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1

Albuarabi, Saja. "A Linguistic History of Iraqi Arabic (Mesopotamian Arabic)." JOURNAL OF ADVANCES IN LINGUISTICS 9 (May 30, 2018): 1371–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.24297/jal.v9i0.7391.

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The objective of this work is to investigate the linguistic structure of Iraqi Arabic or what is known as Mesopotamian Arabic. The paper presents an overview of some of the fundamental analyses of Iraqi Arabic - Mesopotamian Arabic. This article is concentrated on the most important parts of the language which are the phonological, morphological, and syntactical features. The paper not only examines the linguistic feature of Iraqi Arabic but it also, discusses how Iraqi Arabic dialect is different from Modern Standard Arabic with data that are not considered before and with certain new theoretical proposals. The researcher analysis the three dialects, which are Baghdadi, Southern, and Maslawi dialect and provides an important data for each dialect. Unlike Modern Standard Arabic, Iraqi Arabic went through many changes. Phonologically, Iraqi Arabic has more consonants than Modern Standard Arabic, and a few additional long vowels. Many sounds have been replaced with different sounds. In addition, the words in Iraqi Arabic does not end with vowels. Therefore, words end with consonants rather than vowels in Iraqi Arabic. Morphologically, Iraqi Arabic is different from Modern Standard Arabic in the present progressive tense. In Iraqi Arabic, the tenses are formed by adding a prefix to the conjugated stem of the verb, which cannot be found in Modern Standard Arabic. Syntactically, Iraqi Arabic differs from Modern Standard Arabic in two ways: first, there is no case marking; Iraqi Arabic does not show overt cases as it is found in Modern Standard Arabic. Second, Iraqi Arabic lacks agreement. Iraqi Arabic does not always follow the structure of verb-subject order as found in Modern Standard Arabic. The verb usually has full agreement with the subject in both orders, subject-verb, and verb-subject. Finally, Iraqi Arabic has an interesting feature which is head movement that cannot be found in Modern Standard Arabic as Soltan argues. This is can be shown in the following example: [The student seems that ____ he read the book.] Among the other issues that the author discusses in this study is the history of Iraqi Arabic. In addition to the features of Iraqi Arabic and the effects of other languages, such as Turkish and Semitic languages on Iraqi dialects.
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2

Sardar, Ziauddin. "Cycling through Arabic history." Nature 383, no. 6600 (October 1996): 492–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/383492a0.

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3

Nadia Al-Bagdadi. "Registers of Arabic Literary History." New Literary History 39, no. 3-4 (2009): 437–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nlh.0.0046.

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4

Gilliot, Claude, and Albert Hourani. "A History of the Arabic Peoples." Studia Islamica, no. 80 (1994): 184. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1595864.

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5

Allen, Roger. "Literary History and the Arabic Novel." World Literature Today 75, no. 2 (2001): 205. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40156519.

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6

Rosenthal, Franz. "The History of an Arabic Proverb." Journal of the American Oriental Society 109, no. 3 (July 1989): 349. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/604139.

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7

Carter, Michael G. "Writing the History of Arabic Grammar." Historiographia Linguistica 21, no. 3 (January 1, 1994): 385–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.21.3.06car.

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8

Anisimov, A. "Arabic Political Caricature. History and Poetics." Science and Education a New Dimension IX(249), no. 44 (February 22, 2021): 7–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.31174/send-hs2021-249ix44-01.

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9

Zaki, Vevian F. "A Dynamic History." Journal of Islamic Manuscripts 11, no. 2 (July 13, 2020): 200–259. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1878464x-01102004.

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Abstract This paper unfolds parts of the dynamic, yet mostly hidden, history of MS Sinai Arabic 151 based on its paleographical, codicological, paratextual, and textual features. Combining these aspects opens new horizons of research in the Arabic Bible manuscripts that had previously received attention limited solely to the text. MS Sinai, Ar. 151 is an intact manuscript containing the Pauline Epistles, Acts of the Apostles, and the Catholic Epistles. Its fame derives mainly from its colophon, which dates it to 867 CE, and bestows it with the distinction of belonging to the earliest Arabic Bibles. In observing the various stages through which the manuscript evolved from two separate units of production into the codex preserved today, several aspects of the life of MS Sinai, Ar. 151, such as the copies made from it, its damage and restoration, and the functions it served, become clearer. Furthermore, for different reasons, scholars have cast shadows on its colophon’s authenticity. Our investigation clarifies that there is no reason to suspect the authenticity of the colophon.
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10

Tzvi Langermann, Y. "Arabic Cosmology." Early Science and Medicine 2, no. 2 (1997): 185–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338297x00113.

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AbstractRepresentations of the heavens in various levels of detail can be found in a number of branches of Arabic literature. One particular genre, the hay'a texts, has as its purpose a full though non-mathematical discussion of the arrangement of the celestial orbs; hay'a writers are particularly sensitive to the philosophical requirements which all systems must meet. The pivotal work in this genre, On the Configuration, was written by Ibn al-Haytham. Later writers continued to produce works in the spirit of On the Configuration. In the east, al-Tusi and his followers developed new models; in the west, a group of thinkers tried to rediscover the models which, so they thought, were the ones endorsed by Aristotle himself.
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11

Sudaryanto, Sudaryanto. "Arabic: short history, field of usage, and vocabulary entered in the Indonesian language." Hortatori : Jurnal Pendidikan Bahasa dan Sastra Indonesia 1, no. 1 (July 25, 2019): 92–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.30998/jh.v1i1.41.

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This essay discusses three fundamental issues about the Arabic language, which is (1) a brief history of the entry of Arabic to the Archipelago, (2) the field of use of the Arabic language, and (3) Arabic vocabulary that goes into Indonesian. At the end of the 15th Century AD, estimated Arabic brought by Arab traders, both derived from Hadramaut and of Persia. The use of Arabic in the field of Indonesian mostly related to religious life (Islam). As for the Arabic vocabulary that goes into Indonesian, among others, akhlak, amal, azab, akhirat, ayat, ilmu, ibadah, infak, insyaf, iman, imam, khilaf, khotbah, kitab, kalam, zaman, dan zina.
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12

Owens, Jonathan. "Pre-diaspora Arabic." Diachronica 22, no. 2 (December 7, 2005): 271–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.22.2.03owe.

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Arabic dialects, the native spoken Arabic of about 250 million people, are spread over an immense, contiguous geographical area from Iran to Lake Chad, from Morocco to Yemen. Corresponding to this geographical spread is considerable linguistic diversity. An explanation for this diversity has proved elusive. The existence of variants found either in the modern dialects or in the Classical literature (or both), which are not self-evidently derivable from a normalized Classical Arabic (largely standardized by the ninth century), argues for a more diverse set of inputs into the Arabic which spread outwards from the Arabian Peninsula beginning in the seventh century. I elucidate this problem by comparing four varieties of Arabic located in widely separated areas and settled at different times. To account for the internal diversity of the areas compared, a dataset is established with 49 phonological and morphological features, which, using simple statistical procedures, permits a normalized comparison of the varieties. From this set of variables, two specific linguistic features are discussed in detail and reconstructions proposed, which place their origins in a pre-diaspora variety. I conclude that the Arabic which preceded the Arabic diaspora of the seventh century was considerably more diverse than interpretations of the history of Arabic traditionally allow for. Additional information and data: http://german.lss.wisc.edu/Diachronica/Owens/pdfs.htm
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13

Treiger, Alexander. "Christian Graeco-Arabica: Prolegomena to a History of the Arabic Translations of the Greek Church Fathers." Intellectual History of the Islamicate World 3, no. 1-2 (2015): 188–227. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2212943x-00301008.

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Whereas Graeco-Arabic translations of philosophical and scientific literature, centered in Baghdad, have been the focus of sustained scholarly effort for over a century and a half, Arabic translations of the Greek Church Fathers, carried out by Arabic-speaking Christians for their ecclesiastical needs, have received very limited attention. This contribution attempts to chart a history of the Arabic versions of the Greek Church Fathers from the eighth century to the present, with emphasis on the translations produced in the monasteries of Palestine in the eighth, ninth, and early tenth centuries and in Antioch during the period of Byzantine rule. It shows how philological methods of Graeco-Arabic Studies can be successfully applied to these unduly neglected Arabic translations of Patristic works.
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14

Manfredi, Stefano, and Caroline Roset. "Towards a Dialect History of the Baggara Belt." Languages 6, no. 3 (August 30, 2021): 146. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/languages6030146.

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The Baggara Belt constitutes the southernmost periphery of the Arabic-speaking world. It stretches over 2500 km from Nigeria to Sudan and it is largely inhabited by Arab semi-nomadic cattle herders. Despite its common sociohistorical background, the ethnography of Baggara nomads is complex, being the result of a long series of longitudinal migrations and contacts with different ethnolinguistic groups. Thanks to a number of comparative works, there is broad agreement on the inclusion of Baggara dialects within West Sudanic Arabic. However, little or nothing is known of the internal classification of Baggara Arabic. This paper seeks to provide a comparative overview of Baggara Arabic and to explain dialect convergences and divergences within the Baggara Belt in light of both internally and externally motivated changes. By providing a qualitative analysis of selected phonological, morphosyntactic, and lexical features, this study demonstrates that there is no overlapping between the ethnic and dialect borders of the Baggara Belt. Furthermore, it is argued that contact phenomena affecting Baggara Arabic cannot be reduced to a single substrate language, as these are rather induced by areal diffusion and language attrition. These elements support the hypothesis of a gradual process of Baggarization rather than a sudden ethnolinguistic hybridization between Arab and Fulani agropastoralist groups. Over and above, the paper aims at contributing to the debate on the internal classification of Sudanic Arabic by refining the isoglosses commonly adopted for the identification of a West Sudanic dialect subtype.
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15

Fattah, Hala. "ALEXEI VASSILIEV, The History of Saudi Arabia (London: Saqi Press, 1998). Pp. 482. $69.95 cloth." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 1 (February 2000): 190–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800002270.

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This is the most complete and perhaps the best treatment of the origins and development of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia yet to appear in the English language. No serious library can afford to pass it up. The author is a Russian scholar who was Middle East correspondent for Pravda for many years, as well as the director of the Institute for African Studies and member of the Russian Foreign Ministry's advisory group. His knowledge of languages is used to great advantage in the book, and his bibliography of Arabic, Turkish, Russian, English, and French works is an impressive contribution to the history of the Arabian Peninsula. Rare indeed is the scholor who has read, let alone been able to retrieve, the number of valuable local histories that Vassiliev has used for the book. Despite its overwhelming attention to detail, his history is written in a fluid and accessible style, holding the reader's attention till the last. The narrative never flags, even when the author reconstructs the minutiae of the almost daily battles between the armies of central, eastern, and western Arabia in great and absorbing detail. In fact, some sections make for riveting reading, especially those in the latter part of the book, when Ibn Saud faces off against the Ikhwan or browbeats both the internal and external opposition to create his own imprint on the Arabian Peninsula.
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16

Akewula, Adams Olufemi. "Al-Ghuluwu fi al-amsal al-arabiy." Matatu 51, no. 2 (September 21, 2020): 299–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-05102006.

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Abstract Al-Ghuluwu fi al-amsal al-arabiy (Postproverbial) is a new trend in modern Arabic studies. It is a way to gain the perceptions of learners of the language into Afro-Arabic and Yoruba cultures in contemporary times. Through the learning of the subject matter, University of Ibadan students of Arabic Language and Literature explore how much common philosophy is shared between postproverbial expressions in Arabic and Yoruba languages. Afro-Arabic postproverbial demonstrates the trends of modernity within the culture. It absorbs and transforms wisdom accumulated over the few years with the experience of students in their various localities. This paper investigates the exposure to postproverbiality in Arabic among the students of Arabic language and literature who are predominantly Yoruba in the University of Ibadan and how the practice of postproverbials transforms their perceptions and values of Yoruba and Afro-Arab cultural concepts. Thus, two questions are raised: to what extent does the use of postproverbials in the Arabic literature course in the University of Ibadan shed light on Yoruba cultural aspects not regularly covered in Arabic Proverbs? How does the use of postproverbials in the Arabic literature course promote a new understanding among the students and make them discover and reassess their values and preferences in the modern time? The theoretical framework of the paper is adopted from A. Raji-Oyelade’s “Postproverbials in Yoruba Culture: A Playful Blasphemy”. The result of this study indicates that students employed their basic knowledge of Arabic language, coupled with their Yoruba cultural background, to re-create a number of postproverbial texts within the context of Arabic culture. It also exhibits their level of consciousness in the modern times.
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17

Berggren, J. L., and Roshdi Rashed. "Encyclopedia of the History of Arabic Science." Journal of the American Oriental Society 120, no. 2 (April 2000): 282. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/605057.

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18

Burnett, Charles S. F., and Maria Rosa Menocal. "The Arabic Role in Medieval Literary History." Hispanic Review 57, no. 3 (1989): 359. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/473597.

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19

Owens, Jonathan. "Arabic Dialect History and Historical Linguistic Mythology." Journal of the American Oriental Society 123, no. 4 (October 2003): 715. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3589965.

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20

Lopez-Baralt, Luce, and Maria Rosa Menocal. "The Arabic Role in Medieval Literary History." Comparative Literature 43, no. 1 (1991): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1771006.

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21

Brentjes, Sonja. "Encyclopedia of the History of Arabic Science." Technology and Culture 40, no. 2 (1999): 399–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tech.1999.0085.

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22

Balachandran, Jyoti Gulati. "Counterpoint: Reassessing Ulughkhānī’s Arabic history of Gujarat." Asiatische Studien - Études Asiatiques 74, no. 1 (November 18, 2020): 137–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/asia-2020-0014.

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AbstractDespite his familiarity with the well established Indo-Persian history‐writing traditions, ‘Abdullāh Muḥammad al-Makkī al-Āṣafī al-Ulughkhānī ‘Ḥājjī al-Dabīr’ (b. 1540) chose to write his history of the Gujarat Sultanate and of other Indo-Muslim polities in Arabic. Ulughkhānī consulted several Persian chronicles produced in Delhi and Ahmedabad, including Sikandar Manjhū’s Mir’āt-i Sikandarī (composed c. 1611) that has served as the standard history of the Gujarat Sultanate for modern historians. Despite its ‘exceptionalism’, Ulughkhānī’s early seventeenth-century Ẓafar al-wālih bi Muẓaffar wa ālihi has largely been seen as a corroborative text to Persian tawārīkh. This article re-evaluates the importance of Ulughkhānī’s Arabic history of Gujarat by situating the text and its author in the social, political and intellectual context of the sixteenth-century western Indian ocean. Specifically, it demonstrates how the several historical digressions in the text are not dispensable aberrations to his narrative but integral to Ulughkhānī’s expansive social horizons at the time of robust commercial, pilgrimage, diplomatic and scholarly connections between Gujarat and the Red Sea regions.
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23

Peters, Issa, and M. M. Badawi. "A Short History of Modern Arabic Literature." World Literature Today 68, no. 1 (1994): 202. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40150069.

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24

Miklós, Maróth. "The History of Arabic Studies in Hungary." PROSPECTS 33, no. 4 (December 2003): 405–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/b:pros.0000004611.31928.81.

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Vidro, Nadia. "Grammars of Classical Arabic in Judaeo-Arabic." Intellectual History of the Islamicate World 8, no. 2-3 (July 30, 2020): 284–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2212943x-20201010.

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Abstract This article presents an overview of medieval Classical Arabic grammars written in Judaeo-Arabic that are preserved in the Cairo Genizah and the Firkovich Collections. Unlike Jewish grammarians’ application of the Arabic theoretical model to describing Biblical Hebrew, Arabic grammars transliterated into Hebrew characters bear clear evidence of Jewish engagement with the Arabic grammatical tradition for its own sake. In addition, such manuscripts furnish new material on the history of the Arabic grammatical tradition by preserving otherwise unknown texts. The article discusses individual grammars of Classical Arabic in Judaeo-Arabic and tries to answer more general questions on this little known area of Jewish intellectual activity. An analysis of the corpus suggests that Jews who copied and used these texts were less interested in the intricacies of abstract theory than in attaining a solid knowledge of Classical Arabic. Court scribes appear to have been among those interested in the study of Classical Arabic grammar.
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Lunde, Paul. "The Quest for Arabic Autobiography." Medieval History Journal 18, no. 2 (October 2015): 430–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971945815603831.

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The rich biographical literature of the Arabic-speaking world has been appreciated by European scholars since the inception of academic Arabic studies in the late seventeenth century and is one of the most important sources for Arabic cultural and historical studies. Less attention has been paid to Arabic self-narratives, various types of which have existed almost from the beginnings of Arabic literature in the late eighth and early ninth centuries; the majority was produced, as one might expect, by the learned elite. Dwight Reynolds has recently shown that by the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, the scholarly autobiography had become a recognised genre, with particular features, which included childhood studies (or lack of them), higher studies under named teachers, academic controversies, positions held publications and self-justifications. These accounts seem to have almost always been attached to the beginning or end of some major work or sometimes appear as digressions within the main text. We also possess two free-standing memoirs by feudal lords, composed in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. They are filled with personal, even intimate recollections, and they both occasionally employ an informal variety of written Arabic for greater verisimilitude. This use of ‘Middle Arabic’ and the possible reasons for it are discussed, as is the sudden proliferation of autobiographical accounts written by Arabic speakers in European languages in the first half of the nineteenth century.
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Baack, L. J. "A naturalist of the Northern Enlightenment: Peter Forsskål after 250 years." Archives of Natural History 40, no. 1 (April 2013): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/anh.2013.0132.

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Peter Forsskål (1732–1763) was the naturalist on the Royal Danish Expedition to Arabia (1761–1767), a particularly rich example of the eighteenth century era of scientific exploration and a quintessential project of the Enlightenment. Forsskål is noteworthy for his early writings in philosophy and politics and for his outstanding contributions to the botanical and zoological knowledge of the Middle East, specifically Egypt and the Arabian Peninsula, principally Yemen. His biological work stands out for the large number of species identified, its attention to detail, the expansiveness of his descriptions, his knowledge and use of Arabic and his early ideas on plant geography. Forsskål's research in the marine biology of the Red Sea was also pioneering. His publications and collections represent the single greatest contribution to the knowledge of the natural history of the Middle East in the eighteenth century and are still valued by scholars today. His skill in retaining local terminology in Arabic and his respect for the contributions of local inhabitants to this work are also worth noting. When he died of malaria in 1763 in Yemen, the eighteenth-century world of natural science lost a promising and adventurous scientist.
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Christys, Ann. "The Qur’ān as History for Muslims and Christians in al-Andalus." Journal of Transcultural Medieval Studies 5, no. 1 (July 26, 2018): 55–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jtms-2018-0003.

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Abstract This paper explores the vocabulary of the Qur’ān in texts composed in Latin and Arabic by Christians in al-Andalus in the period up to the end of the ninth century. The main focus of the paper is a comparison between the Arabic translation of Orosius’ Seven books of history against the pagans and the History attributed to Ibn Ḥabīb (d. 853). Both are works of universal history showing the hand of God at work in the history of humankind. The Qur’ān was crucially important for Ibn Ḥabīb in conveying this message. Did this translate into Christian universal history in Arabic?
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29

Yassin, Mahmoud Aziz F. "Spoken Arabic Proverbs." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 51, no. 1 (February 1988): 59–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00020206.

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Arabs have always had a particular taste for brief, concise and witty idioms and proverbs. Whereas an idiom is a ‘transition point’, a necessary introduction to the forthcoming discussion, a proverb is, instead, the climax of that event, the most important domain for the display and evaluation of verbal art. The view is occasionally expressed that proverbs are in fact a dead trait in the modern world. This view is due, at least in part, to the mistaken assumption that only illiterates use proverbs. It is doubtful whether increased literacy and education have seriously affected the quality and quantity of proverbial speech, at least in Arabic culture. Arabs' gatherings, formal and informal, are marked by highly formalized relationships. A formalized relationship gives rise to highly predictable and normalized language such as idioms and proverbs.
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30

González Vázquez, Araceli, and Montserrat Benítez Fernández. "British 18th-Century Orientalism and Arabic Dialectology." Historiographia Linguistica 43, no. 1-2 (June 24, 2016): 61–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.43.1-2.03gon.

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Summary This article examines a relatively unknown 18th century European source on Moroccan Arabic. It is the article entitled “Dialogues on the vulgar Arabick of Morocco”, published in London in 1797 by William Price (1771–1830), a self-taught linguist and orientalist from Worcester, England. Price’s work is one of the few European texts predating 1800 focused on Moroccan Arabic, and providing some information about this linguistic variety. As we explain, Price obtained these “Dialogues” from “some natives of Barbary”, who happened to be in London. In the first four sections of the article, we examine the life and works of William Price, we place his activities as an expert in Arabic and other of the so-called “Oriental languages” in the context of 18th century British Orientalism, and we analyse the contents of the “Dialogues” provided in his article. These “Dialogues” consist of a conversation between two interlocutors who are taking a stroll in a walled coastal town of the Moroccan Atlantic strip. The fifth section of our contribution is a linguistic dialectological analysis of both the Arabic and Latin character transcriptions of Moroccan Arabic provided by Price. We analyse different issues concerning the transcriptions given, and we focus our linguistic study on phonological, morphological and syntactical issues.
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Hairuddin, Hairuddin. "Preserving Arabic Punctuation in the History of Qur'an Writing." Langkawi: Journal of The Association for Arabic and English 6, no. 1 (June 25, 2020): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.31332/lkw.v6i1.1739.

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This article discusses the preservation of Arabic punctuation in the history of Quran writing using a critical history design. The author begins by recounting the beginning of the laying of Naqth (punctuation), history, type and the form of Naqth (punctuation) found by Abu al-Aswad ad-Duali by giving examples of comparison of classical Qur’an manuscripts not accompanied by punctuation. The author then examines Abu al-Aswad ad-Duali's biography, followed by the reasons for the compiling of Arabic rules and convinces that he was the first person laying down of Arabic rules despite the controversy surrounding it. Likewise, the type of punctuation (the Naqth) discovered is an i’rāb punctuation (the Naqth), not a punctuation of i‘jām.
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Carter, M. G. "Review: Classical Arabic Verse, History and Theory of 'Arud * Dmitry Frolov: Classical Arabic Verse, History and Theory of 'Arud." Journal of Islamic Studies 13, no. 1 (January 1, 2002): 72–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/13.1.72.

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33

Blau, Joshua. "A Melkite Arabic literary lingua franca from the second half of the first millennium." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 57, no. 1 (February 1994): 14–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00028068.

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After the Islamic conquest, the Greek Orthodox, so-called Melkite ( = Royalist), church fairly early adopted Arabic as its literary language. Their intellectual centres in Syria/Palestine were Jerusalem, along with the monaster ies of Mar Sabas and Mar Chariton in Judea, Edessa and Damascus. A great many Arabic manuscripts stemming from the first millennium, some of them dated, copied at the monastery of Mar Chariton and especially at that of Mar Saba, have been discovered in the monastery of St. Catherine on Mount Sinai, the only monastery that has not been pillaged and set on fire by the bedouin. These manuscripts are of great importance for the history of the Arabic language. Because Christians were less devoted to the ideal of the ‘arabiyya than their Muslim contemporaries, their writings contain a great many devi ations from classical Arabic, thus enabling us to reconstruct early Neo-Arabic, the predecessor of the modern Arabic dialects, and bridge a gap of over one thousand years in the history of the Arabic language.
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34

Capurro, Rafael. "A Short Note on the History of the Concept of Information." Information 10, no. 10 (September 29, 2019): 305. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/info10100305.

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This paper deals with the Arabic translation taṣawwur in Averroes’ Great Commentary of the term τῶν ἀδιαιρέτων νόησις (“ton adiaireton noesis”, thinking of the indivisibles) in Aristotle’s De anima and the Latin translation from Arabic with (in-)formatio, as quoted by Albertus Magnus [...]
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35

Yakovlev, Alexander I. "Arabian City Phenomenon: Riadh." Oriental Courier, no. 1-2 (2021): 227. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310015781-7.

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The article follows the main stages in the development of Riyadh — the capital of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The history of Riyadh is viewed in the context of the history of traditional Arabian cities and the new urban centers of Arabia. The great role of the creator of Saudi Arabia, King Ibn Saud and his sons in the development of the capital is indicated; in particular, the innovations of the current King of Saudi Arabia Salman ibn Abdel Aziz, who was the governor of Riyadh for about half a century. It was under Abdel Aziz that a large-scale reconstruction of the city began, as a result of which the city acquired its modern features. In addition, the article describes the layout of the city, shows its functions as the capital’s political, financial, economic and cultural center of the kingdom. Particular attention is paid to the modern architecture of the city, represented by the tower of the Radio Center, the water tower, the Faisalia towers and the “Center of the Kingdom (Burj al-Mamlaka)”. The author concludes that the city justifies its name, which in Arabic means “gardens”, differing from other cities by the presence of squares and parks with green lawns, greenery, and date palms.
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van Putten. "Copto-Arabica: The Phonology of Early Islamic Arabic Based on Coptic Transcriptions." Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 171, no. 1 (2021): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.13173/zeitdeutmorggese.171.1.0081.

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37

Nazar, Shabana, and Abdul Rehman Saifee. "http://habibiaislamicus.com/index.php/hirj/article/view/147." Habibia Islamicus 4, no. 2 (December 16, 2020): 59–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.47720/hi.2020.0402a04.

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The Life History of “ Jurji Zaydan ”, His Personality and His landmark services in the Arabic Language and its Literature generally and History of Islam and Arabic Literature particularly are enlightened in this paper. He was a famous Arab Historian, Author, Writer, Novelist, Journalist, Linguist and Interpreter of Modern Period. His works of Arabic History and Arabic Literature were revolutionary. He is a great Novelist in this Modern Period. He wrote several books on History of Islam & Arabic Literature and a series of Novels on Big personalities of Islam, which serve the purpose of a resource and authentic materials. People from all walks of life can find his books as a resource to access due to the intellectual and authentic information they carry. He is not only a famous Historian, but He is a famous Writer and a great Novelist of 20th Century, Who wrote a series of Islamic Historical Novels. Thus, this paper is the depiction of Jurji Zaydan’s life history, his services, his books, Novels especially introduction of Novel ‘Azra-o-Quresh’ for the facilitation of upcoming researchers.
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38

Selim, Samah. "Toward a New Literary History." International Journal of Middle East Studies 43, no. 4 (November 2011): 734–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743811000973.

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The past twenty years witnessed a dramatic transformation in Arabic literature studies in the United States. In the early 1990s, the field was still almost exclusively a satellite of area studies and largely bound by Orientalist historical and epistemological paradigms. Graduate students—even those wishing to focus entirely on modern literature—were trained to competence in the entire span of the Arabic literary tradition starting with pre-Islamic times, and secondary research languages were still rooted in the philological tradition of classical scholarship. The standard requirement was German, with Spanish as a distant second for those interested in Andalusia, but rarely French, say, or Italian or Russian. Other Middle Eastern languages were mainly conceived as primary-text languages rather than research languages. Philology, traditional literary history, and New Criticism formed the methodological boundaries of research. “Theory”—even when it purported to speak of the world outside Europe—was something that was generated by departments of English and comparative literature on the other side of campus, and crossings were rare and complicated in both the disciplinary and the institutional sense. Of course, one branch of “theory”—postcolonial studies—made its way into area studies much faster than the more eclectic offshoots of continental philosophy, for obvious reasons. From nationalism studies to subaltern studies, from Benedict Anderson to Gayatri Spivak, the wave of postcolonial critical theory that swept through U.S. academia in the 1980s and 1990s sparked an uprising in area studies at large and particularly in the literature disciplines. One of the first casualties of this uprising was the old historical paradigm itself: narratives of rise and fall, golden ages, and ages of decadence. Slowly but surely, scholars began to question the entire epistemological edifice through which Arabic literary history had been constructed by Orientalism. It was through the postcolonial theory of the 1980s that Arabic literature came to a broader rapprochement with poststructuralism: Foucault, Derrida, Ricoeur, Jameson, and White, to name a few of the major thinkers who began to transform the field in the late 1990s.
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Munip, Abdul. "Tracing the History of the Arabic-Javanese Language Translation Books in Nusantara Islamic Education." Jurnal Pendidikan Islam 5, no. 1 (June 1, 2016): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/jpi.2016.51.43-67.

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The use of Arabic script (Pegon) in the Javanese books translated from Arabic has marked a certain phase in the historical dynamics of Islamic intellectualism in Nusantara and Java in particular. By these translation activities, kitab kuning (Arabic books) are no longer enjoyed solely by the elite kyai-santri, but they can also be read by Muslims outside the walls of pesantren. The various themes of the Javaness books translated from Arabic that reach across all disciplines in Islamic teachings resulted in the rapid growing of Islamic discourse in society. Cherishing nature conveyed within the translation books generated peaceful life among Moslems. In terms of educational contexts, these book have been used in pesantren, madrasah diniyah and majelis taklim as suplementary books. Over time, most of the translated books have now metamorphosed into Indonesian edition. However, there is still numerous Arabic-Javanese language translation books occupy modest bookstalls waiting for the loyal and unpretentious readers.
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Hansberger, Rotraud. "PLOTINUS ARABUS RIDES AGAIN." Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 21, no. 1 (February 18, 2011): 57–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0957423910000123.

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AbstractThe extant texts of the Arabic Plotinus contain material fromEnneadsIV-VI without, however, covering the Plotinian treatises in their entirety, nor preserving their traditional order – a circumstance which raises questions about scope and structure of the original Arabic Plotinus source. This article aims to contribute to the discussion by presenting newly discovered fragments of an Arabic translation ofEnneadIV.6 (On sense-perception and memory), one of the ten treatises that are not represented in the Arabic Plotinus corpus as it is currently known. Section I of the article introduces the text within which the new fragments are found:MaqālaI ofKitāb al-Ḥiss wa-al-maḥsūs, the Arabic adaptation of Aristotle'sParva Naturalia. In Section II the Arabic fragments are presented in comparison with their Greek counterparts. Section III addresses the question whether these new fragments stem from the same original translation as the other fragments of the Arabic Plotinus. Section IV discusses the implications which the appearance of the new fragments may have for our views on the Arabic Plotinus as well as on the genesis ofKitāb al-Ḥiss wa-al-maḥsūs.
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Omar, Abdulfattah, and Mohammed Ilyas. "The Sociolinguistic Significance of the Attitudes towards Code-Switching in Saudi Arabia Academia." International Journal of English Linguistics 8, no. 3 (February 5, 2018): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijel.v8n3p79.

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Code-switching between Arabic and English marks a significant linguistic change in the history and use of Arabic in Saudi Arabia. Any kind of language change, which is an inevitable process in almost every world language, has always been resisted in Saudi Arabia mostly due to a national identity and religious factors. The current study investigated the attitude of the Saudi academia comprising English language instructors and English major students towards code-switching between Arabic and English. The study examined the perceptions of the academia towards the use of varying languages and the attitude that resulted from a perception. A sample size of 10 instructors and 40 students from four universities in the Riyadh region of Saudi Arabia was taken for the purpose of carrying out this qualitative study. Focus Group and interview methods were used to collect data and a content analysis technique was adopted to analyze their transcripts. Findings and Results indicated that there was a close relationship between education and age on one side and the acceptability of code-switching on the other. Positive attitudes towards code-switching were found among the younger participants in their tertiary level of education. The results also revealed that such an attitude affected learners' academic performance since the learners attitude towards each language contributed to their learning and knowledge acquisition.
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Alashari, Duaa Mohammed, Abd Rahman Hamzah, and Nurazmallail Marni. "Islamic Art and Language as a Source of Inspiration Leading to Traditional Arabic Calligraphy Art." UMRAN - International Journal of Islamic and Civilizational Studies 6, no. 3 (October 21, 2019): 33–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.11113/umran2019.6n3.342.

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The Islamic art has developed from different kind of visual art. Arabic calligraphy is one of the most prominent arts starting from the revolution of the Quran and has a long history. This paper will help to provide some sources of information that can be used by people who would like to understand and study the Islamic calligraphy and Islamic art. Also, this paper is connecting the Arabic language to universal spirituality and express how Arabic calligraphy has become a prominent feature in Islamic world. Indeed, this paper provides a brief of the long history of Islamic calligraphy, explains about some of various of Arabic fonts style, and some important Quranic colour that has significant in the Islamic culture. Arabic calligraphy, which is also known as Islamic calligraphy, has a long history of development starting from the first written form of the Quran, in the early 7th century. The Arabic calligraphy art presents how to understand and appreciate its varied styles and modes. Calligraphers start creating their art by using some passages from the Quran or Arabic poems as a starting point then they develop their compositions in a complex and intricate piece of art by the overlap of Arabic letter and words that integrate. Arabic calligraphy is about movement, rhythm and dynamism as seen through the calligraphic marks in most mosques or Islamic building or Islamic calligraphy painting. Islamic calligraphy presents the aspect of aesthetic principles and demonstrate the love for Arabic language and culture with the aesthetic methods of traditional Arabic art.
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Kaye, Alan S., Kees Versteegh, and Michael G. Carter. "Studies in the History of Arabic Grammar II." Language 68, no. 3 (September 1992): 667. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/415823.

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Fallouji, M. Al. "Arabic Caesarian Section Islamic History and Current Practice." Scottish Medical Journal 38, no. 1 (February 1993): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003693309303800111.

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45

Kees Versteegh. "A linguistic history of Arabic (review)." Language 86, no. 1 (2010): 241–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lan.0.0202.

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46

Ghione, Franco. "A museum on the history of Arabic sciences." Lettera Matematica 4, no. 2 (September 9, 2016): 61–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s40329-016-0128-2.

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47

Morozov, Nikita V. "THE HISTORY OF BORROWINGS FROM ARABIC INTO RUSSIAN." Theoretical and Applied Linguistics, no. 2 (2018): 69–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.22250/2410-7190_2018_4_2_69_78.

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Lexical level of a language is represented by authentic words and a number of loanwords from other languages. The present article focuses upon the Arabisms and the history of their appearance in the Russian language. The material for the study were etymological dictionaries. The result of the analysis enabled to compile a list of the indirect Arabisms consisting of 41 units for which it was possible to trace the stages of their introduction into Russian; these units were further sorted into subject groups. It was found that that introduction had occurred via Turkish, Latin, French, English, German, Spanish, Italian and Polish reflecting economic, political and cultural interaction of Russia with those countries. The sources of a number of Arabisms are still arguable and need further research.
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Al-Shbiel, Abeer Obeid. "Arabization and Its Effect on the Arabic Language." Journal of Language Teaching and Research 8, no. 3 (May 2, 2017): 469. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/jltr.0803.04.

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The present study aimed to explore the phenomenon of Arabization from foreign languages into the Arabic language where the study defined the concepts of Arabization in language and terminology, discussed the history of the concept through the history of the human civilization, discussed images of Arabization through three axes, namely: language borrowing, figurative translation, bending and compounding and their impact on the development of the contemporary Arabic language, identified the conditions of Arabization and referred to the efforts of the Academy of the Arabic Language in developing the Arabic language to cope with the modern scientific development; the study concluded a set of recommendations that concern the official planners and researchers in the field of the Arabic language.
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Sarvinoz, Kasimova. "Arabic Linguistics In Central Asia." American Journal of Social Science and Education Innovations 02, no. 11 (November 28, 2020): 207–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajssei/volume02issue11-37.

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Arabic translation which was created in the Middle century can be weird for that means, “the basic tree of knowledge is in Makke but its harvest ripens in Khuroson”. However it’s essential not to forget that Transoxiana took the main place in Muslim’s Asia until the conquering of Mongols. Nishopur was the place where all scientists of Iran and Central Asian gathered and all Transoxianamosques were full of with the students who came far from countries. Samarkand, Bukhara, Urgench were in competition with each other about science and culture for many years, also cities of Transoxiana were ahead of in nature , poems, sarv and nakhv. Central Asian scientists were active in many branches, especially at math, astronomy, medicine history, geography and philology (Arabian, Persian) from VIII century till XIII.
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Hämeen-Anttila, Jaakko. "Middle Eastern Studies in Finland." Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 38, no. 1 (June 2004): 41–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400046411.

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The tradition of Middle Eastern studies in Finland is long but rather thin. The chair for Oriental Languages (mainly Hebrew and Aramaic) was established at Turku University in 1640, changing its name (Linguarum Orientalium Professio) several times over the years before becoming Semitic Languages. After the great fire destroyed almost the whole city of Turku, the university was relocated to Helsinki in 1828. In the mid-19th century, the chair was held by G.A. Wallin (d. 1852), an explorer of the Arabian Peninsula (and a visitor to the holy city of Mecca) and one of the first scholars, worldwide, to study Arabic dialects. In the latter part of the 19th century, Assyriology became the most flourishing field of Middle Eastern Studies in Finland, several great Assyriologists, such as Knut Tallqvist (d. 1949), holding the chair of Oriental Languages. Though concentrating on Assyriology, Assyriologists also kept alive Arabic philological studies, which gained additional weight in the 1960s when the Assyriologist and Comparative Semitist Jussi Aro (d. 1983) was appointed as professor. He retrained himself as a dialectologist, working with Lebanese dialects. It was only in 1980 that a chair for Arabic Language was established and another dialectologist, Heikki Palva, was appointed to it in 1982. After the retirement of Professor Palva in 1998, the chair was renamed Arabic and Islamic Studies. The chair, at the Institute for Asian and African Studies (IAAS, University of Helsinki), has been held by the present writer, Jaakko Hämeen-Anttila, since 2000.
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