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1

France, John. "The First Crusade: A New History (review)." Catholic Historical Review 91, no. 3 (2005): 517–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2005.0197.

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2

Neville, Leonora. "JONATHAN RILEY-SMITH, The First Crusaders, 1095–1131 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997). Pp. 310. $49.95." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 4 (November 2000): 534–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800002701.

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The First Crusaders, 1095–1131 is a mature work of a leading scholar in the field of Crusade history that displays the results of years of detailed research and thought. The greatest strength of this work is that Riley-Smith draws extensively on documentary evidence from cartularies and archives surviving in European religious communities. Such thorough and extensive use of cartulary evidence is surprisingly rare. The result is a largely fresh view of the old topic of the Crusaders' motivation and a vastly more detailed portrayal of the mechanics and logistics behind the First Crusade. The author supports his views with the cumulative weight of scores of observations regarding the identification and origins of participants in the early Crusading movement. Riley-Smith has complied (and made available in an Appendix) detailed and judicious lists of all those who certainly, probably, and possibly participated in the Crusades between 1096 and 1129. Culled from all the narrative sources and many collections of documents, the lists provide a substantial body of evidence that many scholars will find useful.
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3

Roach, Daniel. "Orderic Vitalis and the First Crusade." Journal of Medieval History 42, no. 2 (February 22, 2016): 177–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03044181.2016.1140673.

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4

Cohen, Jeremy, and Robert Chazan. "European Jewry and the First Crusade." American Historical Review 93, no. 4 (October 1988): 1031. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1863565.

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5

MacGregor, James B. "The First Crusade in Late Medieval Exempla." Historian 68, no. 1 (March 1, 2006): 29–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6563.2006.00134.x.

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6

Kjær, Lars. "Conquests, family traditions and the First Crusade." Journal of Medieval History 45, no. 5 (September 26, 2019): 553–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03044181.2019.1669209.

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7

DŹWIGAŁA, BARTŁOMIEJ. "Constantine, Helena and Heraclius in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 72, no. 1 (June 5, 2020): 18–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046920000640.

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Before the First Crusade, Constantine, Helena and Heraclius occupied an important place in the papal vision of the past. They had already been memorialised in the Latin liturgy, especially in the rituals of festivities surrounding the holy cross. The First Crusaders encountered Constantine, Helena and Heraclius as a part of the religious imagery at the very heart of Christian memory: at the Holy Sepulchre. This article presents research into whether and how the elite of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem developed the historical memory of Constantine, Helena and Heraclius, and argues that it was a central element in the political culture of the crusader states.
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8

France, John. "THE FIRST CRUSADE AS A NAVAL ENTERPRISE." Mariner's Mirror 83, no. 4 (January 1997): 389–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00253359.1997.10656660.

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9

Saperstein, Marc, and Robert Chazan. "God, Humanity, and History: The Hebrew First Crusade Narratives." American Historical Review 106, no. 4 (October 2001): 1434. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2693084.

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10

Grabois, Aryeh, and Robert Chazan. "Chazan's "European Jewry and the First Crusade"." Jewish Quarterly Review 79, no. 2/3 (October 1988): 254. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1454260.

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11

Garber, Zev. "God, Humanity, and History: The Hebrew First Crusade Narrative (review)." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 21, no. 1 (2002): 165–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.2002.0101.

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12

Sapir Abulafia, Anna. "God, Humanity, and History: The Hebrew First Crusade Narratives (review)." Catholic Historical Review 87, no. 2 (2001): 313–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2001.0045.

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13

BULL, MARCUS. "The Roots of Lay Enthusiasm for the First Crusade." History 78, no. 254 (October 1993): 353–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229x.1993.tb02249.x.

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14

France, John. "The Destruction of Jerusalem and the First Crusade." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 47, no. 1 (January 1996): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900018613.

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The First Crusade was such an important event with such amazing consequences that it is hardly surprising that an enormous amount of ink has been spent on discovering the reasons why enthusiasm for it was so widespread. Much effort has been spent on examining factors which preconditioned the men of the eleventh century to welcome Urban's appeal in 1095–6. Broadly speaking it has been supposed that the wars against Islam in Spain accustomed men to the notion of Holy War, while the growing authority of the Church in the age of reform predisposed them to obey their spiritual directors – early evidence of this was the Peace and Truce of God first proclaimed by the bishops and clergy of France. Papal initiative in supporting the reconquest of Islamic Sicily and ‘corrupt’ England, and the influence of papal ideas about the militia Christi refined and developed by Anselm of Lucca reinforced the point. The Church threw its authority behind pilgrimage, the great manifestation of the popular piety of the age which was intimately allied to devotion to relics of saints and the cult of their sacred places. The most sacred of all places, and therefore the greatest of pilgrimages, was that to Jerusalem. It was the spiritual reward for this journey to Jerusalem which Urban 11 offered for those going on the expedition of 1095. These factors have always been the substance of discussion and were systematically analysed by Erdmann in a book which remains the basis of scholarly discussion to this day.
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15

SMITH, THOMAS W. "First Crusade Letters and Medieval Monastic Scribal Cultures." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 71, no. 3 (October 28, 2019): 484–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046919001131.

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The letters of the First Crusade have traditionally been read as authentic and trustworthy eyewitness accounts of the expedition and they contribute greatly to scholarly understanding of the campaign. But new research on them demonstrates that many of the documents are in fact twelfth-century confections produced in the monastic communities of the West as a means of supporting, participating in and engaging with the crusading movement. This article develops new approaches to the letters and new research questions which account for and accept the problematic authenticity of the corpus, pivoting away from traditional methodologies to explore the monastic scribal cultures that produced and consumed First Crusade letters.
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16

Brundage, James A., and Johnathan Riley-Smith. "The First Crusade and the Idea of Crusading." American Historical Review 93, no. 1 (February 1988): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1865716.

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17

Asbridge, Thomas. "Nicholas Morton. Encountering Islam on the First Crusade." American Historical Review 123, no. 4 (October 1, 2018): 1374–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhy117.

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18

Shepkaru, Shmuel. "The Preaching of the First Crusade and the Persecutions of the Jews." Medieval Encounters 18, no. 1 (2012): 93–135. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006712x634576.

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Abstract Although the versions of Pope Urban’s call for the First Crusade focus on the need to liberate the Holy Land from the Muslims, crusaders and locals attacked first the communities of the Franco-German (Ashkenazic) Jews. Both contemporary and modern historians have offered a variety of explanations for these uncalled-for devastating attacks. Without discounting some of these proposals, this article applies the psychological explanation of Displacement to offer an additional reason. The article suggests that the urgent call to retaliate against the Muslims immediately and the many graphic descriptions of alleged Muslim atrocities against Eastern Christians and Christian pilgrims in the propaganda of the First Crusade created mounting frustration in Europe. And since this frustration could not be expressed immediately and directly against its source, i.e., the faraway Muslims, the attackers displaced their aggression onto the nearby Jews. Moreover, Displacement also explains the many close parallels between the images of Muslim atrocities in crusading rhetoric and the idiosyncratic manifestations of the violence against European Jews in the early stages of the First Crusade.
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19

Kostick, Conor. "Courage and Cowardice on the First Crusade, 1096–1099." War in History 20, no. 1 (January 2013): 32–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344512454517.

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Previous surveys of medieval thinking with regard to courage and cowardice have concluded that the greatest opprobrium was reserved for those knights who turned and fled from battle. A close examination of the many sources for the First Crusade, however, indicates that such battlefield behaviour was far less of an issue than that of desertion from the campaign. There is no comparison between the anger and violent expression of dismay directed towards those who abandoned the crusade and that levelled at those who fled from fighting. What this suggests is that the all-or-nothing nature of the enterprise, once it was far from Christian territories, combined with a theology that equated leaving the army with the violation of a pilgrim’s oath, altered the participant’s concept of cowardice. Leaving the crusade was the highest form of cowardice and all other displays of fear were relatively excusable.
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20

Maier, Christoph T. "Crisis, Liturgy and the Crusade in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 48, no. 4 (October 1997): 628–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900013440.

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The First Crusade has been described as a ‘church in procession’ and a ‘military monastery on the move’. The progress of the first crusading armies to the Holy Land was indeed accompanied by regular liturgical practices, acts of devotion and intercessory rites. Before each battle and during sieges the crusaders fasted, prayed, celebrated mass and confessed their sins. They went in processions and sang psalms. This wealth of liturgical practices reported by contemporary commentators provided the rhythm to the crusaders' pilgrimage to Jerusalem and marked the sacred character of their undertaking. At the same time, the liturgy was a rallying point for the crusaders' identity: it represented and reinforced the special relationship between the milites Christi and their God, and gave expression to the spirituality and the ethos of the holy warrior. The crusaders' earnest participation in the liturgy of pilgrimage and holy war no doubt contributed to the image, already observed by contemporaries, of the crusade as a vehicle of piety and a means of salvation parallel to the vocation of the monastic life, which was traditionally considered the highest form of religious devotion.
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21

Bowlus, Charles R., and John France. "Victory in the East: A Military History of the First Crusade." Journal of Military History 60, no. 1 (January 1996): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2944452.

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22

Fanning, Steven, and John France. "Victory in the East: A Military History of the First Crusade." American Historical Review 101, no. 2 (April 1996): 464. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2170421.

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23

Shepkaru, Shmuel. "God, Humanity, and History: The Hebrew First Crusade Narratives. Robert Chazan." Speculum 78, no. 4 (October 2003): 1265–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0038713400100636.

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24

Friedman, Yvonne. "Miracle, Meaning and Narrative in the Latin East." Studies in Church History 41 (2005): 123–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400000176.

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In medieval narrative the First Crusade and the founding of the Latin kingdom were perceived as Gesta Dei per Francos – God’s own deed. Having no doubt that the success of the First Crusade was a miracle, God’s intervention in history, the chroniclers’ rendering of events was accordingly replete with miracles, such as the discovery of the Holy Lance in Antioch and the saints’ taking an active role in the battle against Kirbogha of Mosul in 1098. Even in the more level-headed historical narratives, military success was seen as a miracle and failures were attributed to the sins of the participants who were not pure enough to merit a miracle. Thus the miraculous intervention of God in history became the logical consequence of the prowess and religious behavior of the crusaders, an almost expected outcome of natural events.
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25

Mallett, Alex. "The life of Aq-Sunqur al-Bursuqi: some notes on twelfth-century Islamic history and thirteenth-century Muslim historiography." Turkish Historical Review 2, no. 1 (2011): 39–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187754611x570927.

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AbstractThis article examines the career of the Turkish emir Aq Sunqur al-Bursuqi, who was active across a wide region of the Middle East in the first half of the twelfth century. In so doing, it highlights important aspects of the Crusades and Counter-Crusade more widely during this period. It also analyses the presentation of al-Bursuqi in the historical chronicles which form the basis of studying the early twelfth century, in order to further understanding of the late-sixth/twelfth and early-seventh/thirteenth century societies in which they were written.
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26

Buck, Andrew D. "Settlement, Identity, and Memory in the Latin East: An Examination of the Term ‘Crusader States’*." English Historical Review 135, no. 573 (April 2020): 271–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceaa008.

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Abstract In a recent article, Christopher MacEvitt posited that historians should eschew the term ‘crusader states’ to describe the four polities formed in the Levant and Syria as a result of the First Crusade (the kingdom of Jerusalem, the principality of Antioch, and the counties of Edessa and Tripoli), arguing that crusading and its remembrance had little influence in the east, and so these states should not be viewed as extensions of the west. This paper seeks to offer a critical response to this by making use of the methodological approaches which have recently traced the emergence, influence and definitions of crusading in the Latin West and have re-situated the movement within broader patterns of elite behaviours and cultural identities. The aim, therefore, is to examine the processes of identity formation among Latin settlers in the east, the active remembrance and memorialisation of the First Crusade, and, most especially, what influence the latter had over the nature of inter-cultural contact. It does so by adopting an interdisciplinary approach, which incorporates textual, literary, vernacular, documentary, material and artistic evidence. It will be argued that, although the term ‘crusader state’ cannot be used in a monolithic sense, it nevertheless remains a crucial medium through which to understand the complex social and cultural history of the Latin polities of Outremer, as well as their impact on the Near East. Examination of this concept not only contributes to modern understanding of these states, it also lends greater depth to historiographical discussions on the nature of the crusading movement as a whole.
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27

Winkler, Allan M., and Margaret A. Blanchard. "Exporting the First Amendment: The Press Government Crusade of 1945-1952." Journal of American History 74, no. 2 (September 1987): 557. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1900125.

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28

Marmursztejn, Elsa. "Reason in the History of Persecution." Annales (English ed.) 67, no. 01 (March 2012): 5–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s239856820000056x.

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Forced baptism, as a long-lasting instance of the persecution of Jews in Western societies, has been a highly controversial historiographical issue. Taking into account the risks involved in such a stance—as being a “lachrymose conception of Jewish history” and advocating “teleological,” “anachronistic,” “judiciary” views—this article deals with the historiographical trends which, ruling out the “persecuting society” paradigm and systematically minimizing the part played by religious factors to explain the forms of persecution, have resulted in specific works on historical causality and temporality. Two situations (the first Crusade in 1096 and the Crusade of the Pastoureaux in 1320) enable us to observe the mechanisms of rationalization in this new history of persecution, and show the diversity of its objects and approaches.
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29

Marcus, Ivan G. "European Jewry and the First Crusade. Robert Chazan." Speculum 64, no. 3 (July 1989): 685–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2854207.

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30

Morris, Colin. "Martyrs on the Field of Battle before and during the First Crusade." Studies in Church History 30 (1993): 93–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400011633.

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The First Crusade was an important episode in the history of martyrdom. While some of the crusaders were martyrs in the old style, giving up their lives rather than renounce Christ, the expedition established in the consciousness of Western Europeans the idea of a new route to the status of martyr, which could be earned by those who fell in battle against the unbeliever, righting for Christ and for his people. From this time onwards crusading preachers regularly offered the stole of martyrdom to those who served in Palestine, Spain, and elsewhere, in the war against the Muslims. It is not surprising that recent historians, in particular Jonathan Riley-Smith, John Cowdrey, and Jean Flori, have given close attention to the establishment of this new model of martyr in the closing years of the eleventh century. It may seem that there is little more to add on the subject, but the development is so significant in the context of our present conference that it may be worth while to return to this well-trodden battlefield. What I want to do in this paper is to examine the foundation of this new style of martyrdom in the thinking of earlier centuries, and then to look once more at its impact upon the early stages of the Crusade itself.
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31

Phillips, Jonathan. "The Third Crusade in Context: Contradiction, Curiosity and Survival." Studies in Church History 51 (January 2015): 92–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400050130.

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This essay will explore a few of the myriad competing tensions of motive, ideology and practicality that were created by, and existed during, the time of the Crusades. The First Crusade was launched in 1095 when Pope Urban II called for the liberation of Jerusalem from the Muslims of the Near East. Four years later, the knights of Western Europe captured the holy city and established a series of territories in the Levant. Over time the Muslims began to fight back and by 1187, under the leadership of Saladin, they defeated the Franks (as the settlers were known) and recovered Jerusalem. The particular focus here is on the Third Crusade (1187—92), the campaign called in the aftermath of this seismic event. Popular history books often characterize this as the great clash between Richard the Lionheart and Saladin, and between Christianity and Islam. They describe battles and sieges; they might also highlight the divisions between Richard and Philip Augustus, and the failure of the crusade to recover Jerusalem. Such points are certainly central to a discussion of the Third Crusade but they are symptomatic of more detailed treatments of the expedition that have not, to date, placed the subject in a fuller context. One aspect of this broader approach is to emphasize the diversity of participants within the Christian and Muslim forces, to take the crusade beyond the Richard and Saladin binary.
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32

Bayley, Edwin R., and Margaret A. Blanchard. "Exporting the First Amendment: The Press-Government Crusade of 1945-1952." American Historical Review 92, no. 5 (December 1987): 1299. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1868668.

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33

MØLLER JENSEN, JANUS. "Peregrinatio sive expeditio: Why the First Crusade was not a Pilgrimage." Al-Masāq 15, no. 2 (September 2003): 119–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0950311032000117449.

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34

Brosh, Naama, Silvia Rozenberg, and Hagit Allon. "The Israel Museum Commemorates the 900th Anniversary of the First Crusade." Near Eastern Archaeology 62, no. 2 (June 1999): 130. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/nea3210707.

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35

Jensen, Janus Møller. "Peregrinatio sive expeditio: Why the First Crusade was not a Pilgrimage." Al-Masaq 15, no. 2 (September 2003): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/779971238.

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36

Schreiber, Michael. "Carol Sweetenham (trad.),Robert the Monk's History of the First Crusade / Historia Iherosolimitana." Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie (ZrP) 122, no. 4 (December 2006): 816–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrph.2006.816b.

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37

Rubenstein, Jay. "The Deeds of Bohemond: Reform, Propaganda, and the History of the First Crusade." Viator 47, no. 2 (May 2016): 113–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.viator.5.111229.

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38

Tyerman, C. J. "Commoners on Crusade: The Creation of Political Space?" English Historical Review 136, no. 579 (April 1, 2021): 245–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceab091.

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Abstract According to a monastic chronicler from Lower Saxony, in October 1147, at Nicaea in Asia Minor, tensions within the crusade host of Conrad III of Germany threatened to erupt into mutiny. The chronicler pinned the blame on rumours that Conrad proposed bailing out the poverty-stricken and amateurish infantry and despatching them by sea directly to the Holy Land. The putative recipients angrily rejected royal largesse and authority, electing their own leader, a man called Bernard, and condemning Conrad with the words: ‘Since he scorns to have common people (plebem) with him, we refuse to follow him as king’. In this story, the king backed down. Whether or not these events actually happened, the incident conforms to similar descriptions of popular challenges to crusade leadership emerging from almost all the large-scale crusade campaigns to the eastern Mediterranean from the First Crusade onwards. Shared features include collective non-noble identity; organised popular political action; active public dialogue between commanders and their followers; social tensions that expose suspicions of elite self-interest and backsliding; and an outline of a coherent set of commoner ideological principles revolving around a desire to maintain, and occasionally to assert, communal fraternity across social groups in a common cause.
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39

Asbridge, T. S. "The ‘Crusader’ Community at Antioch: The Impact of Interaction with Byzantium and Islam." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 9 (December 1999): 305–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679407.

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At the end of the eleventh century, in the wake of the First Crusade, a Latin principality was established at Antioch, in northern Syria. Founded by the crusade leader Bohemond (1098–,c. 1105), this Latin community experienced a period of territorial expansion under the energetic rule of his nephew, Tancred (c. 1105–12), followed by seven years of less aggressive leadership by Roger of Salerno (1113–19). The principality suffered a serious setback with the defeat of its army at the evocatively named battle of the Field of Blood in 1119, during which Prince Roger was slain. Power then passed to a regent, King Baldwin II of Jerusalem (1118–31), until Bohemond II (1126–30), the son of Antioch's first prince, arrived in northern Syria.
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40

Rychkov, A. L. "A. Blok’s Marginalia on the Albigensian Crusade as an Indication of the Historical Sources of “Notes” in the Drama “The Rose and the Cross”." Solov’evskie issledovaniya, no. 2 (June 30, 2021): 114–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.17588/2076-9210.2021.2.114-134.

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This article considers the problem of the historical sources reflected in Blok’s drama “The Rose and the Cross”. It demonstrates that Blok’s marginalia in the books of his library serve as an indication of the unknown literary and historical sources of the “Notes” on the Albigensian crusade in the drama “The Rose and the Cross”, and can also be used in interpreting the symbolism of this drama. The marginal notes on the history of the Albigensian crusade that Blok made while working on the play are drawn on as a scholarly source for the first time. In the Appendice to the article facsimiles of Blok’s notes on the Albigensian crusade are published for the first time, accompanied by commentaries and a concordance.
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41

Spencer, Stephen J. "Feelings of betrayal and echoes of the First Crusade in Odo of Deuil's De profectione Ludovici VII in Orientem." Historical Research 92, no. 258 (October 9, 2019): 657–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.12287.

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Abstract This article seeks to shed light on the literary agenda of Odo of Deuil, author of the most detailed Latin account of the Levantine branch of the Second Crusade. It calls for scholars to reinstate Odo's vilification of the Byzantines as a primary, rather than secondary, objective and proposes a new explanation for his stringent anti-Greek tone. It first extends our knowledge of Odo's engagement with the historiographical tradition of the First Crusade, before drawing attention to a hitherto unappreciated layer in his vilification of the Byzantines: his use of emotional language.
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42

Chevedden, Paul E. "“A Crusade from the First”: The Norman Conquest of Islamic Sicily, 1060–1091." Al-Masāq 22, no. 2 (August 2010): 191–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09503110.2010.488891.

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43

ROCHE, JASON T. "In the Wake of Mantzikert: The First Crusade and the Alexian Reconquest of Western Anatolia." History 94, no. 314 (April 2009): 135–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229x.2009.00448.x.

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44

Brus, Marcel. "A Non-Aligned Crusade for International Law?" Leiden Journal of International Law 2, no. 2 (November 1989): 240–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500001291.

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From 26 to 29 June the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries convened at the premisses of the Peace Palace in The Hague to discuss the issue of peace and the rule of law in international affairs. This meeting was the start of a campaign for aDecade of International Law. This was the first occasion that an extraordinary ministerial conference of the Non-Aligned Movement was not held in one of its member countries. The Hague was chosen to underline the historic ties between this city and the (early) development of international law. This year it will be 90 years ago that the First Hague Peace Conference was held on the initiative of Emperor Nicholas II of Russia. This conference (together with the Second Hague Peace Conference of 1907) became a landmark in the history of the codification of international law and especially the development of mechanisms for the peaceful settlement of international disputes between states. The two most important conventions that were adopted at that conference were the Convention with Respect to the Law and Customs of War on Land and the Convention for the Pacific Settlement of International Disputes.
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45

Blake, E. O., and C. Morris. "A Hermit Goes to War: Peter and the Origins of the First Crusade." Studies in Church History 22 (1985): 79–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400007890.

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Just over a century ago Heinrich Hagenmeyer published his definitive book on Peter the Hermit. It has shaped most subsequent discussions of Peter’s career, and it must be said at once that no completely new material has come to light since then. There is, however, a problem of perpetual interest posed by the divergences among twelfth-century accounts of the origins of the First Crusade. Until the advent of modern historiography, it was accepted that the expedition was provoked by an appeal from the church of Jerusalem, brought to the west by Peter the Hermit, who had visited it as a pilgrim, had seen a vision of Christ and had been entrusted by the patriarch with a letter asking for help against the oppression of the Christians there. The crusade was on this view born in the atmosphere of pilgrimage, visions and popular preaching which continued to mark its course, and is so evident in, for example, the discovery of the Holy Lance and the visions and messages which accompanied it. Peter is in some sense the embodiment of these charismatic elements, and there is no controversy about his prominence in the history of the movement. He appears as a sensationally successful preacher, who recruited and led a large contingent which left in advance of the main armies, and was cut to pieces in Asia Minor. Thereafter, he appears in the chronicles in a variety of capacities: as a runaway, and an ambassador to the Moslems, as an adviser, as an associate with the popular element among the crusaders, and finally as a guide to the sacred sites at Jerusalem. It is, however, not with these wider aspects of his career that we wish to deal in this paper, but with his special role in the summoning of the expedition. The older view was that he was its first author. Every student of the early church is familiar with militant monks and hermits. It was once believed that Peter, their spiritual descendant, was the most supremely successful of all the ascetic warmongers.
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46

Mauntel, Christoph. "The ‘Emperor of Persia’." Medieval History Journal 20, no. 2 (September 21, 2017): 354–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971945817718648.

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From the late eleventh century onwards, the crusades brought Latin Christianity into direct contact with Muslim powers in the Near East. For the chroniclers of these events, the task of coping with the diversity of different Muslim actors the Christians faced was extremely challenging. Basically, they had two options to describe their respective political order: they could either use the rulers’ titles in the version supplied by the original language (i.e., sultan or caliph) or they could refer to them by using Latin terms (i.e., rex or imperator). An analysis of the way in which different crusade chroniclers described the political landscape of Islam in the Near East reveals interesting insights: ethnic denominations such as ‘Turks’ or ‘Saracens’ alternated with classical terms such as ‘Babylonians’ and ‘Persians’ thereby evoking ancient empires that were part of the medieval theory of translatio imperii. The Seljuk Sultan, for example, was frequently presented as the ‘emperor of Persia’. Thus, the Muslim states of the eleventh and twelfth centuries were at least to some extent presented as being part of the historical process of evolving and declining empires. The present article asks first how different chroniclers coped with the difficulty of naming and defining foreign political orders and thus developed distinctive interpretations of the history of these empires. Second, the article traces the way in which these models could be adopted by ‘non-crusade’ historiography: the example of William of Malmesbury shows that the English chronicler used the account by Fulcher of Chartres, but developed a remarkably distinctive version. Underlying his accounts is an overall theory of a continuing presence of eastern empires against the changing nature of politics in Christian Europe.
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47

Pełech, Tomasz. "Death on the altar: The rhetoric of 'otherness' in sources from the early period of the crusades." Journal of the Australian Early Medieval Association 17, no. 1 (2021): 67–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.35253/jaema.2021.1.4.

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The article poses a thesis that the chroniclers of the First Crusade were tapping into a preexisting literary tradition of religious conflict in the process of shaping an image of an enemy. It centres on an analysis of the symbolic significance of the particular description of a priest's death at the hands of the Turks on the altar during the celebration of mass found in several sources describing the massacre of Christians in Civetot during the First Crusade (Gesta Francorum, Tudebode's Historia de Hierosolymitano itinere, Baldric of Dol's Historiae Hierosolymitanae libri IV, Guibert of Nogent's Gesta Dei per Francos, Robert the Monk's Historia Hierosolymitana, and Oderic Vitalis' Historia ecclesiastica). The article argues that the presented description could be considered an example of a rhetorical strategy employed in the crusading accounts, used for the purpose of depicting the enemy as religious and cultural 'other'. Furthermore, the article discusses the intertextuality and the potential influence of ancient and scriptural motifs on the literary workshop of the chroniclers in their versions of the story.
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48

Gilchrist, John. "The First Crusade and the Idea of Crusading. Jonathan Riley-Smith." Speculum 63, no. 3 (July 1988): 714–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2852687.

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49

Sokolov, Oleg. "The Crusades in the Arab Discourse on Palestine (1917-1948): cultural aspect." Человек и культура, no. 3 (March 2020): 52–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8744.2020.3.33315.

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In the late XX – early XXI century, the Arab discourse on the issue of Palestine remains saturated with references to the Crusades (1099-1291), and likening the current tribulation of the history of Palestine to the medieval events. Modern historiography traces the growth in popularity of such reminiscences beginning from 1948, while modern literature practically has no mentions of the used of the “anti-Crusades rhetoric” by the Arab cultural figures prior to this data. The object of this research is the mobilization of historical memory in Arab culture of the first half of the XX century; the subject is reference to the topic of the Crusades in the Arab literary texts of 1917-1948 dedicated to the Palestinian issue. Analysis of literary works of the Arab cultural figures of the early XX century demonstrated that way before Arab-Israeli War of 1948-1949, such events as Balfour Declaration (1917) and Arab revolt (1936-1938) were being actively compared by the Arab poets and dramaturgists to the era of the Crusades. In the period from 1917 to 1948, the author highlights the following types of references of the Arab cultural figured to the era of the Crusades in relation to the Palestine issue: blaming of Europe for conducting a new Crusade, manifestations of which were declared the activity of the mandate administrations and arrival of the Jewish settlers; reminding of failure of the Crusades, which should have served as the warning for the modern Europeans; revival of heroic memory of the Palestinians in confrontation of the European crusaders in the Middle Ages, which should have inspire the contemporaries to fight for their land.
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50

Chazan, Robert. "The Facticity of Medieval Narrative: A Case Study of the Hebrew First Crusade Narratives." AJS Review 16, no. 1-2 (1991): 31–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009400003111.

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In the early stages of the modern rewriting of medieval Jewish history, the sources most consulted and adduced were narrative. As the enterprise has matured, further source genres have been discovered and utilized, thus allowing for improved understanding of the medieval Jewish experience. Of late, the reliability of narrative sources has come under question, but at the same time these narrative sources have been utilized in new and creative ways. To be sure, both the questioning and the innovative utilization of medieval Jewish narrative sources have been profoundly influenced by similar tendencies among general medievalists, as they seek to refine their tools of historical reconstruction.
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