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Journal articles on the topic 'History of Diplomatic Protocol'
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1
Berg, Chris. "What Diplomacy in the Ancient Near East Can Tell Us About Blockchain Technology." Ledger 2 (December 18, 2017): 55–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ledger.2017.104.
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A blockchain is an institutional technology—a protocol—that allows for economic coordination between agents separated by boundaries of possible mistrust. Blockchains are not the only technology in history to have these characteristics. The paper looks at the role of the diplomatic protocol at the very beginning of human civilisation in the ancient near east. These two protocols—diplomatic and blockchain—have significant similarities. They were created to address to similar economic problems using similar mechanisms: a permanent record of past dealings, public and ritualistic verification of transactions, and game-theoretic mechanisms of reciprocity. The development of the diplomatic protocol allowed for the creation of the first international community and facilitated patterns of peaceful trade and exchange. Some questions about a generalised ‘protocol economics’ are drawn.
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Okladnaya, Marina, and Viktoriya Slivnaya. "Protocol of credentials in European countries: general and special." Law and innovative society, no. 2 (15) (January 4, 2020): 28–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.37772/2309-9275-2020-2(15)-5.
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Problem setting. The purpose of establishing diplomatic relations is to maintain constant relations between the countries at the highest diplomatic level. The main stages of establishing diplomatic relations are regulated by the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations of April 18, 1961. At the same time, this document in many respects refers to the national law of countries. The presentation of credentials is the final action, after which diplomatic relations are considered established, and the powers of state representatives take effect. However, international law does not specify the specific form and procedure for the presentation of credentials, as it is up to the States to decide. Therefore, each state has its own practice of the presentation of credentials, which depends on its form of government, national characteristics, historical past. Therefore, it is relevant today to compare the protocols of credentials in the practice of different countries to determine the positive and negative aspects. Target research. The aim of the work is to determine the main content of credentials in the process of establishing diplomatic relations, to study the practice of ceremonies of credentials on the example of Europe and Ukraine, to analyze existing problems in this area of international relations and solutions. Analysis of recent research and publication. This topic is the basis of research in many works of recognized authors. Examples are theoretical works Sagaidak O.P. «Diplomatic protocol and etiquette», Tkacha D.I. «Diplomatic protocol in the Republic of Hungary: general, special», Tymoshenko N.L. «Features of diplomatic, business protocol and etiquette of the Netherlands», and other Ukrainian scholars. Also well-known works of foreign authors are the works of Ikanovich S. and Picarsky J. «Diplomatic Protocol and Good Manners», John Wood and Jean Serre «Diplomatic Ceremony and Protocol», Bennett Carol «Business Etiquette and Protocol». Article’s main body. The establishment of diplomatic relations is aimed at the exchange of diplomatic missions between states. This process ends with the procedure of presenting credentials. Credentials are a document that officially certifies the status of a diplomatic representative of the accrediting state in the host state. This document is important in international law because it has a long history and represents the beginning of the official activities of the ambassador to the host country. Modern elements of the procedure of awarding credentials are common to many states. But each country today has its own characteristics of the ceremony of awarding credentials, which usually depends on its form of government. For example, monarchies (Netherlands, England) still have in their practice a lavish and pathetic conduct of diplomatic events. In contrast, іn today’s democracies (Hungary) the protocol of credentials is more modern and simplified due to the absence of outdated traditions and irrelevant measures. However, each country has both positive and negative aspects of the ceremony. Ukraine has little experience in diplomatic protocol since gaining independence in 1991. Today, national law effectively regulates the procedure for awarding credentials, but many provisions do not correspond to reality. Therefore, Ukraine must develop in this area of international relations on the basis of foreign experience. Conclusions and prospect of development. Thus, the presentation of credentials plays an important role in regulating diplomatic relations between countries. The basis for this ceremony is the characteristics of the state, which includes the political regime, form of government, historical past, modern development, features of the national mentality. In our opinion, the process of universalization of the diplomatic protocol is a variant of development of this field of international relations. The appropriate direction of such development may be the unification of norms relating to the ceremony of awarding credentials, as international law is being actively improved and updated, as exemplified by European integration. As modern Ukraine continues to actively establish diplomatic relations with other countries and exchange diplomatic missions, it is necessary to streamline legislation and develop it on the example of the positive experience of European countries.
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Güngörürler, Selim. "Fundamentals of Ottoman-Safavid Peacetime Relations, 1639–1722." Turkish Historical Review 9, no. 2 (October 9, 2018): 151–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18775462-00902002.
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This article establishes the overarching principles of Iranian-Ottoman peacetime relations from the Treaty of Zuhab to the collapse of the Safavid rule. Based on previously untapped sources, it illustrates the hierarchical foundation of relations marked by the principle of seniority-juniority on every platform, explores the concepts of legal personality, actors, representation, and delegation in diplomacy, and delineates the various capacities of diplomatic missions. After discussing the conduct of diplomatic business and ceremonial protocol, the article addresses the phenomena of language and arts in official contacts. The later part thematizes foreign policy, status-quos, common frontier, balance of power, harmony, and strife, and thus shows how active and dynamic post-Zuhab relations between Istanbul and Isfahan were.
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Zakharova, Oksana. "THE CULTURAL COMPONENT OF DIPLOMATIC RECEPTIONS IN THE USSR (1941–1945)." Scientific Journal of Polonia University 42, no. 5 (February 12, 2021): 174–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.23856/4223.
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An important component of the foreign policy activity of state, public and political figures is participation in official government receptions that have informative and communicative functions. The repertoire policy of concert programs of diplomatic receptions built in such a way not only to inform about state priorities in the field of culture, but also to create a special socio-cultural environment conducive to constructive communication. The researcher analyzed the content of concert programs of government receptions, which organized during the visits to the Soviet Union by W. Churchill, Charles de Gaulle, I.B. Tito. The researcher describes a festive reception at the Reception House of the People’s Commissariat for Foreign Affairs on Spiridonovka in Moscow on November 7, 1943, which organized in honor of the anniversary of the October Revolution, with the participation of the diplomatic corps, political and military elite, literary and art workers. Studying the Soviet diplomatic protocol during this period expands our knowledge not only in the field of the history of diplomatic relations, but also allows us to judge the peculiarities of the development of Soviet culture, its dependence on the tastes of the leaders and party ideology. The materials of the Foreign Policy Archive of the Russian Federation (Fund 057 – “Protocol Department”) used as sources.
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Nikoghosyan, Hovhannes. "Diplomatic History: The Turkey-Armenia Protocols. By David Phillips." American Foreign Policy Interests 34, no. 4 (July 2012): 224–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10803920.2012.706550.
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Martynenko, Stanislav. "Historical forms of implementation of sports events in the system of public diplomacy." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2021, no. 03 (March 1, 2021): 152–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202103statyi32.
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In the political lexicon, the following expressions are traditionally used “sport is an ambassador, a symbol of peace, friendship and unity throughout the world”, “athletes are people’s diplomats”, “athletes, sports teams have done much more for their country with their success than politicians and diplomats”. A feature of modern diplomacy is the democratization of protocol, the frequent organization of meetings at the highest level at sports stadiums, and the constant replenishment of diplomatic terminology with new concepts. The purpose of the study is to trace the characteristic features of sports and diplomacy in sports diplomacy. The main objectives of the research are to find out what is common and different in sports and diplomacy, to identify the features of the development of modern sports diplomacy.
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Sokolov, Danila. "Reading Diplomacy across the Archives." Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 50, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 587–608. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10829636-8626469.
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This essay undertakes a cross-cultural interpretation of Giles Fletcher the Elder’s diplomatic mission to Muscovy (1588–89). It brings Fletcher’s official report on his embassy to the court of Emperor Fyodor in conversation with its Russian counterpart, in addition to placing these documents in the multifaceted context of early modern Anglo-Russian diplomatic ritual. Although Fletcher’s mission has always attracted the attention of scholars in different disciplines, it has not really been considered in light of diplomatic history. Meanwhile, both the English and Russian records of Fletcher’s embassy are preoccupied with diplomatic ritual, dedicating ample space to the choreography of official meetings, status symbols, gifts, acts of consumption, and corporeal semiotics. This essay examines two instances of breakdown in diplomatic protocol associated with Fletcher’s embassy: the alleged misuse of the emperor’s title by the English diplomat and the rejection of Elizabeth’s gifts by the Russian ruler. Focusing on the discrepancies between the English and Russian accounts of these frictions, the essay argues that the English embassy of 1588–89 was marked by a greater complexity and ambiguity regarding its strategies, tactics, objectives, successes, and failures than is often realized.
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Kozub, Ekaterina. "Diplomatic Ceremonial of the 18th Century in the Ottoman Empire throught the Eyes of Russian Diplomats." ISTORIYA 12, no. 6 (104) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840014838-0.
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The article is devoted to the peculiarities of diplomatic ceremonial in the Ottoman Empire in the 18th century. Special attention is paid to such elements of the protocol as the meeting of foreign representatives, the presentation of gifts, the meal, the location of officials during the reception, and some other features. The authors analyze the notes and reports of Russian diplomats who visited the receptions of the Sultan of the Ottoman Empire and the Grand Vizier. Thanks to these sources, it was possible to learn the details of the ceremony and note the fact that Russian diplomats tried to describe what was happening at the receptions in such a way as to emphasize a special attitude towards themselves. In confirmation of this, the authors provide excerpts from preserved sources. In addition, the article draws attention to the fact that many elements of the protocol depended on the status of foreign representatives. In the Ottoman Empire, hierarchy played a significant role. The envoy could not be treated with the same dishware as the ambassador, and the ambassador, in turn, could not be treated with the same dishware as the Grand Vizier. The conclusion drawn in this article is that some elements of the diplomatic ceremonial could change depending on the representatives of which state came to the audience in the Ottoman Empire. Russian ambassadors and envoys were treated more hospitably than representatives of other states because of the Russian Empire's victories in the two Russo-Turkish wars. At receptions with Russian diplomats, there were changes in the protocol by decree of the Ottoman Sultan, in order to demonstrate respect not only for Russian officials, but also for the state as a whole.
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Meuwese, Mark. "The States General and the Stadholder: Dutch Diplomatic Practices in the Atlantic World before the West India Company." Journal of Early American History 3, no. 1 (2013): 43–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-00301007.
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After a discussion of the States General and the office of stadholder as the two key institutions of Dutch sovereignty in Dutch foreign relations, this article analyzes to what extent the two institutions were involved in Dutch diplomacy with non-European peoples in the Atlantic World before the founding of the West India Company in 1621. On the Gold Coast and in West-Central Africa, regions controlled by centralized states and shaped by the presence of Iberian colonizers, Dutch traders relied on the support of the States General and the stadholder to establish alliances. On the Wild Coast of South America and in New Netherland, uncontested regions dominated by decentralized Indigenous groups, Dutch merchants did not require the diplomatic support of the States General or the stadholder but instead established alliances based on local Indigenous protocol.
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Bushkovitch, Paul. "Sofia Palaiologina in Life and Legend." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 52, no. 2-3 (November 21, 2018): 158–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102396-05202003.
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Abstract The marriage of Sofiia Palaiologina and Ivan III of Moscow has been the subject of much speculation about Russia and Byzantium but little analysis of the reality of her role in Russian history. We know very little about her activity as the wife of the grand prince, though that may be because of the character of the chronicle sources. In the relations of Moscow and Lithuania concerning the marriage of her daughter Elena to Grand Prince Alexander her role can be glimpsed behind the protocol, perhaps because the sources are diplomatic records. After her death Sofiia acquired another role: the legend of the miraculous birth of Vasilii III was one of the foundational stories behind the annual pilgrimage of the Russian court to the Holy Trinity-St. Sergii Monastery.
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Moiseev, Maksim V. "I.D. Khokhlov's mission to Bukhara in 1620-1623 and the communication networks of Russian diplomacy in Central Asia." RUDN Journal of Russian History 20, no. 3 (December 15, 2021): 365–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2021-20-3-365-377.
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This article examines Ivan Danilovich Khokhlovs mission to the Khanate of Bukhara in the early 17th century to gain a better understanding of the Russian envoys links with the Central Asian states. Working with the embassys report and related sources, the author looks at both the official and unofficial contacts of the missions members and pays particular attention to identifying with whom they dealt. Unusually, the diplomat limited himself to official contacts in building his information network. Together with his interpreter, Khohklov worked hard to set up a network of horizontal contacts to provide him with comprehensive and detailed intelligence. Endeavoring to improve relations, he described the ruling khans and those close to him, all the while making sure that he strictly adhered to Russian diplomatic protocol.
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Wichhart, Stefanie. "The Formation of the Arab League and the United Nations, 1944–5." Journal of Contemporary History 54, no. 2 (February 28, 2019): 328–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009418799178.
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While the Great Powers were meeting in Washington at the Dumbarton Oaks Conference, representatives of the Arab states were meeting in Egypt to draft the Alexandria Protocol, the document that would lead to the establishment of the Arab League in March 1945. The idea of Arab Unity has a long history driven by intra-regional dynamics but the form that the League ultimately took of a regional organization rather than the political union many envisioned was largely a product of the wartime environment. The Arab states found both opportunity and potential threats in the Dumbarton Oaks proposals as they worked to develop their own postwar vision. Discussions of regional councils in the months preceding Dumbarton Oaks raised fears of a western-imposed regional order and served as the center of gravity that ultimately allowed them, for the moment, to overcome regional rivalries and join together in the Arab League. This case study contributes to the decolonization of diplomatic history by placing the Arab nationalist movement in its global context and demonstrates how the Arab states, for whom unity was viewed as a pathway to independence, appropriated wartime internationalist ideals in the later war years.
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Jackson, Andrew. "Politics, Diplomacy, and the Creation of Antarctic Consensus." Yearbook of Polar Law Online 9, no. 1 (December 8, 2018): 243–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116427_009010011.
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This paper examines the operation of consensus within the Antarctic Treaty System, examining its role as the primary mechanism for achieving important decisions affecting Antarctic governance. It points out that consensus does not equal unanimous agreement, but it does rely on the absence of formal objection. As an example, the paper focuses on the shift from the 1988 Antarctic minerals convention (which regulated possible mineral resource activities) to the 1991 environmental protocol (which prohibited such activities and put in place comprehensive environmental measures). The events and processes associated with this short but important period in Antarctic history are examined to present a picture of the complexity of factors that can influence the achievement of consensus. The paper draws on new research sources, made possible by the recent release of government archives relating to the events discussed. It thus complements existing analyses which relied on the limited publicly accessible records of the inner workings of Treaty meetings and the diplomatic interactions of Treaty Parties. It concludes by pointing to the ongoing importance of consensus as the Treaty System continues to grow.
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Rabasco Ferreira, Rafael. "Protocolo y ceremonial en la presentación de cartas credenciales, en el ámbito de las relaciones diplomáticas / Protocol and ceremonial in the presentation of credentials, in the field of diplomatic relations." REVISTA ESTUDIOS INSTITUCIONALES 4, no. 6 (June 7, 2017): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/eeii.vol.4.n.6.2017.18765.
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La ceremonia de presentación de cartas credenciales constituye un claro ejemplo del amplio canal de investigación que ofrecen las relaciones diplomáticas entre estados, para la investigación del ceremonial y protocolo. Nos acercamos al estudio de este ceremonial en España, que llega hasta nuestros días de forma inusual y anacrónica. Para ello buscaremos sus orígenes, evolución y tratamiento desde el análisis de las etiquetas palaciegas, del desarrollo de la monarquía española, y de la regulación jurídica-normativa en el marco de las relaciones internacionales. En nuestro análisis, se aprecia una ramificación de materias que aparecen interconectadas como la historia, el derecho, la política, instituciones, etc. Por tanto, surge el planteamiento de crear una red interdisciplinar que nos permita minimizar esfuerzos en la consecución de los objetivos propuestos; y al mismo tiempo, nos ayude a alcanzar una visión general, comparativa y pormenorizada, acerca de las ceremonias de presentación de cartas credenciales en la escena internacional. ________________________The credentialing ceremony is a clear example of the broad research pipeline offered by diplomatic relations between states for the investigation of ceremonies and protocols. We approach the study of this ceremonial in Spain, which reaches our days in an unusual and anachronistic way. To do this, we will look for its origins, evolution and treatment from the analysis of palatial labels, the development of the Spanish monarchy and the legal and normative regulation within the framework of international relations. In our analysis, we can see a branching of interconnected topics such as history, law, politics, institutions, etc. Therefore, the idea arises of creating an interdisciplinary network that allows us to minimize efforts in the achievement of the proposed objectives; and at the same time, help us achieve a general, comparative and detailed view of the accreditation ceremony on the international scene.
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Hladík, J. "Document. Diplomatic conference on the Second Protocol to the Hague Convention for the protection of cultural property in the event of armed conflict, The Hague, Netherlands (March 15-26, 1999)." International Journal of Cultural Property 8, no. 2 (January 1999): 526–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0940739199770839.
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Subrahmanyam, Sanjay. "Once bitten, twice shy: A French traveller and go-between in Mughal India, 1648–67." Indian Economic & Social History Review 58, no. 2 (April 2021): 153–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019464621997863.
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This article examines the materials around François le Gouz de la Boullaye, a French gentilhomme (gentleman or minor aristocrat) from the Anjou Province of western France, who visited India twice, once in the late 1640s, and again in the mid-1660s. The result of his first visit, in which he mostly spent time in Surat and Goa, was an extended travel-narrative, the Voyages et Observations, of which two editions appeared in 1653 and 1657. On this basis, Boullaye became a fairly well-known ‘expert’ on Islamic and Indian affairs in Louis XIV’s France. Because of his reputation, he was then chosen as a member of an embassy sent to open trading relations with Safavid Iran and Mughal India in 1664 on behalf of the French Compagnie des Indes. This second visit was not a great success on account of misconceptions regarding diplomatic protocols and because of deep rivalries and divisions amongst rival French actors, including celebrated travellers like Bernier and Tavernier.
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Gherasim, Gabriel C. "Fundamentals of Diplomatic Protocol." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Studia Europaea 64, no. 2 (December 30, 2019): 359–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbeuropaea.2019.2.17.
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Kluge, Pascal. "MÜSİAD, the Green Capital of Turkey, and Armenia." Iran and the Caucasus 14, no. 2 (2010): 387–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338410x12743419190421.
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AbstractIn Armenian-Turkish relations, politics reached a breakthrough in October 2009 with the signing of the Swiss-mediated protocols, whereby it was agreed to open the common borders and establish diplomatic relations. This outcome generally met with great praise internationally. However, as there was also strong domestic and international resistance to the rapprochement, the process soon stalled and the protocols were suspended. Politics failed. In such a situation, is it possible for social organisations to step in and press the process ahead? Stressing the economic advantages of a further rapprochement, MÜSİAD, as an influential entrepreneurs' association in Turkey, is in favour of amelioration of Armenian-Turkish relations and an opening of the borders. Yet, it is also positioned at the junction of political Islam and political economics and, thus, might have reservations against Turkey's Christian neighbour. As the situation is complex, there are various factors influencing the stance of this interest group towards the issue: its view of historical questions, its role vis-à-vis the institutions of political Islam, the economic entanglement within the region, and the Turkish-Azerbaijani relations. Relations with Azerbaijan Republic seem to be particularly relevant in this matter. Azerbaijan reacted negatively to the protocols because it wants to isolate Armenia and thus stifle the latter's military help to the enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh, a region that declared its independence in 1992. The strong economic connections between Turkey and Azerbaijan Republic and, more importantly, the linguistic and religious bonds between the two countries pushed MÜSİAD into a pro-Azerbaijani stance and simultaneously pulled it away from the peace process with Armenia. MÜSİAD's close bonds to the conservative-religious AKP-government of Turkey, which was one of the signatories of the protocols, explain this reaction even more. It is, thus, not the cultural-religious differences with Armenia, but the close relationship to Azerbaijan Republic, which governs the process. In addition, seeing as MÜSİAD regards the Armenian genocide claims categorically as unjustified and false, viewing them solely as malevolent interferences of foreign powers in the Turkish interests, one has to conclude that the organisation is only limitedly capable of changing the course of Turkey's relations with Armenia. Hence, the one-sided approach to historical questions and the close Turkish-Azerbaijani relations with their economic and cultural implications collide with the organisation's explicit objective to improve relations with Armenia.
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Melnyk, Viktor. "CZECHIAN GERMANS: THE HISTORY OF POLITICAL SELF-DESTRUCTION (1939–1945)." Politology bulletin, no. 83 (2019): 40–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2018.83.40-50.
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Objective of the study: to classify and identify the main causes of the process of political self-destruction of the German ethnic minority in the territory of Czechoslovakia; to propose, substantiate and introduce into scientific circulation the concept of political self-destruction of the German community in the territory of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, which existed under the suzerainty of the Third Reich from March 15, 1939 to May 13, 1945. Methodology: Therefore, the journalistic and literary works of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia were analyzed, as well as legal documents and diplomatic protocols adopted following the Yalta Conference (February 4 — F ebruary 11, 1945), the Potsdam Conference (July 17 — August 2, 1945). With the help of the traditional complex of historical and legal methods (text study, comparative analysis, legal analogy), were analyzed the content and external forms of legal succession of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia in relation to the First Czechoslovak Republic (October 28, 1918 — September 30, 1938) and the Second Czechoslovak Republic (September 30, 1938 — March 15, 1939). Structural and functional method allowed to isolate the main reasons for the successful cultural and socio-economic coexistence of Germans and Czechs in the territory of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia under the auspices of the Third Reich in 1939–1945. The socio-psychological approach, in turn, determined the political-political characterization of the rise of interethnic hostility of the Czechs to the Germans. The article argues that the cause of the massacres of Germans by Czech fighters (actions with clear signs of genocide) during 1945–1950 was the transfer of the so-called «guilt for Soviet occupation» by the Czech collective consciousness to the Germans. With the help of English and Soviet propaganda, a negative image of the Germans in the mass media was simultaneously formed. Results and conclusions: The history of the Czechoslovak Republic of 1918–1939 is a prime example of the confrontation between spatial and ethno-linguistic political ideologues. On the one hand, there were Sudeten and Bohemian Germans, supported by the strong movement of the Nazis. On the other hand, the concept of Central European Slavic integration, known as «Czechoslovakism». The struggle between these two ideologues often falls out of sight of contemporary political scientists (political scientists) and historians. This article does not fill the gap, but aims to demonstrate the Czech-German ethno-political conflict of the mid-twentieth century in the form of a logical sequence of events that led to the collapse of both Pan-Germanism and Czechoslovakism. The bloody war between the Slavs and the Germans in the center of Europe ended with the victory of «third power» — ideology of communism.
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Melnyk, Viktor. "CZECHIAN GERMANS: THE HISTORY OF POLITICAL SELF-DESTRUCTION (1939–1945)." Politology bulletin, no. 83 (2019): 40–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2019.83.40-50.
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Objective of the study: to classify and identify the main causes of the process of political self-destruction of the German ethnic minority in the territory of Czechoslovakia; to propose, substantiate and introduce into scientific circulation the concept of political self-destruction of the German community in the territory of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, which existed under the suzerainty of the Third Reich from March 15, 1939 to May 13, 1945. Methodology: Therefore, the journalistic and literary works of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia were analyzed, as well as legal documents and diplomatic protocols adopted following the Yalta Conference (February 4 — F ebruary 11, 1945), the Potsdam Conference (July 17 — August 2, 1945). With the help of the traditional complex of historical and legal methods (text study, comparative analysis, legal analogy), were analyzed the content and external forms of legal succession of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia in relation to the First Czechoslovak Republic (October 28, 1918 — September 30, 1938) and the Second Czechoslovak Republic (September 30, 1938 — March 15, 1939). Structural and functional method allowed to isolate the main reasons for the successful cultural and socio-economic coexistence of Germans and Czechs in the territory of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia under the auspices of the Third Reich in 1939–1945. The socio-psychological approach, in turn, determined the political-political characterization of the rise of interethnic hostility of the Czechs to the Germans. The article argues that the cause of the massacres of Germans by Czech fighters (actions with clear signs of genocide) during 1945–1950 was the transfer of the so-called «guilt for Soviet occupation» by the Czech collective consciousness to the Germans. With the help of English and Soviet propaganda, a negative image of the Germans in the mass media was simultaneously formed. Results and conclusions: The history of the Czechoslovak Republic of 1918–1939 is a prime example of the confrontation between spatial and ethno-linguistic political ideologues. On the one hand, there were Sudeten and Bohemian Germans, supported by the strong movement of the Nazis. On the other hand, the concept of Central European Slavic integration, known as «Czechoslovakism». The struggle between these two ideologues often falls out of sight of contemporary political scientists (political scientists) and historians. This article does not fill the gap, but aims to demonstrate the Czech-German ethno-political conflict of the mid-twentieth century in the form of a logical sequence of events that led to the collapse of both Pan-Germanism and Czechoslovakism. The bloody war between the Slavs and the Germans in the center of Europe ended with the victory of «third power» — ideology of communism.
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Toshpulatov, Sherzod Shukurovich. "Diplomatic Protocol: Theoretical And Legal Approaches To Its Study." American Journal of Political Science Law and Criminology 03, no. 08 (August 25, 2021): 55–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajpslc/volume03issue08-10.
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The article illustrates the fundamental aspects of studies of diplomatic protocol from different perspectives and makes an effort to review its characteristics by relying on political or geographical positions of states. The article also defines the diplomatic protocol and what appeals to it by analyzing its theoretical and legal bases as well as presenting examples of documents used among members of the diplomatic corps. Considering the main features, the article makes a conclusion on the unique nature of the diplomatic protocol.
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Nagieva, A. A., and F. Sh Larina. "INTERNATIONAL LEGAL ASPECTS OF THE DIPLOMATIC PROTOCOL." Moscow Journal of International Law, no. 1 (2018): 79–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/0869-0049-2018-1-79-88.
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Yair, Gad, and Sharona Odom-Weiss. "Israeli Diplomacy: The Effects of Cultural Trauma." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 9, no. 1 (2014): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341269.
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Summary Israeli politicians are diplomatic agents provocateurs. Presidents, prime ministers and foreign office executives craft diplomatic scenes that betray diplomatic protocol. This article exposes the deep cultural codes that explain the unique behaviour of Israeli diplomacy. It documents different occasions of Israeli exceptional diplomacy and suggests that they reflect the cultural traumas that underlie Israeli culture. The analyses apply a new theoretical framework that dwells on the cultural codes of ‘Israeliness’ while suggesting that the unique style of Israeli diplomacy reflects four such codes: existential anxiety; upright defiance; a dugri (frank) speech culture and a fear of seeming to be a sucker (‘fraier’). By interpreting prominent cases with a cultural lens, the authors provide new insights into Israeli unilateralism, its seeming ‘paranoid’ character, and the reason for Israeli ignorance of international diplomatic codes. Essentially, they suggest that: (a) there is a cultural mismatch between diplomatic protocol and the Israeli national habitus; (b) the more that Israel’s strategic interests are threatened, the more locked it becomes to its post-traumatic habitus and the further its politicians move away from protocol. Israel’s persistent cultural trauma is thus likely to maintain the deviation of Israeli diplomacy from diplomatic protocol.
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Michael L. Carrafiello. "DIPLOMATIC FAILURE:." Pennsylvania History: A Journal of Mid-Atlantic Studies 77, no. 2 (2010): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/pennhistory.77.2.0145.
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Sowerby, Tracey A. "Early Modern Diplomatic History." History Compass 14, no. 9 (September 2016): 441–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hic3.12329.
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Trachtenberg, Marc. "Theory and Diplomatic History." Historically Speaking 8, no. 2 (2006): 11–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hsp.2006.0018.
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Stephanson, Anders. "War and Diplomatic History." Diplomatic History 25, no. 3 (July 2001): 393–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0145-2096.00274.
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Tomalin, Barry. "Diplomatic protocol: Etiquette, statecraft and trust. A review." Training Language and Culture 2, no. 1 (March 2018): 101–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.29366/2018tlc.2.1.8.
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Masalkovski, Ile, and Mirjana Ristovska. "Judicial immunity of diplomatic missions as part of the scope of the diplomatic protocol." HORIZONS.A 22 (November 20, 2018): 87–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.20544/horizons.a.22.1.18.p07.
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Wiśniewski, Szymon. "Ewolucja chińskiego protokołu i zwyczajowego prawa dyplomatycznego od XVI do XIX w." Gdańskie Studia Azji Wschodniej, no. 18 (2020): 151–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/23538724gs.20.042.12879.
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The evolution of Chinese protocol and customary diplomatic law in contacts with European countries from the 16th to the 19th centuries From the earliest times, diplomatic protocol has been one of the most important instruments of foreign policy. It facilitates establishing relationships in the international arena by creating a common language of communication. The aim of diplomatic protocol is to create an atmosphere of respect, recognition, and harmony in international relations. To a large extent, it is the result of customary international law, which consists of two basic elements. Firstly, one comes from the practice of states, viewed objectively, and secondly, from opinio iuris, i.e. the subjective feeling that this procedure is a kind of law. For many centuries, the Chinese Empire used these two tools to conduct foreign policy, in particular with European countries with which relations were not based on the principle of equality and respect for sovereignty. The purpose of this article is to indicate how China used protocol and customary diplomatic law to achieve its goals in the international arena.
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Grebliauskienė, Beata, and Mariana Sueldo. "Diplomatinio protokolo kaita: instrumentinis požiūris." Informacijos mokslai 52 (January 1, 2010): 96–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/im.2010.0.3192.
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Straipsnyje diplomatinio protokolo kaita nagrinėjama ir vertinama iš instrumentalistinių pozicijų, diplomatinį protokolą traktuojant kaip tam tikrą apibrėžtas funkcijas atliekantį instrumentą. Protokolo ir etiketo atliekamos funkcijos kito dėl esminių aplinkos pasikeitimų skirtingais laikotarpiais, dėl to kito ir pats etiketas bei protokolas kaip instrumentas.Monarchinėje Europoje diplomatinis protokolas atliko tris funkcijas: galios palaikymo, elito apibrėžimo ir komunikacinio neapibrėžtumo mažinimo. Modernizmo laikotarpiu diplomatinis protokolas išlaikė elito apibrėžimo ir komunikacinio neapibrėžtumo mažinimo funkcijas, o praradęs galios palaikymo funkciją, patapo veiksmingos komunikacijos, elgesio lankstumo ir manevrų laisvės užtikrinimo įrankiu. Dabar elito apibrėžimo funkcija transformavosi į tarpusavio pagarbos ir pripažinimo funkciją, o likusios dvi mažai tepakito. Kinta ir veiksmingos komunikacijos užtikrinimo funkcija. Standartizuoto elgesio, kaip būtino vieno bendro vardiklio, apimtis mažėja, jis užleidžia vietą postmodernistinei komunikacinių pranešimų formų ir interpretacijos įvairovei, o tai sukuria erdvę naujam neapibrėžtumui atsirasti.Protokolas kaip instrumentas, prisitaikydamas prie kintamų aplinkos sąlygų, keičia atliekamas funkcijas. Kintama aplinka iš instrumento reikalauja kitokių funkcijų, o toms funkcijoms atlikti reikia atitinkamai pasikeitusio instrumento. Kintamos aplinkos nulemta diplomatinio protokolo funkcijų kaita lemia jo kaip instrumento paprastėjimą ir lankstumo didėjimą.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: diplomatinis protokolas, diplomatinio protokolo funkcijos, diplomatinio protokolo kaita.Instrumentalistic Approach to Diplomatic Protocol DevelopmentBeata Grebliauskienė, Mariana Sueldo SummaryThis paper presents an analysis of the development of diplomatic protocol with an instrumentalistic approach, considering protocol as an instrument which performs clearly defined functions. Diplomatic protocol as an instrument has undergone changes determined by the transformations in the development of its functions. Then these functions have also changed together with the essential changes that occurred in their milieu in certain periods of time. In monarchical Europe, diplomatic protocol performed three functions: power keeping, elite definition and uncertainty reduction. In the modern times, diplomatic protocol has maintained the latter two and lost its power-keeping function, but it acquired two other functions serving as a guarantor of effective communication, behavior flexibility and maneuvering freedom. At present, diplomatic protocol no longer serves the purpose of defining the elite but has rather become a tool to express mutual respect and acknowledgment. Two of the former functions do not show obvious changes, whereas some transformation can be perceived regarding effective communication. The scope of the essential common denominator diminishes, giving way to postmodernist variety of signalling/message forms and interpretations, thus creating a gap for the re-appearance of uncertainty.Diplomatic protocol as an instrument adjusts to the transforming conditions of the environment by changing the functions it performs. Subsequently, the changes that occurred in the milieu where diplomatic protocol performs its functions demand that the instrument itself be adjusted in order to perform new or transformed functions as appropriate. The development of diplomatic protocol as hereby presented determines its simplification and increased flexibility as an instrument.
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Yefremova, Kateryna, and Maryna Lobko. "The art of diplomatic protocol as tool of business communication." Law and innovative society, no. 2 (15) (January 4, 2020): 35–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.37772/2309-9275-2020-2(15)-6.
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Problem setting. At the present stage of development of international relations, more and more diplomatic negotiations are taking place and a large number of international agreements are being concluded, so for the successful and effective functioning of the state foreign policy mechanism many tools are needed, each of which sets the mechanism in motion. However, the issues of gift literacy and their conceptualization of the role as a tool of diplomatic protocol in the implementation of international contacts of bilateral and multilateral nature remain unexplored. Analysis of resent researches and publications. The following scientists were engaged in research of the specified question: Ukrainian scientists – O. Sagaidak, G. Rudenko, Polish – L. Ikanovich, J. Picarsky, T. Orlovsky, English – John Wood, Jean Serre and others. The target of research is to study the essence of diplomatic protocol and etiquette on the example of gift literacy as a special tool for establishing relations in international cooperation, as well as outlining the realities of regulating this procedure and determining the practical side of the gift process in the context of diplomatic relations. Article’s main body. In the article investigated the essence and genesis of the practice of applying the diplomatic protocol in multilateral diplomacy for political purposes. It is argued that some protocol aspects of a multilateral meeting may be subject to political manipulation, and their behavioral influence on decision-makers is used. The importance of using gifts at the present stage of diplomacy development as one of the political tools that is subordinated to foreign policy goals is determined. The gifts received during the working trips of the presidents of the countries reflect the current state of development of the states, cover meetings and communication with the population, outline the professional and political interests and priorities of the states. The exchange of memorable gifts and souvenirs is carried out in the protocol order or by agreement of the parties in a solemn atmosphere as a separate protocol event within the framework of the state visit of the head of a foreign state. Examining the gifts, you can determine the geography of official visits of high-ranking officials, the current state of development of states, assess the outcome of meetings and communication with the population, learn about professional and political interests and priorities of states. In the protocol practice of most countries, strict cost limits have been introduced for gifts given or received by senior officials. Conclusions and prospects for the development. Gift literacy is one of the modern tools of diplomatic protocol, and the rules for choosing diplomatic gifts are a science, the basic principles of which have changed and improved over the centuries and to this day. Gifts from foreign heads of state, representatives of international organizations and business circles represent the donor country, reflecting customs, culture, government.
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Pshtyka, V. V. "Diplomatic protocol as a tool of international economic relations." Baltic Region, no. 4 (2011): 86–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/2079-8555-2011-4-11.
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Ambrosius, Lloyd E. "Rethinking Diplomatic and Strategic History." Reviews in American History 31, no. 4 (2003): 626–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.2003.0062.
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Langhorne, Richard, Linda S. Frey, and Marsha L. Frey. "The History of Diplomatic Immunity." American Historical Review 105, no. 1 (February 2000): 178. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2652455.
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Edel, Wilbur. "Diplomatic History--State Department Style." Political Science Quarterly 106, no. 4 (1991): 695. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2151800.
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Gienow-Hecht, J. C. E. "What Bandwagon? Diplomatic History Today." Journal of American History 95, no. 4 (March 1, 2009): 1083–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27694563.
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THORNE, CHRISTOPHER. "Diplomatic History: Some Further Reflections." Diplomatic History 14, no. 4 (October 1990): 602–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7709.1990.tb00112.x.
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NINKOVICH, FRANK. "The End of Diplomatic History?" Diplomatic History 15, no. 3 (July 1991): 439–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7709.1991.tb00140.x.
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Yapparova, Venera Nagimovna, Juliya Viktorovna Ageeva, and Adamka Pavol. "Verbal Politeness as an Important Tool of Diplomacy." Journal of Politics and Law 12, no. 5 (August 31, 2019): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v12n5p57.
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This article examines the notion of diplomatic courtesy and analyzes the ways of its language expression in Russian diplomatic discourse on the example of the speeches delivered by the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation Sergey Lavrov.
Diplomatic courtesy is considered by the authors as an integral part of the diplomatic language, which, being a component of the official business style, is characterized by standardization, normalization, lack of emotionality and neutrality. At the same time, the diplomatic language allows the use of language means that are not regulated by the diplomatic protocol, which act as euphemisms and allow expressing opinions on acute political problems without violating the existing rules of diplomatic communication.
The success of diplomatic communication is achieved with the help of universal speech formulas that serve as a means of manifesting courtesy and correspond to the standards of diplomatic communication. Such speech formulas themselves do not have legal force, but they have great moral and political power, since they contribute to the regulation of the nature of relations between countries.
The article shows that diplomatic courtesy can be both positive and negative. The degree of courtesy in a diplomat's speech may depend on a wide range of various factors conditioned by the dependence of diplomatic etiquette on the specifics of interaction between communicants.
Based on the results of the conducted research, the authors came to the conclusion that during various meetings the Minister of Foreign Affairs uses the following verbal means - speech formulas of greeting, address, compliment, invitation, gratitude, condolence, farewell. The frequency of such speech formulas is explained by the need of abidance of an international protocol that prescribes to diplomatic staff a certain sequence of verbal and non-verbal actions.
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Grebliauskienė, Beata, and Mariana Sueldo. "Diplomatinio protokolo kaitai įtaką darantys veiksniai: komunikacinis aspektas." Informacijos mokslai 46 (January 1, 2008): 127–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/im.2008.0.3352.
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Straipsnyje analizuojamas diplomatinis protokolas ir jo kaita komunikaciniu aspektu. Traktuojant protokolą kaip komunikacijos sklandumo ir efektyvumo užtikrinimo priemonę, tiriamos specifinių protokolo bruožų atsiradimo aplinkybės bei priežastys, atskleidžiami diplomatinio protokolo klostymuisi bei raidai įtaką darę veiksniai. Diplomatinis protokolas kaip komunikacijos proceso dalis analizuojamas keliais aspektais: komunikacijos proceso dalyvių tikslai, proceso dalyvių komunikaciniai gebėjimai ir vis daugėjimas šių dalyvių bei komunikacijos intensyvėjimas. Aptariami diplomatinės komunikacijos besikeičiantys tikslai pereinant nuo neapibrėžtumo vengimo iki siekio įtikinti. Atkreipiamas dėmesys į protokolui būdingą, tačiau nesavitikslį neverbalikos formų vartojimą, ritualų ir ceremonijų gausą nuo viduramžių iki mūsų dienų.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: diplomatinis protokolas, komunikacijos procesas, diplomatinio protokolo kaita, veiksniai.The influence factors in the development of diplomatic protokol: communicative perspectiveMariana Sueldo, Beata Grebliauskienė SummaryThis paper provides an analysis of diplomatic protocol as part of the communication process, more specifically as a code of communication and the factors which have mostly influenced its development. Protocol being understood as a means to ensure effective and clear communication, the circumstances and reasons for the emergence of protocol are discussed. Three main aspects of protocol as a communication code are here considered as the most significant, namely: the participants in the diplomatic communication process and their aims, the communication abilities of individuals taking part in such situations, and the gradually and historically changing number of the participants involved in the diplomatic communication process, as well as the intensity of communication. This article unveils these three factors within the area of communication, focusing respectively on each of them, starting with an overview of ritualized and rule-base interpersonal communication as a means to reduce uncertainty. Then diplomatic communication as a persuasive tool is analysed as a ruled self-expression within a purposefully created context, where the participants seek individual goals. Then follows a brief analysis of the changing communication goals, ranging from the avoidance of uncertainty to the seek of persuassion. Attention is drawn to the frequent use of non-verbal communication forms, rituals and ceremonies as an integral component of protocol, from its emergence in the Middle Ages till our times.span>
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Melo, Joao Vicente. "In Search of a Shared Language: The Goan Diplomatic Protocol." Journal of Early Modern History 20, no. 4 (July 5, 2016): 390–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700658-12342504.
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This paper analyzes the Ceremonial de que uzão os VReys [Vice-Reys] quando escrevem aos Reys da Azia. The Ceremonial was a manual of etiquette that aimed to help the Viceroy in his contacts with local rulers such as the Persian and Mughal emperors, the princedoms of Kanara, Sonda, Tannor, and the Sardessais of Sawantvandi. It will be argued that by selecting specific words to address local rulers, inspired by Indo-Persian ideas of kingship and diplomacy, the Portuguese authorities used some elements of the local political culture to facilitate the negotiations between Goa and the Indian courts and develop a comprehensible image of the Portuguese Crown to most South Asian rulers.
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Wylie, Frank Winston. "Protocol: The complete directory of diplomatic, official, and social usage." Public Relations Review 17, no. 2 (June 1991): 209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0363-8111(91)90066-t.
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McMahon, Robert J. "Diplomatic History and Policy History: Finding Common Ground." Journal of Policy History 17, no. 1 (January 2005): 93–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2005.0005.
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It is difficult to imagine two fields of scholarly inquiry with so much in common and yet so little interaction as diplomatic and policy history. Policy, policy process, policymakers, policy origins, policy intentions, policy consequences—those terms and ones of a similar stripe roll just as easily off the tongues and word processors of diplomatic historians as of self-described policy historians. Moreover, the questions asked and the methods employed by the two groups of scholars bear a striking resemblance. Both fields focus perforce on the state and state-centered actors, concern themselves with elite-level decision making, interrogate fundamental issues of power within societies, and concentrate overwhelmingly on the twentieth century to the relative neglect of earlier periods. Each field occupies as well an embattled position within the larger historical profession, where social and cultural history have predominated since the 1960s.
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D'Agostino, Anthony. "Diplomatic History, World History, and the Great Scramble." Historically Speaking 13, no. 5 (2012): 20–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hsp.2012.0057.
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Kralli, Ioanna. "Diplomatic Rhetoric." Classical Review 55, no. 1 (March 2005): 304–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/clrevj/bni169.
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Cairns, Douglas L. "DIPLOMATIC GESTURES." Classical Review 54, no. 2 (October 2004): 476–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/54.2.476.
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O'Neill, Sean. "Diplomatic History: Fall 1997, Columbus, Ohio." Foreign Policy, no. 109 (1997): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1149478.
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Rich, Norman, and Davud Wetzel. "The Crimean War: A Diplomatic History." American Historical Review 91, no. 4 (October 1986): 909. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1873363.
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Pelz, Stephen E. "A Taxonomy for American Diplomatic History." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 19, no. 2 (1988): 259. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/204666.
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