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1

Botha, Nicolene. "Dispatches from the front : war reporting as news genre, with special reference to news flow." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/916.

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Thesis (MPhil (Journalism))--Stellenbosch University, 2007.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: During Gulf War II, the American government implemented new media policies which, due to their potentially manipulative impact, became a subject of concern to academics, social commentators and the media alike. Key to these policies was the Department of Defense's Embedded Media Program which allowed hundreds of selected reporters to accompany US forces to the war front. The US openly tried to win international support for the war, and critics felt that this policy was designed to saturate the media with reports supporting the American point of view. This study examines these policies, the history of war reporting as a separate news genre, as well as the fluctuating relations between the US military and the media. Because of the US media policies, the fact that only one South African newspaper reporter was in Iraq during Operation Iraqi Freedom phase of the war and South African newspapers' consequent reliance on foreign news sources, there was a real possibility that the American position would be propagated in the local press. To test whether this was the case, the way the war was reported on in four leading South African newspapers is examined in terms of gatekeeping, agendasetting and framing. Using an adapted version op Propp's fairytale analysis as a standard, it compares the slant and content of the South African coverage to the way four senior US government officials presented the war. Also, the coverage of the newspapers is compared to one another. The analyses indicate that while most of the information published by the newspapers came from American sources, the news reports generally did not mirror the US standpoint, but instead criticised President Bush and the war on Iraq. Neither the frequency of the newspapers, nor its cultural background showed any correlation with the way the war was depicted by the different newspapers. It is therefore concluded that while the US might have been successful in their attempt to "occupy the media territory" in terms of sources cited, they were not able to sway the opinion of the South African press in their favour. However, the US is aware of these failures and plans to rectify the mistakes made in Gulf War II by means of proactive global operations started in times of peace.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Tydens die Tweede Golfoorlog het die Amerikaanse regering 'n nuwe mediabeleid ingestel wat weens die potensieel manipulerende impak daarvan ’n bron van kommer vir akademici, sosiale kommentators en die media self geword het. Sentraal tot hierdie nuwe beleid was die Departement van Verdediging se sogenaamde "Embedded Media Program" wat honderde uitgesoekte joernaliste toegelaat het om Amerikaanse magte na die oorlogsfront te vergesel. Die VSA het openlik probeer om internasionale steun vir die oorlog te werf en kritici het gevoel dat dié beleid ontwerp is om die media met nuusberigte wat die Amerikaanse standpunt steun, te versadig. Hierdie studie ondersoek dié beleid, die geskiedenis van oorlogsverslaggewing as afsonderlike nuus-genre, asook die wisselvallige verhouding tussen die Amerikaanse weermag en die media. Weens die Amerikaanse mediabeleid, die feit dat slegs een Suid-Afrikaanse koerantverslaggewer tydens die Operation Iraqi Freedom fase van die oorlog in Irak was en Suid-Afrikaanse koerante gevolglik van buitelandse nuusbronne afhanklik was, was daar 'n werklike moontlikheid dat die Amerikaanse posisie deur die plaaslike pers gepropageer kon word. Om te toets of dit die geval was, is die manier waarop in vier vooraanstaande Suid-Afrikaanse koerante oor die oorlog berig is, ondersoek in terme van hekwagterskap, agendastelling en raamskepping. Deur 'n aangepaste weergawe van Propp se feëverhaalanalise as maatstaf te gebruik, is die neiging en inhoud van die Suid- Afrikaanse dekking vergelyk met die manier waarop vier senior Amerikaanse amptenare die oorlog voorgehou het. Die koerante se dekking is ook met mekaar vergelyk. Die analises wys dat hoewel die meeste van die inligting wat deur die koerante gepubliseer is van Amerikaanse bronne kom, die nuusberigte oor die algemeen nie die Amerikaanse standpunt weerspieël nie, maar eerder krities teenoor President Bush en die oorlog teen Irak is. Nie die frekwensie van die koerante of die kulturele agtergrond daarvan het enige korrelasie getoon met die manier waarop die oorlog deur die verskillende koerante uitgebeeld is nie. Die gevolgtrekking word gemaak dat hoewel die VSA moontlik daarin geslaag het om die "mediaterrein te okkupeer" in terme van aangehaalde bronne, het hulle nie daarin geslaag om die Suid-Afrikaanse pers se opinie in hul guns te swaai nie. Die VSA is egter bewus van die foute wat tydens die Tweede Golfoorlog gemaak is en beplan om dit deur middel van proaktiewe globale operasies in vredestyd reg te stel.
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2

Savych, Bogdan. "Effects of deployments on spouses of military personnel." Santa Monica, Calif. : Pardee Rand Graduate School, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA487634.

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3

Cetorelli, Valeria. "Demographic and health effects of the 2003-2011 War in Iraq." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2015. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3199/.

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The increasing international concern about the consequences of warfare for civilian populations has led to a growing body of demographic and health research. This research has been essential in providing estimates of war-induced excess mortality, a primary indicator by which to assess the intensity of wars and the adequacy of humanitarian responses. Far less attention has been paid to war-induced changes in fertility and population health, and the limited existing literature has rarely adopted a longitudinal approach. This is especially evident in the case of the 2003–2011 war in Iraq. Several studies have sought to quantify excess mortality, whereas other demographic and health effects of this war have been largely overlooked. This thesis fills substantive knowledge gaps using longitudinal data from the 2000, 2006 and 2011 Iraq Multiple Indicator Cluster Surveys (I-MICS). The data collected during wartime are found to be of similarly good quality as those collected during peacetime. The analysis shows that, besides causing a heavy death toll, the Iraq war also had profound long-term consequences for women and newborns. It provides the first evidence on the effect of the war on early marriage and adolescent fertility, with implications for women’s empowerment and reproductive health. It is also the first to quantify the effect of the war on neonatal polio immunisation coverage, with relevance for the recent polio outbreak. It finally assesses the main challenges to Iraq’s health sector rehabilitation efforts, namely the ongoing insecurity and persistently high rate of population growth. Overall, the findings have important documentation functions for the international community and serve as inputs for the design of humanitarian relief strategies in Iraq and similar war-torn countries, such as neighbouring Syria.
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4

Hess, Tara K. "Forced to Flee: Iraqi Experiences of Displacement in the 2003 War." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1275667201.

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5

Milakovic, Amy E. "The National Endowment for the Arts' "Operation Homecoming" shaping military stories into nationalistic rhetoric /." [Fort Worth, Tex.] : Texas Christian University, 2009. http://etd.tcu.edu/etdfiles/available/etd-10162009-150448/unrestricted/Milakovic.pdf.

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6

O'Leary, Brian R. Romero Herman S. "Contractor logistics support of the medium tactical vehicle replacement (MTVR) during Operation Iraqi Freedom /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Dec%5FOLeary%5FMBA.pdf.

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Thesis (M.B.A.)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2003.
"MBA professional report"--Cover. Thesis advisor(s):Donald R. Eaton, Michael W. Boudreau, Brad R. Naegle. Includes bibliographical references (p. 41-42). Also available online.
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7

Phillips, Maureen Patricia. "Birthing a third gender : the discourse of women in the American military /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/9514.

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8

Moeller, David K. "A model for future military operations : the effect of state security and human security on strategy /." Maxwell AFB, Ala. : School of Advanced Air and Space Studies, 2008. https://www.afresearch.org/skins/rims/display.aspx?moduleid=be0e99f3-fc56-4ccb-8dfe-670c0822a153&mode=user&action=downloadpaper&objectid=9c267789-85b9-4963-9298-936e82991d13&rs=PublishedSearch.

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9

AL, Baldawi Wisam Qusay Majeed. "Translating Iraq: The “Unknown Soldiers” of the US Occupation of Iraq." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1308165447.

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10

Collins, Sean T. "Post-Deployment Health Assessment in United States Service Members after Iraq Deployment: A Dissertation." eScholarship@UMMS, 2009. https://escholarship.umassmed.edu/gsn_diss/16.

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The purpose of this study was to identify health and emotional-related issues of service members after a deployment to Iraq. Secondary data analysis and a cross-sectional descriptive design, were used to analyze data from the Department of Defense Post Deployment Health Assessment (PDHA) database. The cognitive appraisal model of stress and coping (Lazarus and Folkman, 1984) guided this study. Several statistical techniques were used including: frequency distributions cross tab evaluations, factor analysis, reliability calculations, regression analysis and tests for mediation. The study sample included 510, 352 service members (49,998 females, 460,349 males) with a mean age of 29 years. The sample represented all components and branches of the military. Of the total sample, 51.9% (n=264,777) saw wounded, killed or dead individuals and 22.1% (n=112,620) discharged their weapon in combat. Environmental exposures were an important source of stress. Exposures to sand and dust were the largest complaint (89.8% of the sample). Multiple physical symptoms were identified and 40% of the sample reported four or more symptoms (e.g. diarrhea, back pain, headache, fatigue). PTSD symptoms were identified in 11.8% (n = 60,200) and depressive symptoms in 26.5%, (n=123,808) of participants. Results of the study indicated that age, gender, rank, race/ethnicity, military component and branch were important predictors of emotional and health-related concerns in this sample. Appraisal variables (danger of being killed and exposure concerns) mediated the relationship between immediate (physical and depressive symptoms) and long term outcomes (health perception, PTSD symptoms) for the majority of the analyses; supporting the study hypothesis. However, length of deployment did not have a significant impact on stress-related outcomes in this study. Implications for practice, policy and future research are discussed.
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11

Kimball, Brian M. "Developing and implementing a biblical plan to remediate the effects of post-combat stress among select veterans of Operation Iraqi Freedom stationed at MCRD Parris Island." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 2007. http://www.tren.com/search.cfm?p054-0276.

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12

Cooper, Walter Raymond. "Blood and Treasure: Money and Military Force in Irregular Warfare." Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10712.

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Among the most important choices made by groups fighting a civil war -- governments and rebels alike -- is how to allocate available military and pecuniary resources across the contested areas of a conflict-ridden territory. Combatants use military force to coerce and money to persuade and co-opt. A vast body of literature in political science and security studies examines how and where combatants in civil wars apply violence. Scholars, however, have devoted less attention to combatants' use of material inducements to attain their objectives. This dissertation proposes a logic that guides combatants' use of material benefits alongside military force in pursuit of valuable support from communities in the midst of civil war. Focused on the interaction between the military and the local population, the theory envisions a bargaining process between a commander and a community whose support he seeks. The outcome of the bargaining process is a fiscal strategy defined by the extent to which material benefits are distributed diffusely or targeted narrowly. That outcome follows from key characteristics of the community in question that include its sociopolitical solidarity (or fragmentation) and its economic resilience (or vulnerability). I evaluate the theory of fiscal strategies through a series of case studies from the Philippine-American War of 1899-1902. As a further test of external validity, I consider the theory's applicability to key events from the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.
Government
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13

Adams, John B. "Applying the Powell Doctrine." Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA491136.

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14

Kohler, Alison. "Military spouses' relationship with media during Operation Iraqi Freedom." Thesis, Manhattan, Kan. : Kansas State University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/740.

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15

Everett, Patrovick G. "The role of field artillery in counterinsurgency operations /." Fort Leavenworth, Kan. : [US Army Command and General Staff College], 2006. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA463835.

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16

Phares, Matthew H. "Combating insurgency can lessons from the Huk Rebellion apply to Iraq? /." Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA490910.

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17

Kunselman, David E. "Arab-Byzantine War, 629-644 AD." Ft. Leavenworth : Army Command and General Staff College, 2007. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA494014.

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18

Martin, Hugh J. "On Leave." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1615464229027344.

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19

Abonadi, Earl E. K. "Weinberger-Powell and transformation : perceptions of American power from the fall of Saigon to the fall of Baghdad /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Jun%5FAbonadi.pdf.

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20

Hancock, R. M. "Task Force 1/6 in Ramadi a successful tactical-level counterinsurgency campaign /." Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA491157.

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21

Rhidenour, Kayla. "Ideographs, Fragments, and Strategic Absences: An Ideographic Analysis of ." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2008. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc9742/.

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This study examined the ideograph of through an analysis of the Bush Administration's rhetoric as well as visual photographs of Iraqi civilian deaths. The project argues that the psycho-dynamic rhetoric of the Bush Administration during a time of visual censorship lead to the dehumanization of Iraqi civilian deaths during the War in Iraq. The method consisted of a textual analysis of the Bush Administration's rhetoric and continued with a content analysis of news media's photographs. The author argues that critics gain a deeper understanding of the disappearing dead phenomenon of Iraqi civilians by examining ideographic fragments of psycho-dynamic rhetoric.
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22

Kurdy, Mazen. "The Israeli military's key relationship to Hezbollah terror." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2011. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/4958.

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This research examines the establishment and expansion of Hezbollah. It uses a policy perspective in explaining the growth of this organization. Moreover, it focuses on Israel's disproportionate use of force in Lebanon as a major cause behind the very existence of Hezbollah. The analysis of Israeli policy will be done by examining three separate conflicts as case studies. These events are: the 1982 (Peace for Galilee) invasion of Lebanon that helped to create Hezbollah, the 1996 (Operation Grapes of Wrath) Hezbollah-Israeli conflict which served to bolster Hezbollah in Lebanon, and finally the 2006 Hezbollah-Israeli war which solidified Hezbollah as a military force in the region. The first part of the study analyzes the 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon to dismantle PLO bases and the resulting vacuum filled by Hezbollah. In an effort to eliminate Hezbollah, Israel again invaded Lebanon in 1996 allowing Hezbollah to expand its power based in Lebanon by providing a number of services including healthcare, financial services, and construction among others. In 2006, Israel again invaded Lebanon resulting in an increase in weapons shipments and funding to Hezbollah from Syria, Iran and a number of other countries, further increasing danger to Israel. These invasions have served to bolster Hezbollah in Lebanon. The purpose of this thesis is to examine the repercussions of Israeli military invasions in Lebanon.
ID: 030423073; System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.; Mode of access: World Wide Web.; Thesis (M.A.)--University of Central Florida, 2011.; Includes bibliographical references (p. 113-130).
M.A.
Masters
Political Science
Sciences
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23

McCoy, Daniel D. "‘Our Responsibility and Privilege to Fight Freedom’s Fight’: Neoconservatism, the Project for the New American Century, and the Making of the Invasion of Iraq in 2003." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2016. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/2177.

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The Project for the New American Century (PNAC) was a neoconservative Washington, D.C. foreign policy think tank, comprised of seasoned foreign policy stalwarts who had served multiple presidential administrations as well as outside-the-beltway defense contractors, that was founded in 1997 by William Kristol, editor of the conservative political magazine The Weekly Standard, and Robert Kagan, a foreign policy analyst and political commentator currently at the Brookings Institution. The PNAC would shut down its operations in 2006. Using The Weekly Standard as its mouthpiece, the PNAC helped foment support for the removal of Iraqi president Saddam Hussein beginning in 1998, citing Iraq’s noncooperation with UN weapons inspections. The PNAC became further emboldened in its urgency and rhetoric to quell the geopolitical risk posed by Hussein after the 9/11 terror attacks. The only justifiable response the George W. Bush Administration could play in thwarting Hussein, the PNAC argued, involved a military action. Keywords: The Project for the New American Century; Iraq War; Saddam Hussein; The Weekly Standard; The Vulcans; weapons of mass destruction
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24

Anwar, Sarosh. "The Effect of the European External Action Service on the Coherence of the Common Foreign and Security Policy on the Vertical Dimension: A Comparative Analysis of the 2003 Iraq War and the 2011 Military Intervention in Libya." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22932.

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How has the EEAS affected, if in any way, the coherence of the CFSP on the vertical dimension in security and defence matters? In this thesis I answer this research question in order to draw a conclusion on the affect of the EEAS on the cooperation and coordination of the MS with and within the CFSP in security and defence matters. Coherence within the EU’s foreign policy is an issue that its leaders have emphasized on developing for more than four decades. The introduction of the EEAS through the Lisbon Treaty in 2009 is perceived to enhance the cooperation and coordination of the MS with and within the CFSP, as well as coordinate the actions of the MS outside the boundaries of the EU. By conducting a multiple case study, in this thesis I compare how the most powerful MS: the UK, France, and Germany, interacted with and within the CFSP in the 2003 Iraq War, and the 2011 military intervention in Libya. Relatedly, a qualitative content analysis approach is applied in order to uncover all relevant information from the primary and secondary literature concerning the two cases. In contrast to most of the previous studies conducted on this topic, I combine and apply the theoretical perspectives of liberal institutionalism and social constructivism in order to explain and explore the phenomenon under investigation. Conclusively, this thesis suggests that the coherence of the CFSP on the vertical dimension in security and defence matters has not been affected in any way after the EEAS has been implemented in the CFSP. This is due to the inherent characteristic of the MS of always prioritizing their national interests, determined by their value-based normative ideas gained through social interaction, before a collective, effective, and coherent CFSP in defence and security terms.
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25

Aktepy, Sarah Louise. "A RHETORIC OF BETRAYAL: MILITARY SEXUAL TRAUMA AND THE REPORTED EXPERIENCES OF OPERATION ENDURING FREEDOM AND OPERATION IRAQI FREEDOM WOMEN VETERANS." Thesis, Connect to resource online, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/2118.

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Thesis (M.A.)--Indiana University, 2010.
Title from screen (viewed on April 1, 2010). Department of Sociology, Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI). Advisor(s): Carol Brooks Gardner, Carrie E. Foote, Lynn M. Pike. Includes vitae. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 69-74).
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26

Tonkin, Hannah Jane. "States' international obligations to control private military & security companies in armed conflict." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1658758a-481a-4f1c-83c0-2ef269a78778.

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Tens of thousands of contractors work for private military and security companies (PMSCs) in armed conflicts around the world, often hired by states to fulfil functions that were once the exclusive domain of the armed forces. In this context, PMSCs have performed a wide range of activities including offensive combat, prisoner interrogation, military advice and training, armed security, intelligence and logistics. The proliferation of PMSCs during the past two decades has challenged conventional conceptions of the state as the primary holder of coercive power in the international arena. Nonetheless, this Thesis argues that the traditional state-centred frameworks of international law remain vitally relevant to the regulation of private security activity in contemporary armed conflict. Three states are in a strong position to influence PMSCs in this context—the state that hires the PMSC, the state in which the company is based or incorporated, and the state in which the company operates—and this capacity for influence enables international law to regulate PMSC activities indirectly using these states as an intermediary. This Thesis critically analyses the pertinent international obligations on these three categories of states and identifies the circumstances in which PMSC misconduct may give rise to state responsibility in each case. It also examines the recent practice of certain key states in order to evaluate their compliance with these obligations. By providing a clear and in-depth analysis of states' international obligations to control PMSCs in armed conflict, this Thesis may not only facilitate the assessment of state responsibility in cases of PMSC misconduct; it may also play an important prospective role in setting standards of conduct for states in relation to the private security industry. This in turn may encourage and assist states to develop their domestic laws and policies in order to improve overall PMSC compliance with international law.
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27

Nichols, Jennifer Lynn. "Motivation and Affective Variables in Arabic Language Learning for Iraq War Veterans: Language Learning Experiences Inside and Outside the Classroom." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1274056937.

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28

Taillat, Stéphane. ""L'impuissance de la puissance ?" : l'action des militaires américains en Irak (2003-2008)." Phd thesis, Université Paul Valéry - Montpellier III, 2013. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00834637.

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L'invasion et l'occupation de l'Irak ont montré les capacités des Etats-Unis de renverser un ordre politique, et les difficultés d'en construire un à leur profit. Le postulat de départ de la présente recherche consiste à s'interroger sur les effets produits par la présence américaine en Irak. Ceux-ci ne peuvent être analysés indépendamment des logiques qui en sont à l'origine ni de l'interaction avec de multiples acteurs. C'est donc à une analyse stratégique que cette interrogation invite : analyse du raisonnement, de l'articulation entre fins, voies et moyens, mais aussi de l'interdépendance entre les actions américaines et celles des acteurs irakiens. A cette aune, l'histoire militaire devient l'occasion d'une étude sociologique de l'utilisation de la force ainsi que des rapports entre sphères politiques et militaires. D'autre part, l'inscription des actions militaires dans un contexte sociopolitique dynamique porte à se poser la question du rôle joué par la coercition dans l'établissement d'un ordre politique au niveau local. Plus largement enfin, cette thèse interroge les prétentions des Etats occidentaux et de la communauté internationale à promouvoir un ordre libéral dans un contexte de consolidation de l'Etat.
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Prentice, David L. "Getting Out: Melvin Laird and the Origins of Vietnamization." Ohio : Ohio University, 2008. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1226597455.

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30

Gomes, Jenna M. "The Things He Left Behind." University of Dayton / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=dayton1525359214648996.

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31

Bricet, des Vallons Georges-Henri. "L’entreprise de guerre au XXIe siècle : Les sociétés militaires privées dans la politique étrangère et la stratégie militaire des Etats-Unis." Thesis, Paris 5, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA05D001.

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Les guerres d’Irak et d’Afghanistan ont vu la réapparition massive de sociétés de mercenariat d’un nouveau genre.Le mercenariat occidental est ainsi passé en moins de vingt ans de structures artisanales, arrimées à la politiquepost-coloniale des grandes puissances, à un stade professionnel et industriel tendant à une transnationalisationcroissante de ses activités. Des bavures de la célèbre Blackwater à l’implication d’employés de CACI dans lescandale de la torture au sein de la prison d’Abu Grahib, en passant par les activités de la tentaculaire Aegis, lessociétés militaires privées, omniprésentes sur le champ de bataille, ont rythmé et marqué le récit de ces guerresmajeures du début du XXIe siècle. Fait crucial : c’est la première fois dans l’histoire des opérations militairesaméricaines qu’on assiste à un basculement de la démographie des forces en faveur du secteur privé. Produit del’économie de guerre permanente et ramifications expéditionnaires du complexe militaro-industriel, ces sociétésreprésentent un changement d’expression de la puissance militaire étatsunienne sans précédent. Cettemercenarisation de l’american way of war est désormais une tendance structurelle de la politique étrangère del’Empire et pourrait bien révolutionner à terme le visage même de la guerre. Cette thèse trace le récit historique deces armées privées, décrit les conditions politiques qui ont permis à ce nouveau marché de la guerre d’émerger etse propose d’analyser la portée sociopolitique de ce phénomène de mondialisation de la violence privée quant à laquestion de l’Etat. Cette question du retour du mercenariat à grande échelle dans la politique étrangère des Etats-Unis permet non seulement de former une hypothèse aiguë sur le déclin de la puissance militaire américaine maisaussi sur les évolutions de l’identité sociohistorique du monopole de la violence étatique
Iraq and Afghanistan Wars have seen a massive return of mercenary companies of a new genre. The Westernmercenaries have transformed in less than twenty years from craft structures, linked to the post-colonial politics ofgreat powers, to a professional and industrial stage that tends to a growing transnationalization of their activities.From the blunders of the famous Blackwater to the involvement of CACI’s employees in the torture scandal inAbu Ghraib prison, through the activities of the sprawling Aegis, private military companies, everywhere on thebattlefield, have marked and labeled the story of these major wars of the early twenty-first Century. Crucial fact:this is the first time in the history of U.S. military operations that we are witnessing a shift in the demographics offorces in favor of the private sector. Product of the permanent war economy and overseas branches of themilitary-industrial complex, these companies represent an unprecedented change in expression of U.S. militarypower. This mercenarization of the American way of war is now a structural trend of the foreign policy of theEmpire and could eventually revolutionize the face of the war. This thesis traces the history of these privatearmies, described the political conditions that led to the birth of this new market of war, and analyzes the scope ofthis sociopolitical phenomenon of globalization of private violence. This return of mercenaries on a large scale inthe foreign policy of the United States not only help to form a decisive hypothesis on the decline of Americanmilitary power but also on the socio-historical changes of the identity of the State monopoly of violence
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32

Henrotin, Joseph W. C. H. G. "Hypertrophie de la stratégie des moyens et révolution dans les affaires militaires: la technologisation, dérive de l'innovation dans le discours politico-stratégique américan ?" Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210564.

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Evaluation des mutations de la stratégie politico-militaire américaine depuis l'occurrence de la Revolution in Military Affairs jusqu'au processus actuel de "Transformation". L'analyse des évolutions vues - y compris à l'aune des opérations menées en Afghanistan et en Irak - montre, au delà du phénomène de technicisation (i.e. le processus d'intégration de nouvelles technologies aux armées) un phénomène de "technologisation".

Dans ce cadre, le discours stratégique américain, examiné au travers des débats stratégiques et des contributions doctrinales, tendrait à être sur-déterminé par la technologie, du niveau tactique au niveau politique, de sorte que ledit discours tendrait à devenir en soi une technologie.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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33

Tsukayama, John K. "By any means necessary : an interpretive phenomenological analysis study of post 9/11 American abusive violence in Iraq." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/4510.

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This study examines the phenomenon of abusive violence (AV) in the context of the American Post-9/11 Counter-terrorism and Counter-insurgency campaigns. Previous research into atrocities by states and their agents has largely come from examinations of totalitarian regimes with well-developed torture and assassination institutions. The mechanisms influencing willingness to do harm have been examined in experimental studies of obedience to authority and the influences of deindividuation, dehumanization, context and system. This study used Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) to examine the lived experience of AV reported by fourteen American military and intelligence veterans. Participants were AV observers, objectors, or abusers. Subjects described why AV appeared sensible at the time, how methods of violence were selected, and what sense they made of their experiences after the fact. Accounts revealed the roles that frustration, fear, anger and mission pressure played to prompt acts of AV that ranged from the petty to heinous. Much of the AV was tied to a shift in mission view from macro strategic aims of CT and COIN to individual and small group survival. Routine hazing punishment soldiers received involving forced exercise and stress positions made similar acts inflicted on detainees unrecognizable as abusive. Overt and implied permissiveness from military superiors enabled AV extending to torture, and extra-judicial killings. Attempting to overcome feelings of vulnerability, powerlessness and rage, subjects enacted communal punishment through indiscriminate beatings and shooting. Participants committed AV to amuse themselves and humiliate their enemies; some killed detainees to force confessions from others, conceal misdeeds, and avoid routine paperwork. Participants realized that AV practices were unnecessary, counter-productive, and self-damaging. Several reduced or halted their AV as a result. The lived experience of AV left most respondents feeling guilt, shame, and inadequacy, whether they committed abuse or failed to stop it.
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34

Phakathi, Mlungisi Surprise. "The United Nations Charter and military interventionism : the case of Iraq, 2003." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/10604.

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The United Nations Charter clearly forbids the use of force by one state against the territorial integrity of another state. The only two exceptions are self-defense or actions authorized by the United Nations Security Council. The 2003 intervention of Iraq by Coalition forces testes the resolve of the Charter and the United Nations system as a whole. The need to assess the legality and the effect of the Coalition’s intervention became a matter of interest to international relations scholars. This study uses the Just War Theory to make this assessment, with particular emphasis on the somewhat neglected jus in bello and jus post bellum elements. This study argues that the intervention by Coalition forces did not meet the requirements of a justified intervention as set out in the Just War Theory. This study has also found that the main reason for unlawful interventions is the existence of the veto in the SC. To limit unsanctioned interventions the veto should be scraped and there should be an attitude change within the Security Council, they should not view the democratization of the SC as an enemy, they should view it as an opportunity to save the UN system.
Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2013.
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35

McGinty, Karen Davis. "Having our say stressors and readjustment issues of veterans of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan from the perspective of loved ones : a project based upon an independent investigation /." 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10090/9906.

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36

Ochoa, Susana. "An exploratory study Hispanic/Latino OEF/OIF U.S. military veterans readjusting post deployment : a project based upon an independent investigation /." 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10090/9830.

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37

Messier, Louis. "Comment les armées innovent en temps de guerre : les États-Unis en Irak, 2003-2007." Thèse, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/8330.

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Ce mémoire porte sur la question de l’innovation militaire en temps de guerre et plus particulièrement sur la transition de la guerre conventionnelle vers la contre-insurrection des forces armées américaines au cours de la guerre d’Irak. Cette transition est un cas d’innovation militaire intéressant puisqu’il s’agit d’un changement radical dans les pratiques militaires de l’Armée américaine et du Corps des marines particulièrement parce qu’ils ont régulièrement tenté d’éviter les missions de contre-insurrection au cours de leur histoire. Cette recherche tentera d’expliquer comment les forces américaines ont innové au cours de la guerre d’Irak Nous considérons que le passage de la guerre conventionnelle à la contre-insurrection des forces américaines est le résultat d’un processus d’innovation militaire en temps de guerre qui se produit simultanément à partir de la base et du sommet de l’organisation militaire américaine. Tout d’abord, à la base, nous estimons que les unités américaines de l’Armée et des marines ont développé de nouvelles capacités de contre-insurrection à la suite d’un processus d’exploration de nouvelles tactiques et de nouvelles techniques sur le champ de bataille. Ensuite, à partir du sommet, nous croyons que la contre-insurrection est le résultat d’un changement stratégique au niveau des opérations des forces américaines. Ce mémoire est divisé en quatre chapitres. Le premier est consacré aux modèles théoriques d’innovation militaire. Le deuxième présente un aperçu de la guerre d’Irak de 2003 à 2007. Les chapitres 3 et 4 analysent respectivement la contre-insurrection comme un processus d’innovation militaire par la base et par le sommet.
This master is about wartime military innovation and more precisely about the transition of the US armed forces from conventional warfare to counterinsurgency during the Iraq war. This case of military innovation is interesting because it marks a radical change in the practices of the US Army and the US Marine Corps all the more so as they both have been frequently trying to avoid counterinsurgency missions in their history. This research will try to explain how the US armed forces have innovated in the Iraq war. We consider that the transition from conventional warfare to counterinsurgency is the result of a process of innovation produced simultaneously at the bottom and at the top of the US military. First of all, from the bottom-up, we think that units from the Army and the marines have developped new counterinsurgency capacities following an exploration process of new tactics and techniques on the battlefield. Then, from the top-down, we believe that counterinsurgency is the consequence of a strategic change in the operations of the Army and the marines. This research will be divided in four chapters. The first chapter is devoted to the military innovation models. The second chapter will present a brief narrative of the Iraq war from 2003 to 2007. Chapters 3 and 4 will offer an analysis of the counterinsurgency innovation process respectively from the bottom-up and the top-down.
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Dumais, Véronique. "Les processus décisionnels de l’intervention militaire au Canada (1990-2003) : une approche réaliste néoclassique." Thèse, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/4197.

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La décision d’intervenir militairement ou non dans un conflit est certainement l’une des plus importantes qu’un État puisse prendre. Ces décisions sont coûteuses et très prégnantes tant au plan financier, politique que social. La recherche exposée vise à analyser les processus décisionnels canadiens en matière d’intervention militaire lors de la guerre du Golfe, la guerre en Afghanistan ainsi que la guerre en Irak. Le Canada est un cas très intéressant à étudier, car malgré son statut de puissance moyenne, il a pris part à sept conflits armés depuis 1867. Cette recherche tentera donc de déterminer ce qui motive le Canada à investir des ressources financières et humaines dans certains conflits, alors qu’il choisit de ne pas s’impliquer dans d’autres. Certaines théories des relations internationales affirment que la politique de défense des États est guidée par le désir de maximiser leur puissance sur la scène internationale. D’autres théories mettent plutôt l’accent sur les valeurs des États, ou bien sur leur intégration dans des institutions internationales. Ces différentes hypothèses soulèvent l’importance des facteurs internes et externes, mais ne permettent pas de savoir lesquels priment. Ainsi, grâce à un modèle de prise de décision réaliste néoclassique, synthétisant ces deux types de facteurs, il est possible de déterminer lesquels des éléments internes (contraintes de politique interne, perception des dirigeants) ou externes (position relative du Canada dans le système international) prédominent lors de la décision d’entrer ou non en guerre.
The decision to intervene militarily or not in a conflict is certainly one of the most important a government can take. These decisions are extremely significant financially, politically and socially costly. The research presented in this document analyzes decision-making processes in Canada during the Gulf War, the war in Afghanistan and the war in Iraq. Canada is a very interesting case to study because despite its middle power status, it took part in seven armed conflicts since September 1867. This research will therefore try to identify the reasons for Canada to invest financial and human resources in some conflicts, while it chooses not to get involved in others. Some theories of international relations argue that the defence policy of states is guided by the desire to maximize their power on the international stage. Other theories will instead focus on values or norms internalized by states, or their integration into international institutions. These different assumptions raise the importance of internal and external factors, but do not tell which will prevail. Thus, using a neoclassical realism model of decision making synthesizing these two factors, it will be possible to determine which internal (internal policy constraints, perceptions of managers) or external factors (Canada's relative position in the international system) dominate in the decision to go to war.
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McCarthy, Michael Damian. "The psychometric properties and clinical utility of the Air Force Post-Deployment Health Reassessment (PDHRA) for airmen with posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) or depression." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2011-05-2697.

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Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF) (Afghanistan) and Operation Iraqi Freedom (OIF) represent one of the longest wartime deployments in the history of the American military. To date, 1.6 million American military members have deployed. Of these, an estimated 300,000 have returned with a mental health condition, such as depression or PTSD. The Department of Defense has established a robust screening program to identify and track deployment-related physical and psychiatric illnesses. The Post-Deployment Health Reassessment (PDHRA) is a primary tool to identify physical and psychiatric risk following a deployment. The PDHRA is a web-based survey, which is administered between 90-180 days after a deployment. This study seeks to evaluate the psychometric properties and clinical utility of the Post-Deployment Health Reassessment (PDHRA) for accurately identifying truama and depression among Airmen following a deployment. Descriptive statistics, confirmatory factor analysis and structural equation modeling were used to address separate research aims. Study aims assessed the impact of deployment on military members and the clinical utility and psychometric properties of the Post-Deployment Health Reassessment. Findings suggest that the Post-Deployment Health Reassessment is a useful triage tool to identify trauma and depression among Airmen following deployment. The study makes recommendations for improving the clinical utility and psychometric properties of the Post-Deployment Health Reassessment (PDHRA).
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