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1

West, Ian. "England’s Co-operative movement: an architectural history." Industrial Archaeology Review 43, no. 1 (January 2, 2021): 75–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03090728.2021.1899483.

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WEINBREN, DAN. "‘SOUTH LONDON LABOUR AND CO-OPERATIVE MOVEMENT HISTORY’." History Workshop Journal 35, no. 1 (1993): 273. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hwj/35.1.273.

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3

HILSON, MARY. "Consumer Co-operation and Economic Crisis: The 1936 Roosevelt Inquiry on Co-operative Enterprise and the Emergence of the Nordic ‘Middle Way’." Contemporary European History 22, no. 2 (April 4, 2013): 181–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777313000040.

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AbstractIn the wake of the Great Depression, Sweden and the other Nordic countries were widely perceived as a model region, a successful example of the ‘middle way’ between socialism and capitalism. Central to this idea were the Nordic co-operative movements, which became the focus of President Roosevelt's Inquiry on Co-operative Enterprise in Europe, conducted in 1936–7. Drawing mainly on the records of the Inquiry, the article explores the construction of the ‘middle way’ idea and examines the role of the Nordic co-operators in shaping international perceptions of the region, while also shedding new light on differences within the international co-operative movement during the same period.
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Forrai Ørskov, Frederik. "The International Co-operative Alliance and the Consumer Co-operative Movement in Northern Europe, c. 1860–1939." Scandinavian Journal of History 44, no. 4 (February 11, 2019): 531–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03468755.2019.1579424.

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Vernon, Keith. "The International Co-operative Alliance and the Consumer Co-operative Movement in Northern Europe, c. 1860–1939." Social History 44, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 137–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2019.1549775.

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6

Wilson, John, Anthony Webster, and Rachael Vorberg-Rugh. "The Co-operative Movement in Britain: From Crisis to “Renaissance,” 1950–2010." Enterprise & Society 14, no. 2 (June 2013): 271–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/es/khs076.

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Between 1950 and 2010, the British co-operative movement faced a series of commercial, structural, and corporate governance crises. Having pioneered many of the features of modern large-scale retailing since its origins in the mid-nineteenth century, from the 1950s the Co-operative Wholesale Society (CWS) and the retail cooperative societies it served experienced plummeting market share, continued internecine rivalries, and increasing marginalization. In the early twenty-first century, however, co-operatives improved their market share and experienced a “Renaissance” in commercial fortunes despite continued fierce competition in food retailing. As yet there has been little exploration of the nature of this turnaround and the ways in which the once-foundering co-operative business model was re-engineered.Drawing on new research into the CWS (renamed The Co-operative Group in 2001), this article provides a historical analysis of the movement’s decline and revival. As the article details, from the 1950s significant efforts were made to reform CWS and the movement as a whole. However, co-operatives were slow to adapt to the changing business environment, hampered by dysfunctional organizational dynamics that constrained structural change and limited efforts to compete with private retail multiples. Following an unsuccessful takeover bid for CWS in 1997, co-operative opinion coalesced around the need for change. In the final section, the authors analyze the factors underpinning the “Renaissance,” focusing on both organizational innovations and the reassertion of core values and principles on which co-operation had been built. This provides a fascinating illustration of how a business can respond effectively to internal and external challenges, yet retain its fundamental character.
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Hilson, Mary. "Consumers and Politics: The Co-Operative Movement in Plymouth, 1890-1920." Labour History Review 67, no. 1 (April 2002): 7–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/lhr.67.1.7.

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8

Corina, John Grenville. "William King (1786–1865): Physician and Father of the Co-Operative Movement." Journal of Medical Biography 2, no. 3 (August 1994): 168–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/096777209400200309.

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9

SVENDSEN, GUNNAR LIND HAASE, and GERT TINGGAARD SVENDSEN. "The Global Development Race and the Samaritan's Dilemma: Development Aid Discourse in Danish Agriculture, 1960–1970." Contemporary European History 17, no. 1 (February 2008): 97–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777307004298.

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AbstractWhy has ‘development aid’ been donated by so-called developed to under-developed populations since the Second World War? Using discourse analysis, this article provides partial answers to this riddle. First, we suggest that donor motives may be rooted in an ideology of ‘being good’, which, paradoxically, motivates recipients to be helpless – that is, a Samaritan's dilemma. Second, drawing on journal articles published in 1960–70, we test this theory by tracing a global development discourse and ‘goodness ideology’ in a Western country such as Denmark – a process that was strongly influenced by the agricultural co-operative movement, which sought to export the ‘Danish co-operative model’.
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Doyle, Patrick. "The clergy, economic democracy, and the co-operative movement in Ireland, 1880–1932." History of European Ideas 46, no. 7 (March 31, 2020): 982–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01916599.2020.1747226.

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GURNEY, PETER. "Consumerism and the co-operative movement in modern British history - By Lawrence Black and Nicole Robertson." Economic History Review 63, no. 2 (May 2010): 544–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0289.2009.00519_17.x.

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12

Friberg, K. "The Co-operative Movement and Communities in Britain, 1914-1960: Minding Their Own Business. By Nicole Robertson." Twentieth Century British History 22, no. 3 (November 12, 2010): 443–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/hwq051.

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Blaszak, Barbara. "The gendered geography of the english co-operative movement at the turn of the nineteenth century." Women's History Review 9, no. 3 (September 1, 2000): 559–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612020000200252.

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Hilson, Mary. "Popular movements and the fragility of the Nordic democracies during the first half of the twentieth century." Journal of Modern European History 17, no. 4 (October 22, 2019): 469–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894419880459.

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The Nordic countries Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden are among the few European countries where parliamentary democracy survived the challenges of the interwar period. The apparent resilience of Nordic democracy has sometimes been partly attributed to the strength of the popular movements, the internal democratic structures, and culture of these organizations and not least their role in educating their members in democratic practices. Drawing primarily on examples from the co-operative movements in several Nordic countries, the article asks how democracy was understood in co-operative societies and how it functioned in practice. Co-operative societies were committed to the principle of ‘one member one vote’, but faced constant dilemmas over how to combine the possibility for grassroots influence with the need for central control, especially as the organizations grew in size. In some cases, this led to irreconcilable conflicts and splits in central organizations. The article argues that although the co-operatives and other popular movements later came to be seen as crucial elements in the survival of Nordic democracy, their role in this survival should not be taken for granted.
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McLaughlin, Eoin. "Civilising rural Ireland: the co-operative movement, development and the nation-state 1889–1939." Irish Studies Review 28, no. 2 (March 10, 2020): 267–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09670882.2020.1739803.

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Adams, Tony. "Co-Operators and Politics – a Rejoinder." International Review of Social History 32, no. 2 (August 1987): 174–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000008427.

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Central to Professor Pollard's “Reflections on a Re-consideration” is the contention that in 1917 Britain's co-operators decided to enter electoral politics as a result of the acceleration of long-run economic and social change. This decision, it is argued, emerged naturally from the steady prewar growth in class-consciousness established by secular shifts in the fabric of Britain's economy and society. We can agree that there is some evidence of a slow growth of class-consciousness before 1914, but not that this should have as its “natural” outcome the establishment of a political party by the British co-operative movement. It remains my contention that this departure was principally the result of the post-1914 experience of British co-operators.
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Holloway, Gerry. "The matriarchs of england's co-operative movement: a study in gender politics and female leadership, 1883–1921." Women's History Review 10, no. 4 (December 1, 2001): 729–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612020100200602.

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18

Purvis, M. "Consumerism and the Co-operative Movement in Modern British History: Taking Stock. Edited by Lawrence Black and Nicole Robertson." Twentieth Century British History 21, no. 2 (February 26, 2010): 241–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/hwp054.

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19

DAVIS, PETER. "The Co-operative movement and communities in Britain, 1914-1960: minding their own business - By Nicole Robertson." Economic History Review 64, no. 2 (April 12, 2011): 689–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0289.2010.00578_17.x.

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20

Lane, Fintan. "William Thompson, bankruptcy and the west Cork estate, 1808–34." Irish Historical Studies 39, no. 153 (May 2014): 24–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400003606.

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Historians of socialist thought have rated the Irish political philosopher and radical economist William Thompson (1778–1833) as the most influential theorist to emerge from the Owenite movement in early nineteenth-century Britain. Indeed, Gregory Claeys has judged him to be that movement's ‘most analytical and original thinker ... and a writer whose subsequent influence upon the history of socialist economic thought has been long established’. Furthermore, stressing Thompson's democratic values, Claeys insists that the Irishman ‘may rightfully be considered the founder of a more traditionally republican form of British democratic socialism’. While Robert Owen is remembered for his ambitious co-operative experiments, he was not a theoretical or deeply reflective writer and his intellectual legacy was minimal. The Corkborn Thompson, on the other hand, wrote assiduously on the theory and practice of early socialism, reputedly influenced Karl Marx and became a key figure in the history of feminism; nonetheless, our knowledge of this important Irish intellectual remains deficient.
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Burge, Alun. "The Co-operative Movement in South Wales and its History: 'A Task Worthy of the most Sincere Devotion and Application'." Welsh History Review / Cylchgrawn Hanes Cymru 23, no. 4 (December 2007): 59–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.16922/whr.23.4.4.

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22

Benyamin, Jasmine. "Walter Gropius and Operative History: an Architectural Palimpsest." Education and Reuse, no. 61 (2019): 18–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.52200/61.a.yy72uckw.

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This essay evaluates the legacy of the pedagogical model set by Walter Gropius and other founders of the Bauhaus on subsequent curricula for schools of architecture. More specifically, it uses Walter Gropius’ views on history as a backdrop for a closer reading of operative history. While at the Bauhaus, Walter Gropius did not initially mandate the teaching of history. Later, as Dean of Harvard’s Graduate School of Design, he re-structured the history sequence as electives, thereby undermining its hitherto central role in what he viewed as a traditional approach to pedagogy that was overly analytical and intellectual. Rather, he encouraged his students to “make history” for themselves. What are the manifestations of operative history in architecture schools today, and how have they gone beyond references to 20th century Modernism? It is undeniable that there is a concerted effort among contemporary historians to complicate the history of the movement. Nonetheless, the impulse to self edit persists, such that imagery of like minded practitioners converge and sometime eclipse other architectural production.
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23

Gupta, Akash, and Adnan Al-Anbuky. "IoT-Based Patient Movement Monitoring: The Post-Operative Hip Fracture Rehabilitation Model." Future Internet 13, no. 8 (July 29, 2021): 195. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/fi13080195.

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Hip fracture incidence is life-threatening and has an impact on the person’s physical functionality and their ability to live independently. Proper rehabilitation with a set program can play a significant role in recovering the person’s physical mobility, boosting their quality of life, reducing adverse clinical outcomes, and shortening hospital stays. The Internet of Things (IoT), with advancements in digital health, could be leveraged to enhance the backup intelligence used in the rehabilitation process and provide transparent coordination and information about movement during activities among relevant parties. This paper presents a post-operative hip fracture rehabilitation model that clarifies the involved rehabilitation process, its associated events, and the main physical movements of interest across all stages of care. To support this model, the paper proposes an IoT-enabled movement monitoring system architecture. The architecture reflects the key operational functionalities required to monitor patients in real time and throughout the rehabilitation process. The approach was tested incrementally on ten healthy subjects, particularly for factors relevant to the recognition and tracking of movements of interest. The analysis reflects the significance of personalization and the significance of a one-minute history of data in monitoring the real-time behavior. This paper also looks at the impact of edge computing at the gateway and a wearable sensor edge on system performance. The approach provides a solution for an architecture that balances system performance with remote monitoring functional requirements.
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24

Ackers, Peter. "Protestant Sectarianism in Twentieth-Century British Labour History: From Free and Labour Churches to Pentecostalism and the Churches of Christ." International Review of Social History 64, no. 1 (April 2019): 129–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859019000117.

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The British educated classes have long worried and fantasized about working-class religious belief and unbelief. Anglican churchmen feared Methodist “enthusiasm” in the eighteenth century, radicalism in the aftermath of the French Revolution, and urban, industrial irreligion after the 1851 Religious Census on churchgoing. In a mirror image of these old anxieties, most labour historians have wished away Christianity in the twentieth century. The long-standing shared socialist teleology of Marxists and Fabians leads to the modern, socialist labour movement. In this Marxian take on secularization theory, a new, more cohesive proletariat or singular “working class” forms, with an anti-capitalist, “socialist” consciousness reflected in the political, trade union, and co-operative institutions of the “labour movement”. Suddenly, economic, social, and political history find a single, unified subject. At the level of belief, socialism displaces those old Victorian pretenders for working-class hearts and minds: conservatism, liberalism, and Christianity. Sometime between 1914 and 1918, the Christian religion disappears from ordinary lives, as in Selina Todd's recent, The People, where popular religious faith is barely worth talking about.
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Sheppard, Barry. "Civilising rural Ireland: the co-operative movement, development and the nation state, 1889–1939. By Patrick Doyle. Pp 248. Manchester: Manchester University Press. 2019. £80." Irish Historical Studies 43, no. 164 (November 2019): 353–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2019.78.

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Nikola Balnave and Greg Patmore. "The Labour Movement and Co-operatives." Labour History, no. 112 (2017): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.5263/labourhistory.112.0007.

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Forero-Laverde, German. "Stock market co-movement, domestic economic policy and the macroeconomic trilemma: the case of the UK (1922–2016)." Financial History Review 26, no. 3 (July 16, 2019): 295–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096856501900009x.

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This article explores the global cycle hypothesis by testing whether the US stock market serves as an explanatory variable for the evolution of expansions and contractions in the UK stock market from 1922 until 2016. Alternatively, it tests an index that groups the stock markets of advanced economies to identify whether this driving force is international. Second, regarding co-movement with the US, the article explores whether its time-varying nature is contingent on the domestic and international economic policy regimes. I find evidence that there is a strong and contemporaneous co-movement between the US and UK stock markets. Additionally, through a VAR model, I identify that the movements in the UK stock market cause, in the Granger sense, changes in the index for advanced economies up to two years later. Furthermore, in the short-run co-movement between the US and UK stock markets is contingent on the macroeconomic trilemma while, in the long run, both domestic and international policy regimes affect the relationship. A final contribution is the design of a new methodology for describing the evolution of financial time series as risk-adjusted above or below average returns to different time horizons: the Local Bull Bear Indicators (LBBIs).
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Gurney, Peter. "Alan G. Burton, The British Consumer Co-operative Movement and Film 1890s–1960s. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2005. 260pp. Bibliography. £55.00." Urban History 32, no. 3 (December 2005): 541–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926805323479.

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Ridley, David. "Institutionalising critical pedagogy: Lessons from against and beyond the neo-liberal university." Power and Education 9, no. 1 (March 2017): 65–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1757743817693250.

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This article approaches the question of how far critical pedagogy can be institutionalised through a series of historical and contemporary examples. Current debates concerned with the co-operative university are examined, as well as histories of independent working-class education and the free university movement. Throughout this history, critical pedagogy has occupied a difficult space in relation to higher education institutions, operating simultaneously against and beyond the academy. The Deweyian concept of ‘democratisation’ allows the institutionalisation of critical pedagogy to be considered as a process, which has never been and may never be achieved, but is nevertheless an ‘end-in-view’. The article concludes by offering the Lucas Plan as a model of radical trade unionism that could be applied to the democratisation of existing universities and the institutionalisation of critical pedagogy.
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Hilson, Mary. "Nicole Robertson. The Co-operative Movement and Communities in Britain, 1914–1960. Minding Their Own Business. [Studies in Labour History.]Ashgate, Farnham2010. 251 pp. Ill. £55.00;." International Review of Social History 57, no. 1 (March 2, 2012): 118–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002085901200003x.

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Bae, Aaron Byungjoo. "“The Struggle for Freedom, Justice, and Equality Transcends Racial and National Boundaries”." Pacific Historical Review 86, no. 4 (November 1, 2017): 691–722. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2017.86.4.691.

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This article examines the 1967–1971 political prisoner solidarity movement for Black Panther Party co-founder Huey P. Newton as a case study of multiracial radical alliances in the San Francisco Bay Area. In contrast to the predominant trope of “unlikely allies,” I argue that the activists examined in this article who formed alliances with Newton and the Panthers were predisposed to collaborative activism through their common anti-imperialist orientation, expressed as anti-racism, anti-capitalism, and anti–U.S. military interventionism. In addition, I show that earlier alliances laid the foundation for alliances with later movements and organizations, creating what I term “genealogies of alliance” within the Free Huey Movement that demonstrate a persistent desire for collaborative activism throughout this era. This article prompts a reconsideration of Sixties radicalism; in contrast to scholarly and popular interpretations that focus on activists’ sectarianism and divisiveness, the Free Huey Movement illuminates how activists theorized and endeavored to work toward the collective liberation of all people.
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Lahtinen, Esa. "Finnish participation in co‐operation within the Nordic labour movement, 1880–1918*." Scandinavian Journal of History 13, no. 1 (January 1988): 23–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03468758808579132.

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El Houssi, Leila. "The History and Evolution of Independence Movements in Tunisia." Oriente Moderno 97, no. 1 (March 30, 2017): 67–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340139.

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After the establishment of French protectorate in 1881, the role played by the domestic nationalist movements that emerged in Tunisia during the early twentieth century is fundamentally important for any analysis of the long chain of events that ultimately led to the decolonization of the country. The first Tunisian nationalist movement was that of the Jeunes Tunisiens (Young Tunisians) in 1907, which was fronted by two charismatic leaders: al-Bašīr Ṣafar and ʿAlī Bāš Ḥānbah. Al-Bašīr Ṣafar, the undisputed heart and soul of the movement, was among the founders of the Ḫaldūniyyah, a journalist for Le Tunisien, and, after 1908, the governor of Sousse. ʿAlī Bāš Ḥānbah as an administrator at the Collège Sadiki and co-founder of Le Tunisien. After the Great War, another movement emerged demanding the creation of a parliamentary assembly made up of both French and native citizens: the Parti Libéral Constitutionnel, or Dustūr, led by ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz al-Taʿālbī, which founded the Arabic-language newspaper “Sabīl al-Rašād”. Initially underestimated by the French authorities, Dustūr would go on become a legitimate nationalist movement. In 1934, at the Congress of Ksar Hellal, the party line imposed by Dustūr frustrated and disappointed many young nationalist militants, who split away from the group and founded a movement of their own that would go on to become the primary champion of the independence struggle: Néo-Dustūr. Among these young militants were Ḥabīb Būrqībah, the leader of the new party, which radically transformed itself with a cross-class platform capable of winning the allegiance of the Tunisian masses in the fight for greater independence. As we shall see, the origins of decolonization in Tunisia indisputably lay in the creation and evolution of these nationalist groups, which built upon and succeeded one another during the first four decades of the twentieth century.
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Greg Patmore and Mark Westcott. "The Labour Movement, Mutuals and Co-operatives: Introduction." Labour History, no. 112 (2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5263/labourhistory.112.0001.

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Kim, Sang-Hee and Changdeog Huh. "A study of Co-Op in Korea: Reviewing the history through Social Movement Frame." Environmental Philosophy ll, no. 17 (June 2014): 5–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.35146/jecoph.2014..17.001.

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Keenan‐Thomson, Tara. "From co‐op to co‐opt: gender and class in the early Civil Rights Movement." Sixties 2, no. 2 (December 2009): 207–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17541320903346536.

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Gehrke, Jules. "Nicole Robertson. The Co-operative Movement and Communities in Britain, 1914–1960: Minding Their Own Business. Studies in Labour History. Farnham and Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2010. Pp. 251. £55.00 (cloth)." Journal of British Studies 50, no. 2 (April 2011): 533–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/658263.

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38

Thompson, Lynne. "The Promotion of Agricultural Education for Adults: The Lancashire Federation of Women's Institutes, 1919–45." Rural History 10, no. 2 (October 1999): 217–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793300001795.

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A recent article in Rural History illustrated how the Women's Institutes between the wars Were influenced by contemporary feminism. The argument of the article was that in seeking to change the material condition and status of countrywomen, and in effect, emulating craft trades union strategies, the WI movement sought to alter perceptions of women's labour in the home by enhancing their skills, encouraging co-operative endeavour and promoting an ‘active domesticity’. Furthermore, the domestic arena was extended to cover all aspects of rural life related to the home, garden, farm or allotment.However, as time passed between the wars, less interest was shown in agricultural work outside the home, and, as Morgan states elsewhere, the agricultural ‘side’ of the movement became ‘severely diminished’. Whilst one might not seriously quarrel with this statement with reference to some periods of WI history, it is, nevertheless, a somewhat reductive approach to have taken when considering the interwar period. During that time, there is evidence to suggest that in some regions at least, WI members maintained more than a passing interest in agriculture per se. This was not simply in relation to the production and preservation of food, but rather as a means of maintaining the influence of women in rural policy making. This interest can be best detected in the educational sphere, from the promotion of classes in a wide range of agricultural activities and demonstrations at agricultural and horticultural shows, to WI membership of local agricultural education committees. Furthermore, the National Federation of Women's Institutes (NFWI) fought in many ways to maintain the agricultural ‘side’ of the movement because it was an integral part of its wider mission to educate countrywomen, particularly those who were destined to live and work in the Empire
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Chalofsky, Neal E. "Social Entrepreneurship and Social Movement Learning: A Reflective Account of the History of the TPSS Food Cooperative." Advances in Developing Human Resources 21, no. 2 (February 8, 2019): 193–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1523422319827921.

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The Problem Numerous generational and satisfaction surveys for the past several years have consistently highlighted that millennials want meaningful work and make a contribution to society. Unfortunately, most organizations, especially for-profit ones, do not offer even one of these criteria, no less both. Social entrepreneurship captures the desire for both millennial goals. Unfortunately, people with the vision and creativity to make a contribution to their community or society at large lack both the social movement learning (SML) and human resource development/organization development (HRD/OD) skills to grow and direct the organization once it gets off the ground. So it dies, or ends up focused more on “the business” aspect of the mission rather than the social aspect of the mission. The Solution There was a social movement in the world of work that emerged during the 1970s and 1980s before the term social entrepreneurship was in use. It was called the food cooperative (co-op) movement. What has reemerged in the past decade under the banner of social entrepreneurship, such as organizations that support fair-trade practices, or collect food waste and turn it into compost for community gardens, or develop learning tools for disabled children, can learn lessons from the co-op movement of the 1970s. This article will present an account of one such food co-op and what was learned from the experience of the co-op’s growth for the past 35 years that can benefit both current and future social entrepreneurships. The article will end with a discussion focused on how SML and HRD/OD can keep today’s social entrepreneurship on the path of providing meaningful work and contributing to society. The Stakeholders HRD/OD specialists, adult and community education specialists, social entrepreneurship leaders, nonprofit and community leaders, and business incubators.
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Rock-Singer, Aaron. "Leading with a Fist: A History of the Salafi Beard in the 20th-Century Middle East." Islamic Law and Society 27, no. 1-2 (February 20, 2020): 83–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685195-00260a06.

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Abstract Salafism is a global religious movement whose male participants often distinguish themselves from their co-religionists by a particular style of facial hair. Historians have focused largely on this movement’s engagement with questions of theology and politics, while anthropologists have assumed that Salafi practice reflects a longer Islamic tradition. In this article, I move beyond both approaches by tracing the gradual formation of a distinctly Salafi beard in the 20th century Middle East. Drawing on Salafi scholarly compendia, leading journals, popular pamphlets, and daily newspapers produced primarily in Egypt and Saudi Arabia, I argue that Salafi elites revived a longer Islamic legal tradition in order to distinguish their flock from secular nationalist projects of communal identity and Islamic activists alike. In doing so, I cast light on Salafism’s interpretative approach, the dynamics that define its development as a social movement, and the broader significance of visual markers in modern projects of Islamic piety.
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Islam, Bassem. "Laparoscopic Hysterectomy Versus Abdominal Hysterectomy of Enlarged Uterus." Women Health Care and Issues 3, no. 1 (February 5, 2020): 01–08. http://dx.doi.org/10.31579/2642-9756/018.

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This prospective interventional to assess feasibility of total laparoscopic hysterectomy (LH) for uteri weighing 280 gm or more. The study included 120 patients divided to 60 patient conducted total laparoscopic hysterectomies and 60 patients conduct total abdominal hysterectomy as standard method. Full history taking, gynecologic examination and ultrasound examination were done to all patients. The following data were collected from every patient in all groups: Age, BMI, uterine weight, Operative time, Estimated intraoperative blood loss, Preoperative hemoglobin and postoperative hemoglobin deficit 12 hours after surgery, intraoperative and Post-operative complications, Time to resumption of bowel movements to normal, Length of hospital stay. The most common indication among our patients was fibroid uterus while adenomyosis came second. All operations were performed by the same surgeons and using the same technique. We observe BMI is not considering as obstacle in laparoscopic group with advancement of anesthesia and sealing system. The mean operating time was slightly but not significally lower in laparoscopic hysterectomy with highly significant difference in the estimated blood loss in favor of laparoscopic group. The total incidence of intra-operative and postoperative complication of patient submitted to laparoscopic hysterectomy lower than conventional hysterectomy group but not statically significantly. There was significant difference in pain scoring, earlier bowel movement and hospital stay in the arm of laparoscopic group.
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42

Stuart, Rebecca. "Co-movements in stock market returns, Ireland and London 1869–1929." Financial History Review 24, no. 2 (August 2017): 167–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565017000130.

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This article studies the relationship between the Irish and London stock markets over the period 1869 to 1929, using monthly data on capital gains. A bivariate GARCH model shows that there were significant volatility spillovers from the London to the Irish market, but not vice versa. This suggests that shocks originating in London were transmitted to Ireland, but that the reverse did not occur. Furthermore, the time-varying correlation indicates that the co-movement between London and Ireland declined during the Irish independence struggle and the establishment of the Irish Free State. The correlation appears to stabilise in the late 1920s.
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Molina, Fernando, and Antonio Miguez. "The origins of Mondragon: Catholic co-operativism and social movement in a Basque valley (1941–59)∗." Social History 33, no. 3 (August 2008): 284–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071020802268314.

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44

Rutjens, Christel A. W., Paul H. M. Spauwen, and Pascal H. H. M. van Lieshout. "Lip Movement in Patients With a History of Unilateral Cleft Lip." Cleft Palate-Craniofacial Journal 38, no. 5 (September 2001): 468–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1597/1545-1569(2001)038<0468:lmipwa>2.0.co;2.

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45

Bar Or, Galia. "The Founding Contexts of Kibbutz Museums and the Case of the Mishkan Museum of Art, Ein Harod." Images 9, no. 1 (May 22, 2016): 105–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18718000-12340058.

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This article surveys the circumstances in which kibbutzim built museums between the 1930s and the 1960s. It focuses on the two largest kibbutz movements and their divergent attitudes to the founding of museums, to art, and to the role of artists in society. In particular, this paper examines the case history of the first art museum to be built in a kibbutz—at Ein Harod, the birthplace of the largest kibbutz movement, the Kibbutz Meuhad. This movement envisioned and promoted a “city/village” form of habitat where agriculture and industry, manual and intellectual labor could co-exist. The article’s analysis of the social construction of space shows how the dynamic network of diachronic and synchronic contexts structures the potential meaning of a particular museum, its status and eventually, its fate.
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46

Hijar, Andrés. "There are no Communists Here." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 37, no. 2 (2021): 263–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2021.37.2.263.

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Workers’ unions and political projects in postrevolutionary Chihuahua, specifically the border city of Ciudad Juárez, have remained largely unexamined by historians. Existing research in this state has mainly focused on the role of political and economic elites. In this article, I examine the rise of a radical labor wing spearheaded by the communist-leaning Cámara Sindical Obrera in the political, social, and economic milieu on the border throughout the 1930s. This wing encouraged a sense of internationalism and mass direct action. Once the Cárdenas regime ended, workers experienced significant setbacks at both the national and local levels. Scholars examining workers’ movements during the same period have identified divisions within the labor movement as the main reason behind the demise of communist unions within organized labor. I argue that the gradual co-optation of the radical wing of the labor movement, beginning in the 1940s, had more to do with the violence perpetrated against these unions by emergent statewide elites than with fractures within the movement. I demonstrate that violence, arrests, and outright murder of key leaders weakened communist unions by altering their internal mechanisms designed to remain independent. In this difficult context, organized labor responded to the challenge with different degrees of success.
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KOWOL, KIT. "THE CONSERVATIVE MOVEMENT AND DREAMS OF BRITAIN'S POST-WAR FUTURE." Historical Journal 62, no. 2 (January 10, 2018): 473–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x17000449.

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AbstractThe British general election of 1945 and the return of the nation's first ever majority Labour government was a profound turning point in Britain's political history. The scale of Labour's victory, and the belief in its inevitability, has, however, obscured important developments in British Conservatism. Historians have subsequently characterized the Conservative party as either unwilling to develop their own distinct plans for the post-war future, or divided between those who were willing to embrace the policies of social democracy and those with a neo-liberal approach to political economy. This article challenges this depiction by examining the thoughts and actions of those within what it terms the wartime ‘Conservative movement’: the constellation of fringe and pressure groups that orbited around the Conservative party during the period. In examining this movement, it identifies three major traditions of Conservative political thinking, and three sets of activists and parliamentarians all committed to developing radical Conservative plans for post-war Britain. The article demonstrates how these different traditions built upon but also radicalized pre-existing currents of Conservative thought, how the language of social democracy was co-opted and reinterpreted by those within the Conservative movement, and how the war changed Conservative perception of the British people.
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Baker, Carrie N., and Maria Bevacqua. "Challenging Narratives of the Anti-Rape Movement’s Decline." Violence Against Women 24, no. 3 (March 9, 2017): 350–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077801216689164.

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A recent trend in scholarship characterizes the anti-rape movement as founded with radical goals and achieving success at reforming rape laws, but then declining because of co-optation by the state. This article challenges narratives of decline in light of the history of the anti-rape movement and current anti-rape activism. By focusing their critique on criminal justice and therapeutic approaches to sexual violence, and failing to account for the diversity of the anti-rape movement, advocates for narratives of decline ignore parts of the movement that challenge the state and other parts that use broader cultural and community-based strategies to end rape.
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Pearce, Russell G., and Amelia J. Uelmen. "Religious Lawyering's Second Wave." Journal of Law and Religion 21, no. 2 (2006): 269–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0748081400005609.

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The recent three-hour program on “Professional Responsibility and the Religious Traditions” at the annual meeting of the American Association of Law Schools (“AALS”), sponsored by the Section on Professional Responsibility and co-sponsored by the Section on Law and Religion, represents a milepost in the history of the religious lawyering movement and offers a valuable opportunity to reflect on that history. In 1998, only eight years ago, one of us defined the religious lawyering movement as “an emerging force” in legal ethics. In that short time, the movement has expanded dramatically and has received greater attention within the academy and the bar. It has developed the first institutional vehicles for disseminating and promoting conversations about religious lawyering, both among lawyers of the same faith and among lawyers of different faith traditions. Now the religious lawyering movement is increasingly confronting more complex and more difficult religious, legal and ethical issues; and is extending the religious lawyering conversation internationally.
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Mak, Toby C. T., William R. Young, Wing-Kai Lam, Andy C. Y. Tse, and Thomson W. L. Wong. "The role of attentional focus on walking efficiency among older fallers and non-fallers." Age and Ageing 48, no. 6 (October 3, 2019): 811–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ageing/afz113.

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Abstract Background This study evaluated the effect of attentional focus instructions on movement efficiency during a level-ground walking task in older adults with and without a history of falls. Methods One hundred and thirty-four community-dwelling older adults were categorised into older fallers (OF) (n = 37) and older non-fallers (ONF) (n = 97). Each participant was instructed to walk at a self-selected pace along a 6 m walkway under three attentional focus conditions (i.e. internal, goal-directed and control) for a total of nine trials. Average muscle activity indices of lower limb co-contractions were measured using surface electromyography. Results Both shank and thigh muscle co-contractions were higher in OF than in ONF in all three conditions. OF also demonstrated higher shank muscle co-contraction under the internal relative to the goal-directed condition, with no such change observed in ONF. Conclusion Despite no significant between-group differences in functional balance and balance confidence, relative walking inefficiencies were observed in OF compared with ONF. This finding demonstrates the debilitating consequences of falling that can occur with relative independence from various physiological or psychological factors that are commonly associated with falling and used to rationalise behavioural change. We also provide evidence that OF are more susceptible to conditions that provoke them to allocate attention internally. Therefore, in clinical contexts (e.g. gait rehabilitation), verbal instructions that refer to body movements (internal focus) might serve to compromise movement efficiency in older adults with a history of falls. Such changes will, theoretically, lessen the ability to react efficiently to changing environments experienced in daily life.
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