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Journal articles on the topic 'History of Bolivia'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 11 February 2022

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1

Irurozqui, Marta. "Political Leadership and Popular Consent: Party Strategies in Bolivia, 1880–1899." Americas 53, no. 3 (January 1997): 395–423. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1008031.

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The governmental era of the Bolivian conservative parties—Constitutional, Democrat, and Conservative—encompasses the historical period from Bolivia’s withdrawal from the Pacific War (1880), which saw a Peruvian-Bolivian alliance against Chile, to the outbreak of the Federal War of 1899 between conservatives and liberals. Within this period of infighting lies the genesis of the Bolivian political party system. With the establishment of a truce in 1880 between Chile and Bolivia, without which Bolivia would have had to definitively withdraw from the conflict and break its Peruvian alliance, two positions arose concerning a resolution of the conflict: the continuation of the war or peace. These polar solutions adhered to the first ideological substratum of the Bolivian political parties, making it possible to define the various factions of the elite in light of the new political restructuring and the role of the State.

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2

SHTAYNMILLERE, Anastasia. "Bolivia’s media landscape." Век информации (сетевое издание) 4, no. 3(12) (June 1, 2020): 16–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.33941/age-info.com43(12)2.

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This study analyzes and systematizes the history and political and territorial structure of the Plurinational State of Bolivia, examines the role of international contacts between Russia and Bolivia, as well as analyzes the system of Bolivian media and the nature of their rhetoric towards Russia.

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3

KESSLER, MICHAEL, and ALAN R. SMITH. "Prodromus of a fern flora for Bolivia. I. General introduction and key to families." Phytotaxa 327, no. 1 (November 3, 2017): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/phytotaxa.327.1.3.

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We introduce the concept of a prodromus for a flora to the ferns and lycophytes of Bolivia, describe the natural setting of Bolivia (topography, climate, vegetation), briefly review the history of pteridological knowledge in the country, present a taxonomic synopsis as well as a key to the fern and lycophyte families of Bolivia, and provide a list of all fern and lycophyte names with Bolivian type material. A new combination is proposed for Polyphlebium herzogii (Rosenst.) A.R.Sm. & Kessler.

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4

Norris, Brian. "Without Distinguishing Color or Profession: Culture, Vatican II and the Long-Term Development of Credit Institutions in Bolivia." Bolivian Studies Journal/Revista de Estudios Bolivianos 21 (March 17, 2016): 202–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/bsj.2015.125.

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By the late 20th and early 21st century, credit institutions in Bolivia had become more complex, resilient and popular that at any time previously in its history. Traditional economics analyses emphasize incentives created by laws such as those promulgated by the Kemmerer mission in Bolivia in the 1920s and 30s, or material factors, such as transportation costs. Yet neither of these explanations offers a compelling explanation for the magnitude of the flourishing of popular and complex credit institutions in Bolivia after the 1960s. Cultural changes, however, might offer a compelling complement to legal and material explanations of credit development. Vatican II represented an important mass change in Bolivian culture, and institutions associated with these reforms ushered in a new era of credit institution development in the country.A finales del siglo XX y comienzos del XXI, las instituciones crediticias en Bolivia se volvieron más complejas, elásticas y populares que en cualquier otro momento de su historia. Los análisis económicos tradicionales ponen de relieve los incentivos creados por leyes como las promulgadas por la misión Kemmerer en Bolivia en las décadas de 1920 y 1930, o factores materiales, tales como los costos de transporte. Con todo, ninguna de estas explicaciones ofrece una explicación convincente de la importancia del florecimiento de instituciones crediticias populares y complejas en Bolivia después de la década de 1960. No obstante, los cambios culturales podrían ofrecer un complemento de peso a las explicaciones legales y materiales del desarrollo del crédito. El Concilio Vaticano II representa un importante cambio en la cultura boliviana, y las instituciones asociadas con sus reformas marcan el comienzo de una nueva era en el desarrollo de la institución crediticia en el país.

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5

Quiroga, Maria Virginia. "Tradiciones políticas y hegemonía. Hacia lo plurinacional-popular en Bolivia." Latinoamérica. Revista de Estudios Latinoamericanos 2, no. 67 (October 2, 2018): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/cialc.24486914e.2018.67.57076.

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Resumen: En toda identidad política es posible reconocer las huellas del contexto en que se inscribe, las cuales se visibilizarían en la apropiación y re-significación de discursos previamente sedimentados. Bajo esa premisa emerge la pregunta por las tradiciones políticas que subyacen en el “proceso de cambio” operado en Bolivia desde el 2006 en adelante. Este artículo parte de reafirmar que, en ese devenir, la tradición nacional-popular adquirió renovada centralidad, ya que hegemonizó el campo popular boliviano pero mantuvo distancia de la impronta del nacionalismo revolucionario en 1952. En consonancia con ello, las reconfiguraciones actuales abonarían la construcción de una hegemonía plurinacional-popular, no exenta de desafíos y tensiones. El análisis propuesto evidencia movimientos constantes, desde la empiria hacia la teoría, y viceversa; esto es, la articulación permanente entre la reconstrucción de procesos políticos clave en la historia boliviana y las apreciaciones teóricas en torno a lo nacional-popular y las identidades políticas.Abstract: In every political identity it is possible to recognize the fingerprints of the context in which it is inscribed, those that will be visible in the appropriation and resignification of previously sedimented speeches. From such premise rises the quest for the political traditions that that underlie in the proceso de cambio operated in Bolivia from 2006 on. This paper parts form the reaffirmation that, in such development, the national-popular tradition gained a renovated centrality, for it took hold of the Bolivian popular spectrum, but, at the same time, kept distance from the experience of the revolutionary nationalism in 1952. In accordance with this, the current reconfigurations contribute to build a plurinational-popular hegemony, not exempt of challenges and tensions. Consequently, nowadays reconfigurations would help grow a construction of a plurinational-popular hegemony not free of tensions and challenges. The analysis proposed makes evident constant movements from the experience to the theory, and vice versa; that is, the permanent articulation between the reconstruction of key political processes along Bolivian history and some theoretical perspectives of the national-popular tradition and political identities.

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6

Field, Thomas C. "Union Busting as Development: Transnationalism, Empire and Kennedy's Secret Labour Programme for Bolivia." Journal of Latin American Studies 52, no. 1 (September 10, 2019): 27–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x19000646.

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AbstractDrawing on archives from the US labour movement, personal papers of transnational labour organisers, Bolivian oral histories and press reports, and government records from four countries, this article explores a web of Cold War relationships forged between Bolivian workers and US government and labour officials. Uncovering a panoply of parallel and sometimes conflicting state-supported trade union development programmes, the article reveals governments’ inability to fully control the exuberance of ideologically-motivated labour activists. Rather than succeed in shoring up a civilian government as intended, US President John F. Kennedy's union-busting programme aggravated fissures in Bolivia's non-Communist Left, ultimately frustrating its attempt to steer a non-aligned posture in Latin America's Cold War. Employing transnational methods to bridge gaps between labour, development and diplomatic history, this article points toward a new imperial studies approach to the multi-sited conflicts that shaped the post-war trajectory of labour movements in Bolivia and throughout the Third World.

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7

Gardner, Scott Lyell, Sebastian Botero-Cañola, Enzo Aliaga- Rossel, Altangerel Tsogtsaikhan Dursahinhan, and Jorge Salazar-Bravo. "Conservation status and natural history of Ctenomys, tuco-tucos in Bolivia." Therya 12, no. 1 (January 30, 2021): 15–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.12933/therya-21-1035.

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The genus Ctenomys consists of about 70 species and in addition to the Geomyidae of the Nearctic, Neotropical tuco-tucos represent a well-documented case of diversification in the subterranean biotype. Here we will: i) Provide an updated summary of the natural history of the 12 species of extant tuco-tucos from Bolivia; ii) Update information on distributions of each species; and iii) Using ecological niche modeling, evaluate recent and projected habitat transformation or habitat degradation within the known range of each species to provide a preliminary assessment of the preservation or conservation status of ctenomyids within Bolivia. We follow Gardner et al. (2014) and combine species summaries with both updated published and new data to compile a complete list of known extant species of tuco-tucos from Bolivia. Occurrence data for Ctenomys in Bolivia and surrounding areas were extracted from the database Arctos and GBIF. All individual specimen-based locality records were checked and georeferenced by referring to original museum collection records. We created species distribution models for the species with enough locality records using climate and soil data, while for the rest of the species we estimated the ranges based on the known occurrence localities. Finally, we quantified the amount of large-scale habitat conversion occurring within each species range, as well as the potential effect of climatic change on species distribution. Here we present information regarding the biology of tuco-tuco (Ctenomys) species known to occur in Bolivia, including unpublished natural history data such as habitat association, interactions and activity patterns gathered by the authors through extensive field work. Besides this, we estimated the current distribution of Ctenomys species, quantified large-scale habitat transformation within each species range and assessed the potential effect of climatic change on five tuco-tuco species. We found that the habitats within the ranges of C. boliviensis and C. steinbachi have experienced significant land-cover conversions in recent years. We also show that C. opimus, as well as the above mentioned species are expected to undergo range contractions resulting from climatic change by 2070. Our review shows that there is a dearth of information regarding natural history, taxonomy and distribution for many Bolivian tuco-tuco species. Nonetheless, the information presented here can be a tool for directing and focusing field studies of these species. This is of great importance if we take into account that most of the Bolivian tuco-tucos are subject to one or several conservation/preservation threats. These include: Habitat destruction via land use or climatic changes in conjunction with geographic ranges of Ctenomys that are small in areal extent and which in many cases are not adequately covered by protected areas.

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8

Arnade, Charles W. "A Concise History of Bolivia (review)." Latin American Politics & Society 46, no. 4 (2004): 152–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lap.2004.0042.

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9

Cordova Oviedo, Ximena. "The Bolivia Reader: History, Culture, Politics." Bulletin of Latin American Research 39, no. 2 (April 2020): 270–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/blar.13092.

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10

Ehrinpreis, Andrew. "Green Gold, Green Hell: Coca, Caste, and Class in the Chaco War, 1932–1935." Americas 77, no. 2 (April 2020): 217–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2019.110.

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This article investigates the use of coca by the Bolivian Army during the Chaco War of 1932–35. I present research that reveals the surprising extent to which the Bolivian Army provisioned coca to its soldiers as a substitute for adequate nutrition; as a morale booster; as a stimulant; and as a medicine. The article explores the social and cultural implications of mass coca consumption by Bolivian soldiers, many of whom were mestizos who had never before chewed the leaf. Ultimately, I argue that the pervasiveness of coca within the traumatic popular experience of the Chaco War sowed the seeds of a historic transformation of the politics of coca in Bolivia. The Chaco War initiated a process by which coca in Bolivia was transformed from a neo-colonial marker of the Indian caste to a material and symbolic element of an emergent interethnic working class. Through a comparative analysis of the Bolivian army's use of coca in the Chaco War with the German army's use of methamphetamine during World War II, this article concludes with a consideration of the ways in which the present case study expands our understanding of the crucial but under-studied historical relationship between drugs and warfare.

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11

Freeland, Anne. "Motley Society, Plurinationalism, and the Integral State." Historical Materialism 27, no. 3 (October 24, 2019): 99–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-00001804.

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Abstract This article examines Bolivian vice president Álvaro García Linera’s use of concepts originating in the work of Antonio Gramsci and Bolivian sociologist René Zavaleta Mercado. Zavaleta’s concept of sociedad abigarrada (usually translated as ‘motley society’) has a history of misappropriation in which García Linera participates by articulating it with the related concept of the estado aparente to claim that the merely ‘apparent’ state which does not effectively represent the heterogeneous social reality of a country like Bolivia is abolished with the official establishment of the Plurinational State in 2009. This ideologeme of the Plurinational State as one that faithfully represents Bolivia’s abigarramiento is equated with the Gramscian stato integrale, which in Gramsci refers to the state proper plus civil society where these are thoroughly integrated to function as an organic whole (the modern capitalist nation-state). Beyond merely misusing the borrowed terms of this discursive operation, García Linera gives a prescriptive value to concepts developed for an analytical purpose to validate the existing regime.

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12

Dove, Patrick. "TheDesencuentrosof History: Class and Ethnicity in Bolivia." Culture, Theory and Critique 56, no. 3 (September 2015): 313–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14735784.2015.1059289.

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13

Smale, Robert L. "A History of Organized Labor in Bolivia." Hispanic American Historical Review 87, no. 4 (November 1, 2007): 773–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2007-068.

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14

Brienen, Marten. "A Quick Note on the Archive of the Bolivian Foreign Office." Itinerario 21, no. 3 (November 1997): 156–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300015308.

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Until fairly recently it could be said that the bulk of historical literature concerning Bolivia was in some way or another to do with its colonial past, and especially the role that silvermining played in that past. Luckily for those interested in Bolivian colonial history, the nation's capital houses the so-called ‘national archive’, which contains a plethora of historical documents, archives, and so on. This ‘national archive’ has proven quite adequate for these purposes.

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15

Langer, Erick D., and Waltraud Queiser Morales. "Bolivia: Land of Struggle." Hispanic American Historical Review 73, no. 1 (February 1993): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2517671.

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16

Langer, Erick D. "Diccionario histórico de Bolivia." Hispanic American Historical Review 87, no. 4 (November 1, 2007): 772–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2007-067.

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17

Langer, Erick D. "Bolivia: Land of Struggle." Hispanic American Historical Review 73, no. 1 (February 1, 1993): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-73.1.173.

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18

Aguilar, Dana Lucía, María Cristina Acosta, Matías Cristian Baranzelli, Alicia Noemí Sérsic, Jose Delatorre-Herrera, Anibal Verga, and Andrea Cosacov. "Ecophylogeography of the disjunct South American xerophytic tree species Prosopis chilensis (Fabaceae)." Biological Journal of the Linnean Society 129, no. 4 (February 22, 2020): 793–809. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/biolinnean/blaa006.

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Abstract The intraspecific evolutionary history of South American xerophytic plant species has been poorly explored. The tree species Prosopis chilensis has a disjunct distribution in four South American regions: southern Peru, southern Bolivia, central–western Argentina and central Chile. Here, we combined phylogeographical (based on chloroplast and nuclear markers), morphological and climatic data to evaluate the relative contribution of historical demo-stochastic and adaptive processes in differentiating the disjunct areas of distribution. The results obtained with the two molecular markers revealed two closely related phylogroups (Northern and Southern, predominating in Bolivian Chaco and in Argentine Chaco/Monte, respectively), which would have diverged at ~5 Mya, probably associated with transgression of the Paranaense Sea. Bolivia and Argentina have a larger number of exclusive haplotypes/alleles and higher molecular diversity than Chile, suggesting a long-lasting in situ persistence in the former and a relatively recent colonization in the latter, from the Bolivian and Argentinian lineages. The two main lineages differ in morphology and climatic niche, revealing two significant, independent evolutionary units within P. chilensis promoted by local adaptation and geographical isolation.

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FIELD JR, THOMAS C. "A Concise History of Bolivia - By Herbert Klein." History 97, no. 327 (June 13, 2012): 533–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229x.2012.00561_35.x.

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20

Crabtree, John. "Indigenous Empowerment in Evo Morales's Bolivia." Current History 116, no. 787 (February 1, 2017): 55–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2017.116.787.55.

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21

Quiroga, María Virginia. "Somos nosotros, somos gobierno. Experiencia de movimientos sociales en Bolivia." Bolivian Studies Journal/Revista de Estudios Bolivianos 15 (January 15, 2011): 264–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/bsj.2010.8.

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The emergence of social movements in the public arena had to do with neoliberalism´s negative consequences. Different actors with different interests worked together against the system, which became their “common antagonist”. On the one hand, after years of autonomous organization, these social movements won social recognition and increased their power. On the other, political parties and trade unions lost legitimacy. In December 2005, a faction of the Bolivian social movements won the general elections, and Evo Morales (the cocalero movement´s leader) became the first Aymara president in Bolivian history. How to manage this government it is one of the majors challenges the social movements confront in today’s Bolivia. La emergencia de movimientos sociales en la esfera pública está ligada a las consecuencias negativas del neoliberalismo. Actores sociales provenientes de distintos sectores y con intereses distintos unieron fuerzas contra un sistema que se convirtió en el “antagonista común”. Después de años de organización autónoma, estos movimientos lograron reconocimiento político e incrementaron su poder de gestión, mientras los partidos políticos y los sindicatos perdían legitimidad. En diciembre 2005 una facción de los movimientos sociales ganó las elecciones generales y Evo Morales (líder del movimiento cocalero) se convirtió en el primer Presidente aymara de la historia de Bolivia. Cómo gestionar este gobierno constituye hoy día uno de los mayores retos que enfrentan los movimientos sociales.

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22

Kuenzli, E. Gabrielle. "Acting Inca: The Parameters of National Belonging in Early Twentieth-Century Bolivia." Hispanic American Historical Review 90, no. 2 (May 1, 2010): 247–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2009-134.

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Abstract This article focuses on the connection between Aymara indigenous communities, Liberal intellectuals, and the nation-building process in late nineteenth and early twentieth-century Bolivia. The Liberal intellectuals’ designs of nation in early twentieth-century Bolivia were shaped in part by the actions and political initiatives of the very “Indians” the intellectuals sought to categorize, define, and contain. Somewhat paradoxically, the national intellectuals and the local Aymara elite unwittingly collaborated in the construction of a preferred Indian identity, the Inca, to create a noble and progressive past for the nation and to marginalize the undesirable, non-elite Aymara indigenous population in the wake of the 1899 Civil War between Liberals and Conservatives. The process of narrating the native past was of importance to national intellectuals as well as to native peoples. Several types of sources inform these late nineteenth and early twentieth-century discourses of nation building, including judicial court cases, archival documentation, and theatrical performance. The narrative of the indigenous past and the role of the actual Indian population within the Bolivian nation in the early twentieth century was a site of negotiation located at the center of national politics, establishing the foundation for a nation that would maintain differentiated constructions of Indian identity at its core.

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23

Bohrt, Marcelo A. "Racial ideologies, State bureaucracy, and decolonization in Bolivia." Bolivian Studies Journal/Revista de Estudios Bolivianos 25 (May 11, 2020): 7–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/bsj.2019.200.

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Race has shaped the development of the Bolivian state and its institutions albeit with important transformations in the social and political meaning of race. This paper discusses the racialization of the central state bureaucracy in Bolivia along these two dimensions: the distribution of bureaucratic resources and the assumptions and meanings that underpin bureaucratic hierarchy and spaces. It first discusses the relationship between the modern state and the concept of race, and conceptualizes the ethnoracial bureaucracy as a material and symbolic structure. Next, it examines the composition of the public administration sector overall and across the bureaucratic hierarchy in 2001, before the MAS-IPSP’s rise to power. Last, it surveys the narratives of race and nation that Creole and white-mestizo state elites historically mobilized in demarcating the boundaries of state power around whiteness. In contemporary Bolivia, the production of alternative official narratives of race and nation seeks to blur the boundary between indigeneity and statecraft (re)produced since the early republican period, and to legitimize the changing ethnoracial composition of the bureaucracy. The durability of the project is not guaranteed as the sediment of history and competing political projects weighs heavy on this process of transformation and negotiation.

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Ros-Izquierdo, José. "Forgotten natives." Comunicar 11, no. 22 (March 1, 2004): 109–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.3916/c22-2004-16.

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The «guaraní» natives are forgotten by the bolivian government and even university ignores their existence, although the «guaraní» language is official in Bolivia. As they have no access to mass media, they cannot extend their language, history and cultur Los indígenas guaraníes están olvidados por las políticas oficiales y tampoco la universidad toma en cuenta su existencia, a pesar de que la lengua guaraní es idioma oficial de Bolivia. Sin acceso a los medios de comunicación, no pueden incentivar el uso de su lengua ni difundir su historia y cultura. Ante esta realidad de explotación, por parte de la sociedad dominante, y la situación de postergación en la que se ha mantenido durante siglos a la población indígena, Formasol y un grupo de investigadores se propusieron investigar cuál es la raíz del «olvido» que viven los indígenas. Esta experiencia pretende capacitar a comunicadores indígenas y puede llegar a convertirse en un elemento de encuentro entre lo académico y la realidad indígena.

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HURTADO, NATALÍ, and GUILLERMO D’ELÍA. "A new species of long-tailed mouse, genus Oligoryzomys Bangs, 1900 (Rodentia: Cricetidae), from the Bolivian Yungas." Zootaxa 4500, no. 3 (October 16, 2018): 341. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.4500.3.3.

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Andean long-tailed mice of the genus Oligoryzomys have a complex and instable taxonomic history. Recent studies, in addition to circumscribe O. destructor to populations from southern Peru up to the north, and O. brendae to those from Argentina and southern Bolivia, have identified a candidate species in northern Bolivia. Herein, we assessed the status of the mentioned candidate species by morphologically comparing it with O. brendae, its sister group; with O. destructor, which is morphologically similar and distributed parapatrically; and with O. flavescens occidentalis, which is geographically codistributed. Additionally, we compared it with Oryzomys chaparensis, a poorly known form, currently placed in the synonymy of O. microtis, whose type locality is near the known distribution of the Bolivian candidate species. Results show that the assessed form is morphologically diagnosable. This fact together with its phylogenetic distinction allows us to hypothesize that it represents a new species that is named and described here.

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Rojas Velarde, Luis. "Wake up, Bolivia." Index on Censorship 24, no. 1 (January 1995): 193–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064229508535874.

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Morrison, Hugh. "Negotiated and Mediated Lives: Bolivian teachers, New Zealand missionaries and the Bolivian Indian Mission, 1908–1932." Itinerario 40, no. 3 (December 2016): 429–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115316000644.

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This article places missionary education squarely at the centre of any consideration of European expansion in the modern era. It focuses more specifically on the place of local teachers in Bolivia and their relationship with one evangelical Protestant mission, the Bolivian Indian Mission, which originated in New Zealand in the early 1900s. It takes a non-metropole and a “multi-sited” approach to missions and education. It argues that what we know about Bolivian teachers was mediated through the missionary voice and that these teachers negotiated their lives within a particular missionary space, in which there operated a number of intersecting influences from other sites within the wider imperial or Western network. It aims to both reclaim the identities of Bolivian teachers (focusing on teachers’ identity and function) and to reflect critically on intrinsic methodological and conceptual issues (emphasizing the nature of sources, missionary discourse, the resulting status of Bolivian teachers, and Bolivian agency).

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Canessa, Andrew. "Indigenous Conflict in Bolivia Explored through an African Lens: Towards a Comparative Analysis of Indigeneity." Comparative Studies in Society and History 60, no. 2 (March 27, 2018): 308–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417518000063.

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AbstractSince Evo Morales was first elected President of Bolivia in 2005, indigeneity has moved from being a language of protest to a language of governance with concomitant profound changes in how indigeneity is imagined and mobilized. However, one of the striking features of Morales's presidency is his administration's open conflict with various indigenous groups. Although a number of scholars have addressed these issues, they have largely focused on the peculiarities of the Bolivian example in a Latin American context; this has obscured the advantage of significant comparative analysis with other areas of the world. I argue that indigeneity as it is currently practiced and understood is a recent global phenomenon and that there are more similarities between African countries and Bolivia than is generally appreciated. In particular, scholarly debates surrounding the difference between autochthony and indigeneity, and the case of Cameroon in particular, have much to offer in our understanding of the Bolivian case. To date, the primary frame for understanding indigeneity is an ethnic/cultural one and this can obscure important similarities and differences between groups. The comparative framework presented here allows for the development of analytical tools to distinguish fundamental differences and conflicts in indigenous discourses. I distinguish between five related conceptual pairs: majoritarian and minoritarian discourses; claims on the state and claims against the state; de-territorialized peoples versus territorialized peoples; hegemonic and counterhegemonic indigeneity; and substantive versus symbolic indigeneity. These nested pairs allow for analytic distinctions between indigenous rights discourses without recourse to discussions of culture and authenticity.

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Werner, Bridgette K. "Between Autonomy and Acquiescence: Negotiating Rule in Revolutionary Bolivia, 1953–1958." Hispanic American Historical Review 100, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 93–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-7993100.

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Abstract In January 1958, the townspeople of San Pedro de Buena Vista hunted down and killed peasant leader Narciso Torrico, sparking a wave of violence that provoked repeated state interventions in northern Potosí department, Bolivia. Encouraged by the Movimiento Nacionalista Revolucionario (MNR) state's rightward turn, local elites had regrouped to challenge revolutionary change. Meanwhile, José Rojas—a powerful peasant leader and key MNR ally—faced a crucial crossroads. Repeatedly tapped by state authorities to pacify San Pedro de Buena Vista, Rojas vacillated between asserting political autonomy and acquiescing to state power. While previous scholarship has viewed Rojas's relationship with the revolutionary state as clear evidence of the MNR's co-optation of Bolivian peasants, the events of 1958 provide a powerful counterpoint to this narrative. I argue that crucial intermediaries like Rojas evaded state agents' control in spite of their public support for the MNR, thus challenging the historiographical portrayal of peasant leaders' passivity in the postrevolutionary years.

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30

Langer, Erick D., and Jerry W. Knudson. "Bolivia: Press and Revolution, 1932-1964." Hispanic American Historical Review 67, no. 3 (August 1987): 541. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2515618.

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31

Helguera, J. Leon, and William Lee Lofstrom. "La presidencia de Sucre en Bolivia." Hispanic American Historical Review 69, no. 2 (May 1989): 357. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2515857.

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32

Hertzler, Douglas. "Unresolved Tensions: Bolivia Past and Present." Hispanic American Historical Review 90, no. 4 (November 1, 2010): 728–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2010-068.

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33

Bourque, Susan C. "Gender and Modernity in Andean Bolivia." Hispanic American Historical Review 80, no. 3 (August 1, 2000): 620–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-80-3-620.

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34

Field, Thomas C. "USAID in Bolivia: Partner or Patrón?" Hispanic American Historical Review 100, no. 2 (May 1, 2020): 373–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-8178589.

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35

Rocabado, Franco Gamboa. "Proclaiming Revolution: Bolivia in Comparative Perspective." Hispanic American Historical Review 86, no. 1 (February 1, 2006): 190–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-86-1-190.

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Petras, James F., James M. Malloy, and Eduardo Gamarra. "Revolution and Reaction: Bolivia 1964-1985." Hispanic American Historical Review 69, no. 4 (November 1989): 790. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2516143.

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37

Lancer, Erick D. "Bolivia: Press and Revolution, 1932-1964." Hispanic American Historical Review 67, no. 3 (August 1, 1987): 541–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-67.3.541.

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38

Helguera, J. León. "La presidencia de Sucre en Bolivia." Hispanic American Historical Review 69, no. 2 (May 1, 1989): 357–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-69.2.357.

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39

Petras, James F. "Revolution and Reaction: Bolivia 1964-1985." Hispanic American Historical Review 69, no. 4 (November 1, 1989): 790–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-69.4.790.

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40

Winchell, Mareike. "Liberty Time in Question: Historical Duration and Indigenous Refusal in Post-Revolutionary Bolivia." Comparative Studies in Society and History 62, no. 3 (July 2020): 551–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417520000171.

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AbstractThis article examines revolutionary discourses of national historical transformation in Bolivia and tracks the ways those discourses are appropriated, contested, and recast by farmers in the rural agricultural province of Ayopaya. During fieldwork carried out with Quechua-speaking farmers in Ayopaya between 2011 and 2012, I learned about people's enduring concerns with a recent hacienda past. Against governmental declarations that Bolivia's colonial past was dead or had passed, farmers meditated on the duration of earlier histories of colonial land dispossession and violations of indigenous sovereignty. Talk about the region's oppressive history here allowed people to assess deficient state aid and resources but also to oppose unwelcome state interventions pushing a legal model of bounded collectivity. I trace the ways that farmers and villagers mobilized the hacienda past to address inequitable land tenure, violated sovereignty, and women's marginalization from political life, and thereby raise new questions about the critical possibilities opened up by the re-politicization of this colonial history. Rural support for Bolivia's Movement Toward Socialism party government eroded nearly a decade ago, and this complicates both triumphalist and defeatist accounts of President Evo Morales’ 2019 resignation, which tend to paint Morales’ rural indigenous supporters as innocent and naïve.

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Whigham, Thomas, and Bruce W. Farcau. "The Chaco War: Bolivia and Paraguay, 1932-1935." Journal of Military History 60, no. 4 (October 1996): 781. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2944677.

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Catepillán Tessi, Tomás. "Sobre Herbert S. Klein, Historia mínima de Bolivia." Historia Mexicana 67, no. 2 (October 1, 2017): 1027. http://dx.doi.org/10.24201/hm.v67i2.3487.

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43

Freeland, Anne. "The National-Popular in Bolivia: history, crisis and social knowledge." Postcolonial Studies 22, no. 3 (July 3, 2019): 275–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13688790.2019.1673330.

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44

Dunkerley, James. "Pachakuti en Bolivia (2008-2010). Un diario personal." Bolivian Studies Journal/Revista de Estudios Bolivianos 15 (January 15, 2011): 9–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/bsj.2010.18.

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The writing of this personal Diary approaches crucial public “moments” in Bolivian history and connects them with present debates around the exercise of democracy in the context of the New Political Constitution of the State (2006) and of the recently founded Plurinational State (2010). In an effort to embrace a Pachakuti logic, the writing avoids a strict chronological order of the facts, rather unfolding a concern with the ‘historicity’ of where Bolivia now stands and where she might be ‘going.’ The Diary begins on February 7, 2009 (inauguration of the new Political Constitution of the State) and concludes on February 13, 2010 (with a report of the British newspaper The Guardian commenting that the government of Evo Morales has created a Space Agency and plans to launch, in 2013, a satellite that will be called Tupac Katari).La escritura de este Diario personal aborda “momentos” públicos cruciales en la historia de Bolivia y los conecta con los debates actuales en torno al ejercicio de la democracia en el contexto de la Nueva Constitución Política del Estado (2006) y del recientemente fundado Estado Plurinacional (2010). En un esfuerzo por darle a la escritura una lógica de Pachakuti, no se sigue el orden cronológico de los hechos, más bien se despliega una preocupación por la historicidad de dónde está parada Bolivia y hacia dónde podría estar yendo. El Diario se inicia el 7 de febrero de 2009 (inauguración de la nueva Constitución Política del Estado) y concluye el 13 de febrero de 2010 (con un reporte del periódico británico The Guardian comentando que el gobierno de Evo Morales ha creado una Agencia Espacial y planea lanzar, en 2013, un satélite que se llamará Tupac Katari).

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Tapia Mealla, Luis. "History and Structure in the Thought of René Zavaleta." Historical Materialism 27, no. 3 (October 24, 2019): 127–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-00001805.

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Abstract René Zavaleta set out to deepen the explanation of the history of Bolivia by developing a set of ideas about long-term structures of pre-Hispanic and colonial origin and their forms of overlap. This paper analyses the conceptual structure of Zavaleta’s proposal and the place of history within it.

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Beltran, Clara Lopez, and James Painter. "Bolivia and Coca: A Study in Dependency." Hispanic American Historical Review 76, no. 3 (August 1996): 592. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2517862.

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47

Sheinin, David. "Narcotrafico y politica II: Bolivia 1982-1985." Hispanic American Historical Review 66, no. 4 (November 1986): 812. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2515112.

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Sheinin, David. "Narcotráfico y política II: Bolivia 1982-1985." Hispanic American Historical Review 66, no. 4 (November 1, 1986): 812–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-66.4.812.

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49

Beltrán, Clara López. "Bolivia and Coca: A Study in Dependency." Hispanic American Historical Review 76, no. 3 (August 1, 1996): 592–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-76.3.592.

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Assies, Willem, and Ton Salman. "Ethnicity and politics in Bolivia." Ethnopolitics 4, no. 3 (September 2005): 269–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17449050500229842.

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