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Zweig, Michael. "Iraqi Unions and Their American Labor Allies." International Labor and Working-Class History 78, no. 1 (2010): 132–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547910000207.
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Since the start of the Iraq war in 2003, images of suicide bombings, religious violence, and general chaos have come to mind when most Americans have thought about Iraq. Counterposed are thoughts of US military efforts to separate the combatants and restore order. Whether one has supported or opposed the US actions in Iraq, the actual Iraqi people, almost all of them ordinary working people, remain remote and unknown.
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Turner, Mark A., Mathew D. Kiernan, Andrew G. McKechanie, Peter J. C. Finch, Frank B. McManus, and Leigh A. Neal. "Acute military psychiatric casualties from the war in Iraq." British Journal of Psychiatry 186, no. 6 (June 2005): 476–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/bjp.186.6.476.
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BackgroundThe view that most military personnel evacuated from war zones are suffering from combat stress reactions, or are otherwise traumatised by the horrors of war, has an impact on all aspects of military psychiatry.AimsTo delineate the reasons for psychiatric aeromedical evacuation from Iraq from the start of build-up of UK forces in January 2003 until the end of October that year, 6 months after the end of formal hostilities.MethodA retrospective study was conducted of field and in-patient psychiatric assessments of 116 military personnel evacuated to the UK military psychiatric in-patient facility in Catterick Garrison.ResultsEvacuees were mainly non-combatants (69%). A significant proportion were in reserve service (21%) and had a history of contact with mental health services (37%). Only 3% had a combat stress reaction. In over 85% of cases evacuation was for low mood attributed to separation from friends or family, or difficulties adjusting to the environment.ConclusionsThese findings have implications especially for screening for suitability for deployment, and for understanding any longer-term mental health problems arising in veterans from Iraq.
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Adhraa AbdulHussein Naser, Dr. "Iraq Wars: From A literary text to Social Context." لارك 3, no. 46 (June 30, 2022): 45–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31185/lark.vol3.iss46.2548.
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This article investigates Iraq wars presentation in literature and media. The first section investigates the case of the returnees from the war and their experience, their trauma and final presentation of that experience. The article also investigates how trauma and fear is depicted to create an optimized image and state of fear that could in turn show Iraqi society as a traumatized society. Critics such as Suzie Grogan believes that the concept of trauma could expand to influence societies rather than one individual after exposure to trauma of being involved in wars and different major conflicts. This is reflected in Iraq as a country that was subjected to six comprehensive conflicts in its recent history, i.e. less than half a century; these are the Iraq-Iran war, the first Gulf war, the economic sanctions, the second Gulf war 2003, the civil war, and the wars of liberation against ISIS.
The second section investigates Franco Moretti's theory of the Dialectic of Fear and the implication of this hypothesis of stereotyping on the Iraq war and its transformation from an anomaly expressed issue in the media and creative texts to a social reality that is measured by presenting what is not acceptable as an acceptable pattern in the case of war and shock between Iraq and the wars that took place in the west, and the extent of its impact on the protraction of the state of social trauma suffered by Iraqis, who are still suffering under the effects of prolonged political conflicts even after the end of military field conflicts.
The research sheds the light on studies such as the Dialectic of Fear by Franco Moretti, Risk Society by Ulrich Beck and Oh My God: Diaries of American Soldiers in Mesopotamia edited and translated by Buthaina Al-Nasiri.
Key words: Iraqi war, trauma, risk society, social context, stereotyping.
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Simons, Greg. "Hard and Soft Power Approaches to Armed Conflicts: The United States in Iraq and Russia in Syria." Russia in Global Affairs 19, no. 2 (2021): 86–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.31278/1810-6374-2021-19-2-86-110.
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Armed conflicts are generally associated with the use of hard power for coercing and forcing an opponent to do something against its will in a situation where war is an extension of politics. However, there are many scholarly observations about the important role of soft power in armed conflicts, the interaction between hard and soft power, and the effects on one another within the framework of an armed conflict. This paper explores two specific armed conflicts, the 2003 U.S.-led military intervention in Iraq and the 2015 Russian intervention in Syria. Various aspects of hard and soft power approaches are discussed, and the outcome of military operations for the national soft power potential is analyzed. The results of the study show that whereas the Iraq War came as a disaster for the U.S., the military operation in Syria—despite dire predictions—created strengths and opportunities for Russia in international relations.
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Swed, Ori, Jae Kwon, Bryan Feldscher, and Thomas Crosbie. "The Corporate War Dead: New Perspectives on the Demographics of American and British Contractors." Armed Forces & Society 46, no. 1 (December 5, 2018): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x18811375.
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From an obscure sector synonymous with mercenaryism, the private military and security industry has grown to become a significant complementing instrument in military operations. This rise has brought with it a considerable attention. Researchers have examined the role of private military and security companies in international relations as well as the history of these companies, and, above all, the legal implications of their use in the place of military organizations. As research progresses, a significant gap has become clear. Only a handful of studies have addressed the complex of issues associated with contractors’ demographics and lived experience. This article sheds some light over this lacuna, examining contractors’ demographics using descriptive statistics from an original data set of American and British contractors who died in Iraq between the years 2003 and 2016. The article augments our understanding of an important population of post-Fordist-contracted workforce, those peripheral workers supplementing military activity in high-risk occupations with uncertain long-term outcomes.
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Vasterling, Jennifer J., Mihaela Aslan, Lewina O. Lee, Susan P. Proctor, John Ko, Shawna Jacob, and John Concato. "Longitudinal Associations among Posttraumatic Stress Disorder Symptoms, Traumatic Brain Injury, and Neurocognitive Functioning in Army Soldiers Deployed to the Iraq War." Journal of the International Neuropsychological Society 24, no. 4 (December 4, 2017): 311–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1355617717001059.
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AbstractObjectives: Military deployment is associated with increased risk of adverse emotional and cognitive outcomes. Longitudinal associations involving posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), relatively mild traumatic brain injury (TBI), and neurocognitive compromise are poorly understood, especially with regard to long-term outcomes, and rigorous research is necessary to better understand the corresponding relationships. The objective of this study was to examine short-term and long-term (>5 years) longitudinal associations among PTSD, neurocognitive performance, and TBI following military deployment. Methods: In this prospective study, N=315 U.S. Army soldiers were assessed at military installations before (2003–2005) and after (2004–2006) an index deployment to the Iraq War, and again an average of 7.6 years later (2010–2014) as a nationally dispersed cohort of active duty soldiers, reservists, and veterans. Thus, the study design allowed for two measurement intervals over which to examine changes. All assessments included the PTSD Checklist, civilian version, and individually-administered performance-based neurocognitive tests. TBI history was derived from clinical interview. Results: Autoregressive analyses indicated that visual reproduction scores were inversely related to subsequent PTSD symptom severity at subsequent assessments. Conversely, increases in PTSD symptom severity over each measurement interval were associated with poorer verbal and/or visual recall at the end of each interval, and less efficient reaction time at post-deployment. TBI, primarily mild in this sample, was associated with adverse PTSD symptom outcomes at both post-deployment and long-term follow-up. Conclusions: These results suggest longitudinal relationships among PTSD symptoms, TBI, and neurocognitive decrements may contribute to sustained emotional and neurocognitive symptoms over time. (JINS, 2018, 24, 311–323)
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Rossiter, Alicia Gill, Rita D'Aoust, and Michaela R. Shafer. "Military Serving at What Cost? The Effects of Parental Service on the Well-Being Our Youngest Military Members." Annual Review of Nursing Research 34, no. 1 (January 2016): 109–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0739-6686.34.109.
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Since the onset of war in Iraq and Afghanistan in April 2002, much attention has been given to the effect of war on servicemen and servicewomen who have now been serving in combat for over thirteen years, the longest sustained war in American history. Many service members have served multiple tours in Iraq and Afghanistan and suffered from the visible and invisible wounds of war. Much work has been done in the Veterans Administration, the Department of Defense, and the civilian sector after observing the effects of multiple deployments and overall military service on the service member. A survey of the literature revealed that the ethics of conducting research on programs to assist these brave men and women is fraught with ethical concerns based on a military culture that often precludes autonomy and privacy. While strides have been made in developing strategies to assist service members deal with their military service issues, a serious lack of information exists on the impact of a parent's service on the health and well-being of military children. A discussion of current research on services for children is presented with an analysis of the ethical problems that have precluded adequate study of those who need society's help the most.
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THOMAS, TIMOTHY L. "‘The War in Iraq’: An Assessment of Lessons Learned by Russian Military Specialists Through 31 July 2003." Journal of Slavic Military Studies 17, no. 1 (March 2004): 153–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13518040490440700.
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Rathbun, Brian C. "The Myth of German Pacifism." German Politics and Society 24, no. 2 (June 1, 2006): 68–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503006780681885.
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Germany's behavior during the lead-up to the United States' invasion of Iraq in 2003 seemed to confirm that the country is marked by a strategic culture of pacifism and multilateralism. However, a closer look at German actions and pattern of participation in military operations reveals that German pacifism is a myth. There was no cross party consensus on German foreign policy in the 1990s around a principled opposition to the use of force. Even in the early years after the Cold War, the Christian Democrats began very quickly, albeit deliberatively and often secretively, to break down legal and psychological barriers to the deployment of German forces abroad. Pacifism persisted on the left of the political spectrum but gave way following a genuine ideological transformation brought about by the experience of the Yugoslav wars. The nature of Germany's objection to the Iraq invasion, which unlike previous debates did not make ubiquitous references to German history, revealed how much it has changed since the end of the Cold War. Had the election in 2002 gone differently, Germany might even have supported the actions of the U.S. and there would be little talk today of a transatlantic crisis. It is now possible to treat Germany as a "normal" European power.
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Iversen, A. C., N. T. Fear, A. Ehlers, J. Hacker Hughes, L. Hull, M. Earnshaw, N. Greenberg, R. Rona, S. Wessely, and M. Hotopf. "Risk factors for post-traumatic stress disorder among UK Armed Forces personnel." Psychological Medicine 38, no. 4 (January 29, 2008): 511–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0033291708002778.
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BackgroundThere is considerable interest in understanding further the factors that increase the risk of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) for military personnel. This study aimed to investigate the relative contribution of demographic variables; childhood adversity; the nature of exposure to traumatic events during deployment; appraisal of these experiences; and home-coming experiences in relation to the prevalence of PTSD ‘caseness’ as measured by a score of ⩾50 on the PTSD Checklist (PCL) in UK Armed Forces personnel who have been deployed in Iraq since 2003.MethodData were drawn from the first stage of a retrospective cohort study comparing UK military personnel who were deployed to the 2003 Iraq War with personnel serving in the UK Armed Forces on 31 March 2003 but who were not deployed to the initial phase of war fighting. Participants were randomly selected and invited to participate. The response rate was 61%. We have limited these analyses to 4762 regular service individuals who responded to the survey and who have been deployed in Iraq since 2003.ResultsPost-traumatic stress symptoms were associated with lower rank, being unmarried, having low educational attainment and a history of childhood adversity. Exposure to potentially traumatizing events, in particular being deployed to a ‘forward’ area in close contact with the enemy, was associated with post-traumatic stress symptoms. Appraisals of the experience as involving threat to one's own life and a perception that work in theatre was above an individual's trade and experience were strongly associated with post-traumatic stress symptoms. Low morale and poor social support within the unit and non-receipt of a home-coming brief (psycho-education) were associated with greater risk of post-traumatic stress symptoms.ConclusionsPersonal appraisal of threat to life during the trauma emerged as the most important predictor of post-traumatic stress symptoms. These results also raise the possibility that there are important modifiable occupational factors such as unit morale, leadership, preparing combatants for their role in theatre which may influence an individual's risk of post-traumatic stress symptoms. Therefore interventions focused on systematic preparation of personnel for the extreme stress of combat may help to lessen the psychological impact of deployment.
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Western, Jon. "From Wars of Choice to the Mistakes of Wars: Presidential Decision Making and the Limits of Democratic Accountability." Perspectives on Politics 11, no. 2 (May 21, 2013): 532–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153759271300090x.
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One does not have to look far to see that much of what has been written over the past 10 years reveals a decade filled with US foreign policy missteps, miscues, and failures. Popular books such as Thomas Ricks's Fiasco: The American Military Adventure in Iraq (2006), Jane Mayer's The Dark Side (2008), George Packer's Assassins' Gate (2005), and Bob Woodward's series on “Bush's wars” captured our attention and gave us a first cut on the history of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and the “global war on terror.” These riveting accounts provided rich, descriptive insights and exposed the wide range of ideological and bureaucratic feuding, the breakdown—and often deliberate circumventing—of institutional procedures and organizational practices, and the ad hoc and often chaotic process of policy selection. Embedded throughout these narratives is a broader theme that depicts the past decade as an extraordinary period of American foreign policy excess and a dramatic departure from the past.
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KOWALSKI, Michał. "ANTHROPOLOGY AT WAR. HISTORY AND PRESENT TIME OF INVOLVEMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGISTS IN MILITARY CONFLICTS." Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 163, no. 1 (January 2, 2012): 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0002.3240.
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The US Army officially decided to mobilize anthropologists for the project of the Human Terrain System for counterinsurgency war. Since 2007 the US Department of Defense have been employing social scientists in combat brigades in Iraq and Afghanistan. This decision provoked widespread criticism of the project in the anthropological community. The intense discussion about turning anthropology into a military tool also provokes wider public debate concerning the ethics and current role of anthropology. Various examples taken from the history of anthropology show that more than half of American anthropologists were using their professional skills to advance the war effort during World War II.In this paper the author refers to the discussion connected with the engagement of anthropologists in recent and past wars. He provides examples of such involvement relevant to World War I and II as well as to the time of the Cold War. He shows the ways in which anthropologists were used in military and intelligence operations. The author of the article refers to the famous Franz Boas’s statement from 1919 as the starting point for all the further discussions related to the ethical questions of the engagement of anthropologists in wars. The author considers how the engagement in those wars changed anthropology itself and its Code of Ethics. He points out the ethical implications of such engagement, especially for field relations. Keeping those historical examples of social scientists’ war involvement in mind, the author claims that any application of anthropology in war activities can pose danger to anthropologists and the whole dis-cipline as well.
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SCHERZINGER, MARTIN, and STEPHEN SMITH. "From blatant to latent protest (and back again): on the politics of theatrical spectacle in Madonna’s ‘American Life’." Popular Music 26, no. 2 (May 2007): 211–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143007001274.
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AbstractThis paper explores ambiguities of political resistance and anti-war protest in Madonna’s music video, ‘American Life’. We begin by tracing the history of the making, promotion and eventual withdrawal of the video in the context of the military build-up and media campaign that preceded the American invasion of Iraq in 2003. In these opening sections, we focus in particular on the (perhaps deliberately generated) controversy surrounding the work, and its problematic relationship with contemporary corporate mass media. We then proceed to describe the visual contents of the video, and present three distinct readings of it: first, as a gesture of overt protest against the war; second, as a work that is unaware of the manner in which its signifying textures unwittingly and covertly celebrate the culture it would critique, thus nullifying its overt subversive gesture; and third, as a work that is in fact far more politically resistant than it knows, through an uncanny form of protest that is dependent upon this very complicity.
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Stein, Rebecca L. "SOUVENIRS OF CONQUEST: ISRAELI OCCUPATIONS AS TOURIST EVENTS." International Journal of Middle East Studies 40, no. 4 (November 2008): 647–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743808081531.
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It is perhaps self-evident to suggest that military conquest shares something with tourism because both involve encounters with “strange” landscapes and people. Thus it may not surprise that the former sometimes borrows rhetorical strategies from the latter—strategies for rendering the strange familiar or for translating threatening images into benign ones. There have been numerous studies of this history of borrowing. Scholars have considered how scenes of battle draw tourist crowds, how soldiers' ways of seeing can resemble those of leisure travelers, how televised wars have been visually structured as tourist events (e.g., the 2003 U.S. invasion of Iraq), and how the spoils of war can function as a body of souvenirs. These lines of inquiry expand our understanding of tourism as a field of cultural practices and help us to rethink the parameters of militarism and warfare by suggesting ways they are entangled with everyday leisure practices.
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Seif, Da'na. "Islamic Resistance in Palestine: Hamas, the Gaza War and the Future of Political Islam." Holy Land Studies 8, no. 2 (November 2009): 211–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e1474947509000559.
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The significant events stirring the Middle East can hardly be comprehended without recognising and conceptualising the considerable cultural transformations in the region. Hamas' electoral victory in January 2006 in Palestine, Hizbullah's political and military victory in Lebanon in the July war of the same year, and the instantaneous initiation of Iraqi resistance in April 2003 following the American invasion are neither isolated nor random events but events that require explanation. This paper examines the ‘New Islamic Phenomenon’, the latest reinvention of Islam and the corresponding new trend in political Islam, focusing primarily on the rise of Hamas, in order to explain the region's cultural transformations and consider the future trajectory of political Islam following Israel's war on Gaza. This article sharply distinguishes the new Islamic movements, politically and theologically, from other fundamentalist orientations and agues that the new trend in Islam represents both the new Arab nationalism and a major endeavour in Islamic intellectual and theological renewalism.
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Davis, Rochelle. "The 21st-Century Turn to Culture: American Exceptionalism." International Journal of Middle East Studies 46, no. 4 (October 9, 2014): 794–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743814001111.
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The U.S. Military's turn to culture in the 21st century occurred largely because of its inability to achieve its stated objectives in the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan through conventional military force. Building on a long history of military strategies concerned with the cultural differences of others, the U.S. military crafted a warfighting strategy in 2006 based on a counterinsurgency (COIN) doctrine of using cultural knowledge to battle the enemy. Charting how and why culture was embraced as a 21st-century “weapons system” shows us how technopolitical systems inside the military-industrial complex are envisioned, built, and then dismantled. Close tracking of these changing 21st-century strategies of war reveals, deep within the counterterrorism discourse, a fundamental belief in American exceptionalism. The principle that emerged from this ideological environment is that the enemies to be fought are not only terrorists or the ideologues of al-Qaʿida but also the countries and cultures that produced them. The implementation of this principle, despite its obvious failures, reveals the ideological underpinning that has justified the incredible destruction and securitized implementation of warfighting.
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Efrati, Noga. "THE EFFENDIYYA: WHERE HAVE ALL THE WOMEN GONE?" International Journal of Middle East Studies 43, no. 2 (April 8, 2011): 375–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743811000122.
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In his “Note about the Term Effendiyya in the History of the Middle East” (International Journal of Middle East Studies 41 [2009]: 535–39), Michael Eppel clarifies his own use of effendiyya in an article he wrote for IJMES in 1998. In the 1998 article, Eppel emphasized the value of studying the effendiyya, or what he called the “Westernized middle stratum,” and its dominance in political life to better understand Hashimite Iraq (1921–58). Members of this group, he argued, benefited from modern education and donned Western dress. They were young state employees (officials, teachers, health workers, engineers, and, later, military officers) who adopted Arab nationalism and Pan-Arab ideology as a means to cope with their socioeconomic and political discontent. From the 1930s, Eppel noted, the effendiyya created the radical political atmosphere that lent backing to the “militant-authoritarian trends” that led to the pro-German Rashid ʿAli coup and the war with Britain in 1941. After World War II, they joined with other nationalist forces to lead the 1948 Wathba (uprising) against prolonging the Anglo–Iraqi treaty. In 1958, the army officers among them overthrew the monarchy. This “middle stratum” differed from the Western concept of the “new middle class,” and the indigenous Arabic term effendiyya, as employed by Eppel, endeavored to grasp the essence of this difference. It reflected a common experience that was the result of its members’ similar education, culture, and concerns rather than their economic status, social origins, and type of employment.
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Melnychenko, N. "International legal support of post-conflict settlement (on the example of the UN practice)." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law, no. 69 (April 15, 2022): 451–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2021.69.74.
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The article considers the legitimate possibilities of involving the UN in a post-conflict settlement. The history of formation of the institute of peacebuilding in the system of bodies of this organization is analyzed. Institutional and regulatory mechanisms for the application of peacekeeping operations have been identified. The peculiarities of the creation of the UN police force with the functions of monitoring the observance of the ceasefire regime in conflict zones are revealed. The definition of peacekeeping operations is described and the mechanism of their establishment by the adoption of UN Security Council resolutions is described. The article states that it was the UN that helped end the war in the Congo (1964), Iran and Iraq (1988), El Salvador (1992) and Guatemala (1996). The United Nations has made significant contributions to peace in Mozambique (1994), Sierra Leone (2005), and the declaration of independence of East Timor (2002). If the parties to the conflict do not comply, "all necessary measures" may be taken, including military action as carried out to restore Kuwait's sovereignty (1991), to deliver humanitarian aid to Somalia (1992), to restore the democratically elected Government of Haiti (1994) or to restore peace and security in East Timor in 1999.
It is determined that in the practice of the UN such means of peacekeeping as preventive diplomacy, peace-making, peace-keeping, peace-keeping, peace-enforcement and peacebuilding in the post-conflict period have been formed. -building). The article focuses on the Peacebuilding Commission, which serves as an intermediate link between peacekeeping and post-conflict operations. The main tasks of the Commission are to establish links between all parties to coordinate actions and ensure genuine post-conflict activities. Currently, several countries are on the agenda of the Peacebuilding Commission: Burundi, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Sierra Leone, and the Central African Republic.
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HASKELL, THOMAS. "MODERNIZATION ON TRIAL." Modern Intellectual History 2, no. 2 (August 2005): 235–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244305000417.
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Once again, the United States is at war. Just as in the 1960s and 1970s, the battlefield is halfway around the globe in a third world country. The deployment of military force is again justified partly in terms of national interest, but also in terms of bringing modernity, freedom and prosperity to a people whose society can be described in terms such as “traditional,” “despotic,” “backward,” “undemocratic,” and/or “underdeveloped.” The exact meaning of the polar opposition signaled by the words “modern” and “traditional” is, like all politically charged terms, subject to debate and far from stable, but the polarity has figured importantly in international affairs ever since the end of World War II, and its salience was sharply heightened by the suicidal attack on New York's World Trade Center in September, 2001. That tragedy, together with the erratic bellicosity of the American response—directed not solely at the perpetrator, Al Quaeda, but also at Saddam Hussein's cruel dictatorship in Iraq—put modernization back in the headlines for the first time since 1975, when the United States pulled out of Vietnam in defeat. With the return of modernization comes the vexing problem of what to make of differences between “us” and “them.” What ethical obligations do scholars have in a world increasingly crowded with people who are eager to sacrifice lives—their own or others'—for the sake either of preserving tradition, or of hastening the triumph of modernity? Most pressing of all, given the potentially civilizational scale of the conflict, is another integrally related question: what does the future hold for ethnocentrism?
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PETENER, Zrinko. "ASSYMETRIC WARFARE - NOT EVERY WAR HAS TO END?" Security and Defence Quarterly 2, no. 11 (June 30, 2016): 30–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0010.5634.
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The study of warfare, throughout its history, as well as efforts to legally regulate the resort to war and the conduct of war, were concentrated exclusively on one form of warfare - interstate conflict. Only since the terrorist attacks on Washington and New York in 2001 and the following ‘Global War on Terrorism’ has a discussion on a potentially new kind of warfare - asymmetric warfare - moved into the spotlight. Despite all the scientific attention, the concept of asymmetric warfare remains undefined or ill-defined until today, resulting in a proliferation of its use and limiting its value. Hence, restraint in the use of the term is necessary, in order to reinforce its analytical value and applicability. Defining asymmetric warfare as a conflict among opponents who are so different in their basic features that comparison of their military power is rendered impossible, is such an attempt to limit the term to a substantially new form of warfare, witnessed in a conflict that is often commonly called the Global War on Terrorism. The past two years, since the upsurge of the so-called Islamic State to the forefront of the salafi jihadi movement, have witnessed a significant change in this war. Superficial analysis could lead to the conclusion that the proclamation of the Islamic Caliphate on the territories of Iraq and Syria (for now) seems to have recalibrated this conflict into traditional interstate war again, making the concept of asymmetric warfare obsolete and diminishing it into just a short-term aberration in the history of warfare. Nothing could be further from the truth. The enemy in the Global War on Terrorism was and remains a global and territorially unrestricted ideological movement whose numbers cannot even be estimated, which fights its battles wherever it chooses to, and whose ultimate goal is the annihilation of the international system of sovereign states, not the creation of a new state within this system. The Islamic Caliphate in its current boundaries is nothing more than the “model Islamic state”, as envisioned by Osama bin Laden in his 1996 fatwa as part of Al Qaeda’s 200 year plan for the establishment of God’s Islamic World Order. This grand strategy is the guiding blueprint of the salafi jihad that is waged against the Westphalian state system in a war that is truly asymmetric. We have to adjust to this strategic asymmetry if we are to prevail in this struggle, fighting a long war against an indefinable enemy on battlefields that are still unknown.
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Nabożny, Marcin. "Recenzja: Jack Fairweather, “The Volunteer: One Man, an Underground Army, and the Secret Mission to Destroy Auschwitz”, Harpercollins Publishers, New York 2019, pp. 505, ISBN 978-0-06-256141-1." Resovia Sacra 28 (December 31, 2021): 881–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.52097/rs.2021.881-885.
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One man, an underground army, and the secret dogged mission to destroy Auschwitz tells the story of a Polish resistance fighter’s deliberate infiltration of Auschwitz to sabotage the camp from inside, and his struggles up until his death. He defied the odds of suppression as he attempted to warn the Allies about the Nazi’s plan for a “final solution” before it was too late.Jack Fairweather is a British journalist and author. He was born in wales and schooled in Oxford University. He was a war correspondent for British troops during the 2003 invasion of Iraq. In one of those days, as Jack and his friend Matt Mc Allester struggled to makes sense of what they had witness in the wars and putting it in a proper report, Jack came to hear about Witold Pilecki for the first time. He got intrigued as to why someone would risk everything to help his fellow man. He was equally struck by how little was known about Witold’s mission to warn the Western Allies of the Nazi’s crimes. Following Jack’s writing on The Volunteer, he was nominated for Costa Book Award 2019 and shortlisted for biography Award. The book “The Volunteer” is both a historical and biological book that was written by Jack Fairweather and published by HarperCollins Publishers, New York in 2019. It tells the history of the holocaust and gives an account of the untold sacrifice how Witold Pilecki, an average man with no great record of military service, staked his life to reveal Nazi’s greatest crimes when others would rather choose to hide. The book is somewhat provocative, suggesting the tragic defeat of Pilecki’s mission had been caused not in Auschwitz or Berlin, but in London and Washington. The book consists of four parts. Includes acknowledgments, short biography people mentioned in the book, notes, select bibliography and index. The publication is enriched by sixteen maps and a large number of black and white photos.
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Byrne, Kevin B. "The Iraq War: A Military History." History: Reviews of New Books 32, no. 3 (January 2004): 92–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2004.10528639.
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Hennessy, Michael A., Williamson Murray, and Robert H. Scales,. "The Iraq War: A Military History." International Journal 59, no. 3 (2004): 735. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40203972.
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Moran, Daniel. "The Iraq War: Strategy, Tactics, and Military Lessons, and: The Iraq War: A Military History (review)." Journal of Military History 68, no. 2 (2004): 661–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.2004.0059.
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Boduszyński, Mieczysław P., Christopher K. Lamont, and Philip Streich. "The Limited Role of the Japanese Military: The 2003 Iraq War and the War on the Islamic State." International Journal of East Asian Studies 10, no. 2 (December 15, 2021): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/ijeas.vol10no2.1.
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What determines Japan's willingness to flex its limited military muscle abroad? While analysts and scholars closely watched Japanese "militarization" under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe (2012-2020), Japan had already deployed its military overseas over a decade ago in support of U.S. operations in Iraq and Afghanistan. By contrast, in 2014, Japan was unwilling to support U.S.-led operations against the Islamic State (ISIL) in Iraq and Syria. This presents a puzzle, as the fight against ISIL offered the kind of international legitimacy that the 2003 Iraq invasion lacked, and Japan traditionally seeks. Moreover, ISIL had killed Japanese citizens. This paper explains Japan's varying policies in Iraq in 2003 and 2014, thereby shedding light on the determinants of Japanese national security policy more generally. Our argument focuses on domestic political factors (especially the pluralist foreign policymaking) and strategic thinking rooted in realism. We argue that Japanese policies are driven by domestic politics, profound suspicions about the utility of military force and fears of becoming entangled in a seemingly never-ending conflict. While Koizumi may have had more room to manoeuvre despite long-standing public opposition to overseas military deployments when he dispatched the SDF to Iraq in 2003, it is precisely such deeply-entrenched popular anathema that many blame for the Liberal Democratic Party's (LDP) historic and devastating loss in the 2009 election. Abe was unwilling to repeat such a risky venture in 2014. We also highlight the role of realist calculations on both Japanese elites and the public, who by 2014 had come to see China rather than state or non-state actors in the Middle East as a primary security threat. We thus confirm Midford's finding that "defensive realism" tends to drive Japanese foreign policy thinking. Japanese citizens are not pacifists, as conventional wisdom might hold. Instead, Japanese public opinion supports the use of minimum military force when and if Japan is attacked to defend Japan's national sovereignty and territory but is much more suspicious of such power when it comes to deployments and the pursuit of other foreign policy goals.
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Vylegzhanin, A. N., Tim Potier, and E. A. Torkunova. "Towards Cementing International Law through Renaissance of the United Nations Charter." Moscow Journal of International Law, no. 1 (July 25, 2020): 6–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/0869-0049-2020-1-6-25.
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INTRODUCTION. This year is the 75-th anniversary of the Great Victory of the Allies – Britain, the Soviet Union and the USA – over Nazi Germany. The most important legal result of this victory has become the Charter of the United Nations – the universal treaty initiated by Great Britain, the Soviet Union and the USA (and later – by China and France) aiming to save succeeding generations from the new world war by establishing United Nations mechanisms to maintain international peace and global security. The UN Charter has since become the foundation of modern international law, respected by States across continents and generations. That seems, however, to begin changing after the collapse of the Warsaw Pact, when its former-members «socialist» European countries (including Bulgaria and Poland) became a part of the Western military bloc – North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). NATO seems to demonstrate now a new attitude to fundamental principles of the UN Charter, first of all, to the principle relating to the use of armed force only according to the UN Charter. NATO States-members launched in 1999 an air campaign against Serbia without authorization by the Security Council; then an ad hoc western coalition, led by the United States, resorted to armed force in 2003 against Iraq and organized in the occupied territory of Iraq the death penalty of the President Saddam Hussein. Even some western European States, France and Germany, first of all opposed such military action of the USA for ignoring the UN Charter. The apparent involvement of the USA in the unconstitutional removal of the Ukrainian President Yanukovich from power in Kiev in 2014 and the subsequent local war between those who recognize such a discharge as legitimate and those who do not (both referring to the right of self-defense) – these facts make the problem of international peace especially urgent. In this political environment, the risks of World War III seem to be increasing. This paper addresses such challenges to modern international law.MATERIALS AND METHODS. Th background of this research is represented by the teachings of distinguished scholars and other specialists in international law, as well as international materials including documents of the international conferences relevant to the topic. Some of such materials are alarming, noting that the international legal system is in danger of collapse and it is doubtful whether an international legal order will be possible in the coming decades at all. Others are not so pessimistic. The analytical framework includes also suggested interpretations of the UN Charter and other international treaties regulating interstate relations in the area of global security. The research is based on a number of methods such as comparative law and history of international law, formal logic, including synthesis of relevant facts and analogy.RESEARCH RESULTS. It is acknowledged that there is a need for a more coherent international legal order, with the system of international law being at its heart. Within the context of applicable principles and norms of international law, this article specifically provides the results of analysis of the following issues:1) centrifugal interpretations of international law as they are reflected in its sources; 2) the need for increasing the role of the UN Charter in the global international legal framework; 3) modern values of the UN Charter as an anti-confusion instrument; 4) the contemporary meaning of the Principles embedded in the UN Charter; 5) comparison of the main principles of international law and general principles of law; 6) jus cogens and the UN Charter.DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS. After discussing the issues noted above, this paper concludes that it is in the interest of the community of states as a whole to clarify the normative structure and hierarchy of modern international law. Greater discipline will need to be demonstrated in the use and classification of principles of international law and general principles of law in the meaning of Article 38 of the ICJ Statute. The content of jus cogens norms most probably will be gradually identified, after diffi lt discussions across the international community, both at interstate level and among academics. At the heart of such discussions may be the conclusion suggested in this paper on the peremptoriness of the principles of the United Nations Charter – Articles 1 and 2. Such an approach will further promote international law at the advanced quality of regulation of international relations and, for the good of all mankind, assist in the establishment of an international environment much more dependent on the rule of law.
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Roberts, Adam. "The End of Occupation: Iraq 2004." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 54, no. 1 (January 2005): 27–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/54.1.27.
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Can a military occupation-and all the responsibilities of an occupying power as laid down in the laws of war—end at a single moment in time, and without the actual departure of the foreign military forces involved? This is the core question posed by the planned twin events of 28 June 2004 in Iraq: (1) the assumption of full authority by the sovereign Interim Government of Iraq, and(2) the proclaimed end of the US-led occupation of Iraq that had begun during the war of March-April 2003.
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Mral, Brigitte. "The Rhetorical State of Alert before the Iraq War 2003." Nordicom Review 27, no. 1 (February 1, 2006): 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/nor-2017-0218.
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Abstract Initiating an attack on another country is always a questionable venture, whether one chooses to call it war or prefers euphemisms such as conflict, incident, action or peacecreating measures. This study examines how the arguments were developed prior to the military actions in Iraq 2003. The events have been presented in vague and often distorted value terms and metaphors where war becomes peace, attacks becomes ‘pre-emptive defence’, military invasion becomes ‘change of regime’, occupation becomes ‘humanitarian intervention’.This study provides a diachronic survey of the chain of events from rhetorical perspectives, as well as a synchronic analysis of recurring rhetorical themes - especially of vague concepts and metaphors. Manipulation and lies has of course always been a basic ingredient of warfare. The question is what approach democratic societies should take in relation to self-evidently deceptive influencing of public opinion; to manipulative rhetoric and destructive propaganda.
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Lia, Brynjar. "A Kurdish al-Qaida? Making Sense of the Ansar al-Islam Movement in Iraqi Kurdistan in the Early 2000s." Religions 13, no. 3 (February 26, 2022): 203. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13030203.
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Initially construed as the vital link between Saddam Husayn’s Iraq and al-Qaida in the runup to the Iraq war, the Ansar al-Islam (AI) group formed in Iraqi Kurdistan in December 2001 has been the subject of intense debate and huge media coverage. In academic research, however, its history, evolution and affiliation have received surprisingly little academic scrutiny. Commonly depicted as an al-Qaida affiliated group or a sub-group controlled by al-Qaida’s emerging organization in Iraq (AQI), the AI group should—this article argues—instead be understood as a strong independent-minded group with an ideology and operational pattern distinct from that of AQI. Although sharing many commonalities, the AI and AQI became de facto rivals, not allies. Contrary to accepted wisdom, the AI and its first successor group remained a distinct Salafi-jihadi insurgent group largely focused on fighting ‘the near enemy’, i.e., Kurdish and Iraqi authorities. It strongly resisted repeated calls for joining al-Qaida’s new umbrella organization in Iraq, the Islamic State of Iraq (ISI) in 2006, and it paid no homage to AQI’s or ISI’s leaders. Also on the international level, the groups were fundamentally different. As opposed to al-Qaida’s terrorist plotting abroad, the AI’s international network were hierarchical structures, geared towards raising logistical and financial support as well as recruitment. The article highlights the need for greater attention to the complexities and nuances in patterns of contacts and cooperation between militant Islamist extremists. Informed by the growing scholarship on the multifaceted nature of contemporary jihadism, its numerous manifestations in local settings, and its strong internal rifts, this paper seeks to redress the early reductionist portrayal of the AI movement.
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Harper, Stephen. "‘Terrible things happen’: Peter Bowker's Occupation and the Representation of the Iraq War in British Television Drama." Journal of British Cinema and Television 10, no. 1 (January 2013): 206–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jbctv.2013.0130.
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Peter Bowker and Laurie Borg's three-part television drama Occupation (2009) chronicles the experiences of three British soldiers involved in the 2003 invasion of Iraq. By means of an historically situated textual analysis, this article assesses how far the drama succeeds in presenting a progressive critique of the British military involvement in Iraq. It is argued that although Occupation devotes some narrative space to subaltern perspectives on Britain's military involvement in Iraq, the production – in contrast to some other British television dramas about the Iraq war – tends to privilege pro-war perspectives, elide Iraqi experiences of suffering, and, through the discursive strategy of ‘de-agentification’, obfuscate the extent of Western responsibility for the damage the war inflicted on Iraq and its population. Appearing six years after the beginning of a war whose prosecution provoked widespread public dissent, Occupation's political silences perhaps illustrate the BBC's difficulty in creating contestatory drama in what some have argued to be the conservative moment of post-Hutton public service broadcasting.
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Mhamdi, Chaker. "Framing “the Other” in Times of Conflicts: CNN’s Coverage of the 2003 Iraq War." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 8, no. 2 (March 28, 2017): 147–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5901/mjss.2017.v8n2p147.
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Abstract This study is explored by a qualitative analysis of visual media practices in times of international conflicts. The analysis focuses on one of the leading sources of television news in the world, namely CNN, during its coverage of the 2003 Iraq War. Due to its national and international character and its popularity in coverage of war and international conflicts, CNN is thought of as a world leader in covering global conflicts. Accordingly, this research is directed toward the ways public perceptions were formed about particular ideas through CNN’s coverage. In order to develop an accurate sense of the programming that aired during the period under study, a qualitative content analysis was conducted in which a selected sample was selected and analyzed. This sample consisted of 20 CNN news stories during the first two months of the 2003 Iraq War. Relying on transcripts and videotapes of the key events of the first two months of the 2003 Iraq War CNN’ such as “Decapitation Strike”, “Shock and Awe”, Toppling of Saddam’s Statue and the bombing of Al Jazeera Office in Iraq, the qualitative analysis aims at discerning intonation, verbal and visual emphases and the subtle cues that are uniquely embedded in the visual medium. The analytical tool that is used to conduct the qualitative analysis of the selected sequences from CNN’s coverage of the 2003 Iraq War is grounded in framing analysis. The content and qualitative framing analysis of the selected sample of the CNN’s news stories about the 2003 Iraq War reveal that CNN echoed the American centered perspectives, aligning with the official war narrative supporting the war cause, and abiding by the U.S. military censorship measures.
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Mackay, Denise, and Margie Comrie. "Testing times: Kiwi journalists and the military." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 14, no. 1 (April 1, 2008): 46–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v14i1.922.
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War correspondents, long the object of popular fascination, have been the focus of academic study since Phillip Knightley published The First Casualty in 1976. While New Zealand journalists did not cover the second Iraq War in 2003, the furore over the US practice of ‘embedding’ journalists was felt in New Zealand. Drawing on in-depth interviews with seven seasoned defence reporters, this article examines the relationship between the New Zealand Army and journalists during times of conflict.
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Peebles, Stacey. "Lines of Sight: Watching War in Jarhead and My War: Killing Time in Iraq." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 124, no. 5 (October 2009): 1662–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2009.124.5.1662.
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Jarhead, Anthony Swofford's 2003 memoir of the Persian Gulf War, and My War: Killing Time in Iraq, Colby Buzzell's 2005 memoir of the Iraq War, emphasize the authors' voyeuristic delight in watching war movies before and during their military service. What follows their enthusiastic consumption of “military pornography,” however, is a crisis of nonidentification and a lingering uncertainty about the significance of war in their own lives. Swofford and Buzzell find that the gaze they initially wielded is turned on them, and in response Swofford roils with sexually coded anger and frustration while Buzzell chooses to amplify his exposure by starting a blog. The two memoirs, then, provide a compelling account of the relation between changing technologies of representation and the experience of postmodern war. These lines of sight, all targeting the spectacle of combat, reveal the contemporary intersections among war, media, and agency.
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Grady, Kate. "Symposium Introduction: The 2003 Iraq War: history, legacy, resistance." London Review of International Law 9, no. 2 (July 1, 2021): 163–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/lril/lrab016.
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MOHAMMED, Raghad Raeed. "Another Acknowledgement on the American Strategy on the War in Iraq." Journal of Economic Development, Environment and People 8, no. 2 (June 12, 2019): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.26458/jedep.v8i2.630.
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The main objective of this article is to describe and evaluate some of the central elements of the US strategy in Iraq, from the beginning of the war to the present. In this case, the term "strategy" refers mainly to the political-military actions directly related to the wider context of the war on terrorism. But the American strategy also involves secondary concerns: those that force the US, as a world power, to have constant commitments and implications in the evolution of the international system.As a result, the US strategy is not just about how the US manages military, anti-terrorist, regional stabilization and nation-building operations in Iraq, but also about how Washington defines its priorities, its political and military actions, and allocates resources not just to achieve the central objectives, but also to solve various side problems of the international scene.When talking about the current situation in Iraq, the starting point of the discussion must be the legitimacy of the US military intervention in 2003. From a strictly legal perspective, as from a strictly moral perspective, the US intervention in Iraq seems not to be legitimate enough. In order to establish a theoretical basis for the US intervention in Iraq, we must analyze the situation through the perspective of realism, as a theory of international relations, and we must recall some of Morgenthau's basic ideas.
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Stewart, Richard W. "Operations Desert Shield and Desert Storm (Part ii)." International Journal of Military History and Historiography 37, no. 1 (May 31, 2017): 58–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24683302-03701005.
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This is the second of two parts of a review article on some of the key historical books written in English on military operations in the Persian Gulf from 1990 to 1991. Where the first part focused on the important operations and technological developments surrounding the air war, this second part discusses those works on the operations of ground (army and marines) and naval forces, professional studies, memoirs, some books on non-u.s. military operations, and finally some general or popular works on the war. Although increasingly viewed, even by historians, as little more than a historical footnote to the tumultuous events in the region after the 9/11 terrorist attacks and the subsequent invasion of Iraq in 2003, studies on the Persian Gulf War, often referred to by their u.s. operational names Operations Desert Shield and Desert Storm, have given us a rich and important literature on the military aspects of the war and the state of the military profession at the end of the Cold War. The Gulf War was viewed at the time as an important test of u.s. political resolve after the retreat from the wars in Southeast Asia in the 1960s and 70s, and an equally important test of the rebirth of the American military. It is more than merely a prequel to later operations in Iraq starting in 2003. The article concludes with a listing of all 60 major works discussed in Parts i and ii.
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Martin, Terry. "Anaesthetic and Intensive Care Reservists Support during the Iraq War." Journal of the Intensive Care Society 4, no. 2 (June 2003): 40–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/175114370300400204.
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By mid January 2003, dozens of doctors, nurses and medics across the Country had received notification of call-up for military service in support of Operation Telic, popularly known as Gulf War 2, the war on Saddam Hussein's Ba'ath party in Iraq. Anaesthetists, intensive care nurses and theatre staff were amongst those who put on uniform and took up arms in support of regular medical personnel in the three services.
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Kraidy, Marwan M. "The Pot of Race War and the Kettle of Holy War." Current History 120, no. 822 (December 21, 2020): 38–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2021.120.822.38.
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Two recent books, one about violent Islamist networks and the other about the white power movement, find that they have some traits in common. The seeds for each were sown by US military interventions from Vietnam to Iraq, and they have both proved adept at adapting media formats for propaganda purposes.
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Bolemanová, Kristína, and Rastislav Kazanský. "The Consequences of the Iraq War – Lesson Learned?" Security Dimensions 26, no. 26 (June 29, 2018): 188–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.7250.
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In his first address to the United Nations in September 2017, the American President Donald Trump blamed North Korea and Iran for developing missiles and nuclear weapons program, suppressing human rights and sponsoring terrorism. He also called Iran a “rogue state” what relived the memories from 2003, when President Bush used similar term of “axis of evil” to describe the regime of Saddam Hussein. Soon after, the US intervened to Iraq to launch a war against terrorism and the Hussein´s undemocratic regime. This article seeks to analyse what impact had the Iraq war on the stability and security of the country and its region. The war in Iraq also teaches us a lesson of how dangerous and counterproductive it can be, when a world superpower labels other country a “rogue state” and decides to fight alleged threats by using military power. If the US President fulfils his promise of “destroying North Korea” if under threat and launching action against its government, it could result in a very similar situation as in Iraq. A creation of another failed state would not only bring more instability but also open new military threats for the US as well as the world economy.
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Maclellan, Nic. "From Fiji to Fallujah: The war on Iraq and the privatisation of Pacific security." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 12, no. 2 (September 1, 2006): 47–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v12i2.862.
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Since the invasion of Iraq in 2003, private security companies from the United Kingdom and United States have been seeking personnel for their operations in the Middle East, and many hundreds of Fijians have signed up. The privatisation of security, a growing trend in the Middle East and Africa, has reached the shores of the South Pacific and governments have little control over former army personnel employed by private military contractors. This article documents the recruitment of Fijian military personnel for service in Iraq and Kuwait, and the casualties that they have faced. The engagement of former military personnel as private military contractors has spilt over into the Pacific as well—from the 1997 Sandline crisis to current events in Bougainville. Since November 2005, the governments of Fiji, Papua New Guinea and Solomon Islands have tried to resolve a crisis caused by the presence of former Fijian soldiers in Bougainville.
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Haesebrouck, Tim. "National Behaviour in Multilateral Military Operations." Political Studies Review 16, no. 2 (April 19, 2016): 102–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929915616288.
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What accounts for the diverging contributions to multinational military operations? Over two decades ago, Bennett, Lepgold and Unger published a seminal study that aimed to explain the division of the burdens of the Desert Storm Coalition. This article reviews four recent monographs on national behaviour in multinational operations against the backdrop of their conclusions. While the four reviewed titles suggest that the bulk of the conclusions of Bennett, Lepgold and Unger’s study hold beyond the scope of the Desert Storm Coalition, each of them also makes a distinct contribution to the literature. Baltrusaitis offers three excellent case studies on burden sharing in the 2003 Iraq War, Davidson provides essential insights on the impact of alliance value and threat and the studies of Auerswald and Saideman and Mello invoke important domestic variables that were not structurally examined by Bennett, Lepgold and Unger. Altogether, the reviewed titles provide convincing explanations for the behaviour of democratic states in US-led operations. Consequently, the article concludes by arguing that the most promising avenue for future research would be to focus on military operations in which the United States has a more limited role and on the contributions of non-democratic states to multinational operations. Auerswald DP and Saideman SM (2014) NATO in Afghanistan: Fighting Together, Fighting Alone. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Baltrusaitis DF (2010) Coalition Politics and the Iraq War: Determinants of Choice. Boulder, CO: First Forum Press. Davidson J (2011) America’s Allies and War: Kosovo, Afghanistan, and Iraq. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Mello P (2014) Democratic Participation in Armed Conflict Military Involvement in Kosovo, Afghanistan and Iraq. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
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Haspel, Michael. "Evangelische Friedensethik nach dem Irakkrieg." Zeitschrift für Evangelische Ethik 47, no. 1 (February 1, 2003): 264–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/zee-2003-0137.
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Abstract The Iraq war poses new challenges for Protestant peace ethics. Starting from an analysis of the document of the Evangelical Church in Germany »Steps on the Way towards Peace« it is argued, that the set of criteria for the legitimate use of military force provided there, is neither consistent nor workable. This seems to result from a misperception of the recent debate on just and limited war-theory. By putting under scrutiny the ethical judgments of the Kosovo, Afghanistan and Iraq war some inconsistency is brought to the surface, as is the need for further development of such criteria. Finally, a concept for peace ethics as ethics of international relations is provided, combining an insitutionalist, a human rights, a cosmopolitan with a just and limited war perspective aiming on the gradual realization of just peace according to the Christian doctrine of reconciliation.
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La Rosa, CPT Rene De. "Reflections on Suffering and Culture in Iraq: An Army Nurse Perspective." International Journal of Human Caring 11, no. 2 (March 2007): 53–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.20467/1091-5710.11.2.53.
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The United States Army (U.S. Army) has a fine tradition of providing healthcare on the battlefield. In March 2003, the United States military (U.S. military) entered the Iraqi theater of operations. Included in the military package were medical “assets” dedicated to sustain the health of the military fighting men and women, as well as the health of Iraqi detainees. Detainee medical care was a completely new setting where American nurses had not practiced before but where they were vitally needed. The purpose of this article is to describe the broad themes of suffering and healing at Abu Ghraib Internment Facility in Iraq and the mutual culture shock experienced by both sides of the war effort.
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Halverscheid, Susanne, and Erich H. Witte. "Justification of War and Terrorism." Social Psychology 39, no. 1 (January 2008): 26–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/1864-9335.39.1.26.
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Abstract. In this study, examples of war and terrorism from both Western and Arab countries were examined with respect to the underlying ethical positions of justifications that have been publicized. In a rating process, we analyzed speeches and explanations of (1) the American government justifying the military strikes in Afghanistan (2001-) and the war in Iraq (2003-), (2) the Red Army Faction justifying terrorist attacks they perpetrated in Germany (1972-1984), (3) the former President of Iraq justifying the war against Iran (1980-1988), and (4) members of Al Qaeda justifying terrorist acts (2001-2004). The ethical justification patterns are presented, compared, and discussed with respect to the influences of culture and type of political violence. The results reveal significant differences between the kinds of aggression as well as between Western and Arab countries, with the cultural factor proving to be more essential.
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Miller, Alisa. "Blogging the Iraq War: Soldiers, Civilians and Institutions." European Journal of Life Writing 8 (May 18, 2019): DM75—DM99. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/ejlw.8.35551.
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This article considers how blogs written about the war in Iraq that began in 2003 have informed public narratives. It examines how so-called citizen journalists were read and presented by established media organisations. It considers what motivated some of the more influential bloggers of the war to engage in life-writing in this particular media, and how they found, read and responded to one another. It details how institutions like the US military reacted to milbloggers, shifting from a phase emphasising discretion and in some instances overt censorship, to viewing them as allies, implicitly and explicitly advancing a view of the war that circumvented critical, civilian media filters. It looks at the balance of coverage of mil and civilian bloggers in the West, and how they and their readers communicated—or failed to communicate—across cultures. Finally, it poses questions about how mediated content complicates notions of 'authentic' war writing.
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MONTGOMERY, BRUCE P. "US Seizure, Exploitation, and Restitution of Saddam Hussein's Archive of Atrocity." Journal of American Studies 48, no. 2 (January 20, 2014): 559–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875813002004.
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In the 2003 invasion of Iraq, US forces seized millions of documents, thousands of audio and video tapes, and hard drives and digital devices from Saddam Hussein's government ministries and other sites. In war, the seizure of enemy documents for military advantage is permissible under the laws of armed conflict. Following their capture, the materials have undergone a process of analysis, triage, exploitation, dissemination, politicization, more analysis, scholarly investigation, and postwar diplomacy. An analysis of these events reveals the scope and nature of US exploitation of enemy documents and media in the Iraq War, the limits of the laws of armed conflict regarding their custody and use, and the complications surrounding their repatriation to Iraq.
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Davidson, Jason W. "In and out of Iraq: A vote-seeking explanation of Berlusconi's Iraq policy." Modern Italy 13, no. 1 (February 2008): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940701765924.
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This article seeks to explain the Iraq policy of Silvio Berlusconi's second government. Why did Berlusconi's Government declare ‘non-belligerency’ when the American-led war with Iraq began in March 2003? Why did the Government send a mission of 3,000 Italian troops to Iraq in April 2003? Why did Berlusconi announce the progressive withdrawal of that contingent in March 2005? This article recognises the Berlusconi Government's ideologically-rooted pro-American tendencies, but draws on liberal international relations theory to stress the importance of the electoral motive to explain the timing and nature of the Government's decisions. As the Italian public was highly critical of the Iraq war, the Berlusconi Government could not actively participate in the war; it had to frame the deployment as a peace mission and had to begin withdrawing Italian troops before Iraq was stable and secure.
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Ayriyan, Radmila S., and Arseniy V. Lepkov. "The US Congress and the Issue of Beginning the Iraq War: the Kurdish Factor in 2002-2003." IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, no. 2 (214) (June 30, 2022): 20–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2022-2-20-27.
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The political discussions in the US Congress on the start of the war in Iraq and the fate of the Kurdish minority in this country are being explored. The arguments of supporters and opponents of the war in Iraq are analyzed through the prism of the Kurdish factor based on the transcripts of the US Congress, as well as materials from hearings in the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. It emphasizes the insignificance of the Kurdish issue in the initial period of discussion (the discussion on giving the US President the right to start military operations in Iraq), and the growing interest of legislators in the fate of the Kurdish population in January-March 2003. It is concluded that for the supporters of the invasion the Kurdish factor became the main one and the stake was placed on the need to overthrow Saddam Hussein because of his cruel attitude towards his own people, and in the camp of the opponents of the war the stake is placed on the thesis that the fate of the Kurds was known in 1980s but no one then decided to provide them with military support. The problem of double standards in American foreign policy towards both the Kurds, US allies in the region, and Saddam Hussein was first identified by the US Congress in 2003.
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Rice, D. Andy. "Weaponizing Affect: A Film Phenomenology of 3D Military Training Simulations during the Iraq War." Catalyst: Feminism, Theory, Technoscience 2, no. 1 (April 22, 2016): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.28968/cftt.v2i1.28830.
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This article critically considers the relation between simulation design and human experience through the analysis of three-dimensional military training simulation scenarios developed between 2003 and 2012 at the Fort Irwin National Training Center in the Mojave Desert of California. Following news reports of torture at Abu Ghraib, the US military began to implement “cultural awareness” training for all troops set to deploy to the Middle East. The military contracted with Hollywood special-effects studios to develop a series of counterinsurgency warfare immersive-training simulations, including hiring Iraqi-American and Afghan-American citizens to play villagers, mayors, and insurgents in scenarios. My primary question centers on the military technoscience of treating human bodies as variables in a reiterative simulation scenario. I analyze interviews with soldiers and actors, my own experiences videotaping training simulations at the fort, and the accounts of many other visiting journalists and filmmakers across time. From this, I contend that the stories participants tell about simulation experiences constitute one key outcome of the simulation itself, blunting dissent and aiding the fort’s long-term efforts to retain clout and funding in the face of wars whose intensity fluctuates. I treat the ongoing cinematic performances on the fort as a kind of “simulation body” unbounded by skin, a theoretical framework drawn from Vivian Sobchack’s (1992) film phenomenological concept of the “film body” and affect theory grounded in the work of Kara Keeling (2007), as well as Eve Sedgwick (2003), Sedgwick and Adam Frank (1995), and Lisa Cartwright (2008), by way of American behavioral psychoanalyst Silvan Tomkins (2008).
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Eichenberg, Richard C. "Victory Has Many Friends: U.S. Public Opinion and the Use of Military Force, 1981–2005." International Security 30, no. 1 (July 2005): 140–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/0162288054894616.
Full textAbstract:
Although previous studies have examined U.S. public support for the use of military force in particular historical cases, and have even made limited comparisons among cases, a full comparison of a large number of historical episodes in which the United States contemplated, threatened, or actually used military force has been missing. An analysis of U.S. public support for the use of military force in twenty-two historical episodes from the early 1980s through the Iraq war and occupation (2003-05) underscores the continuing relevance of Bruce Jentleson's principal policy objectives framework: the objective for which military force is used is an important determinant of the base level of public support. The U.S. public supports restraining aggressive adversaries, but it is leery of involvement in civil-war situations. Although the objective of the mission strongly conditions this base level of support, the public is also sensitive to the relative risk of different military actions; to the prospect of civilian or military casualties; to multilateral participation in the mission; and to the likelihood of success or failure of the mission. These results suggest that support for U.S. military involvement in Iraq is unlikely to increase; indeed, given the ongoing civil strife in Iraq, continuing casualties, and substantial disagreement about the prospects for success, the public's support is likely to remain low or even decline.