned hypothesis, we divided the research into the following two sections: The first topic dealt with the concept of peaceful coexistence and its principles and social foundations, while the second topic we searched for the principles of peaceful coexistence in the Iraqi constitutions compared with their social foundations, as we concluded the research In conclusion, it contains conclusions and recommendations, as well as a list of sources. "
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Gubskaya, Olga, and Olga Jilevich. "FACT AND ALLEGORY: TWO POLES IN THE REPRESENTATION OF WAR (ON THE EXAMPLE OF “WAR’S UNWOMANLY FACE” BY S. ALEXIEVICH AND “THE CURSED AND THE SLAIN” BY V. ASTAFIEV)." In Aktuální problémy výuky ruského jazyka XIV. Brno: Masaryk University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p210-9781-2020-19.
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The military actions of the 20th century (Revolutions, the First and Second World Wars, the Cold War, the war in Kosovo, Chechnya, Iraq) left a terrifying mark on the history. The article discusses traditional and innovative forms of recreating the military context in the Russian and Russophone Belarusian military prose on the example of V. Astafiev and S. Alexievich’s works.
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Montgomery, Louise. "Bush, the Media & the New American Way." In 2003 Informing Science + IT Education Conference. Informing Science Institute, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.28945/2726.
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The run-up to a full-scale U.S. military attack on Iraq - “shock and awe” -- provided an unusual and ideal test the effectiveness of a parsimonious content analysis methodology designed to determine when a national leader made or would make a decision to go to war. As W. Ben Hunt’s work that is the model for this study anticipated, editorials in The Wall Street Journal clearly ramped up war fever with not only the number of “get to it, George” editorials but also with the language. Critical editorials ad-vised/urged/demanded Bush to get on with the second phase of the long-planned remaking of the Middle East -- taking out Saddam Hussein. The paper links several aspects of post-Cold War, postmodern American life -- low levels of knowledge, use of poll data throughout society, declining news consumption and others -- to paint a picture of a newly vulnerable society, one willing - polls would indicate - to listen to and follow clear, perhaps simplistic, policies even to the point of a pre-emptive strike on a small nation that many could not locate on a map.
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Alzaidy, Rashid. "The Iraqi political system between reform and change." In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp49-72.
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It is no secret to anyone that the political system in Iraq has gone through and is still going through several crises and suffers from many problems that are difficult to limit and define within a specific research scope. Despite that, there are two main trends prevailing about the general view of the political system and its future in Iraq, which are centered on two visions: First: Seeing the possibility of reforming the political system Second: seeing the impossibility of reforming the political system and the political system must be changed) This was accompanied by developments; And repercussions that affected the entire structural system of Iraqi society, but all attempts at reform failed. Hence, the problematic of our study emerges in the main question: Does the Iraqi political system need change or reform, and what are the justifications for this change or reform, and what are the consequences of that locally? Regionally and internationally? The attempt to answer these and other questions requires that we start from the hypothesis of the Iraqi political system after 2003, which suffers from several structural problems that prevent the success of any attempt at political reform for it. The study is based on the following axes: The first topic: What is political reform and political change The second topic: Building the political system in Iraq after 2003 and the justifications for changing its reform The third topic: Obstacles to changing (reform) the Iraqi political system The fourth topic: Attempts to political reform and its future The study concluded a set of conclusions, perhaps the most prominent of which are: 1 - The future of the Iraqi political system in light of local, regional and international data indicates the impossibility of reforming this system due to the depth of its imbalances Its exacerbation and the depth of the rift that this system suffers from - and the absence of the means to reform, which center on the following options: A- Reform through coup methods B- Reform through popular revolution and that these options are not available at the present time, so it is expected that the current situation will continue with attempts A patchwork that gives the regime revival doses without radical solutions until reaching the framework of the Iraqi social contract, which will have two main options: the peaceful option and revolves around: The continuation of the October protests and the joining of the rest of the Iraqi components to them and their obtaining international and regional support to reformulate a new Iraqi social contract for the unity and stability of Iraq, the peaceful division between the Iraqi components to establish three Sunni Shiite states. Kurdish non-peaceful option external change such as the 2003 military coup, the international upheaval, the civil war
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Saeed Ghafoor Ahmad, Kosar, and Amanj nasih qadir omer. "Prosecuting the perpetrators of the Camp Speicher crime according to Iraqi laws or the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court." In Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/45.
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"This work includes talking about the crime of Camp Speicher, in which 1,700 students of the Iraqi army of the Sheea creed were killed by the gangs of the terrorist organization ISIS, with the aim of eliminating the members of this sect because of the misleading ideology carried by those gangs. On 6-12-2014, Iraqi soldiers at Camp Speicher (Speicher Air Base) in Tikrit were subjected to murder and enforced disappearance by terrorist organizations because of their affiliation to the Sheea creed. This crime was among a series of brutal crimes for the genocide of Sheeas in Iraq. This is similar to what happened in the Badoush prison crime in the province of Mosul, which the Iraqi Parliament considered it as a crime of genocide, in which these gangs executed about (400) members of the prison inmates of the Sheea component. After ISIS took control of the city of Tikrit in Iraq, and one day after they took control of the city of Mosul, they captured (2000-2200) soldiers and led them to the presidential palaces in Tikrit, and they shot them there and in other areas and buried some of them alive. This disaster had a negative impact on the families of the victims of the Speicher where they went out in demonstrations demanded that the leaders who handed over the victims of Speicher to ISIS must be prosecuted, and in one of the demonstrations they managed to enter Parliament and demanded that the leaders who handed over Speicher to ISIS be held accountable. After that, many demonstrations took place by the families of the victims, some of which led to the closure of a bridge in Baghdad a few times Protesting the government's delay in clarifying the fate of their children or taking quick measures. The Iraqi parliament and government recently considered the Speicher incident “genocide” in reference to the premeditated murder of Badoush Prison inmates in Nineveh Governorate and the unarmed Speicher military base, the premeditated murder of members of the Albu Nimr, Jabour, al-Lahib, and al-Ubaid tribes, and the killing and displacement of civilians from Kurds, Christians, Yazidis and Shabaks in Sahel Nineveh, Sinjar, deliberate killing and displacement of Turkmens in Tal Afar and Bashir. This decision paves the way for obtaining international recognition from it as a ""genocide"" as stipulated in the Contract of the United Nations in 1948, and Iraq signed it in the fifties of the last century. This study attempts to explain the Al-Ikhnasas Court in looking into the crimes of genocide committed by ISIS against the bereaved students of the Air Force Base (Speicher) due to what this issue raised from the national and international public opinion, especially after the involvement of the Iraqi army leaders in this massacre, according to what witnesses reported in that area and what was reported by soldiers who survived the incident, in addition to the involvement of some members of the Sunni tribes in these crimes with the terrorist organization ISIS. The importance of this study lies in the following aspects: - That ISIS elements were tried according to Anti-Terrorism Law No. 13 of 2005, and from our point of view that the aforementioned law is vague and broader than it should be, and it applies to serious and simple crimes from murder to crimes of sabotage, and the list of crimes punishable by the death penalty according to the aforementioned law is a long list and spacious. - The Iraqi government has embarked on an attempt to develop a legal framework to prosecute ISIS elements, and its mission focused on understanding the procedures and results drawn from those judicial efforts, and its mission also focused on showing the efforts taken by the Iraqi government to address violations in the field of the right to life, including those committed by affiliated forces government as well as other international and domestic actors. The International Criminal Court is specialized in considering specific crimes under Article (5) of its Statute, which are war crimes, aggression and crimes against humanity, which necessitates the adaptation of Speicher's crime within any of the mentioned types of crimes. The assumption of the International Criminal Court in relation to the Speicher crime, includes several positive matters and results at the same time a set of negatives, which must be presented to those positives and negatives in order to give preference between them and the choice of authorizing the court to consider the crime or not. The terrorist organization ISIS has committed serious systematic violations, including war crimes and others, and perhaps those that are not under its control, and that none of these crimes can be addressed within the anti-terrorism law, which cannot address human rights violations. The international community has recognized the heinous violations committed by ISIS against the citizens of Iraq by adopting Resolution (2370) in September of 2017, issued by the Security Council, which authorizes the Security Council to appoint an investigation team to support local efforts to hold ISIS elements accountable by collecting and preserving evidence in Iraq, which can rise to a high level, and it was committed by the elements of the organization. It considers that the decision constitutes a burden and an obligation on Iraq to investigate all allegations of violations committed by government forces for the purpose of holding them accountable, as well as requiring the establishment of special courts and trained judges in relation to ISIS crimes to deal with them. Terrorism is a global curse that has recently spread horizontally to all countries of the world and its effects have been concentrated vertically in some countries, and no one denies that the parties to this phenomenon are increasing (perpetrators and victims) and the United Nations in particular and the international community in general has not succeeded in reducing it despite the fact that the resolutions of the UN Security Council It is increasing, but the proportionality is absent between these decisions and the practical reality. The phenomenon of terrorism is spreading rapidly, and the perpetrators of terrorist acts are on the rise, corresponding to an increase in the victims of terrorism. Also, the circumstances and events that Iraq is going through, especially after 2003, put it at the forefront of countries which suffers from terrorism that has killed the people, using methods and forms that were not previously known and brutal and bloody cruel. ) for the year 2005, and since terrorism was not limited to Iraq, but included many countries, and was not specific to a place or time, nor was it recent in terms of composition. In addition, the aforementioned law cannot be aware of all violations of international and humanitarian law, as we mentioned previously, which requires the necessity of referring the criminals to a competent court. The Court conducts its rule under Article (13) of its Statute when referred to it by a state party to the same system or by the Security Council or when the Public Prosecutor conducts the investigation on his own, and then how does the Court take its measures regarding the aforementioned crime if we take a look Considering that the State of Iraq is not a member of the Statute of the Court. The rule of the court is free from the death penalty, which makes the idea of authorizing the court to consider the crime rejected by most Iraqis, especially the families of the victims. What are the negative aspects of the Iraqi national judiciary’s view of the Speicher crime, and how can it be avoided if the International Criminal Court plays this role? What are the guarantees provided by the court in the event that it proceeds with its procedures regarding this crime? The research on this subject is according to the appropriate method, which is the analytical and comparative method, which works on studying and comparing topics by analyzing ideas and jurisprudential rulings, and the positions of the governments of countries and the United Nations, as well as the resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly, and comparing arbitration between Iraqi courts. And the international courts regarding the trial of the perpetrators of the Speicher base crime, and then come up with a set of conclusions and recommendations."