Academic literature on the topic 'History of German film before 1945'

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Journal articles on the topic "History of German film before 1945"

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Ljubin, Valeriy P. "SOVIET PRISONERS OF WAR IN GERMANY, 1941–1945 – AN UNDESIRABLE TOPIC FOR GERMAN SOCIETY?" RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, no. 2 (2021): 105–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2021-2-105-116.

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In German and Russian historiography, the tragic fate of the Soviet prisoners of war in Germany during the Second World War has not been suffi- ciently explored. Very few researchers have addressed this topic in recent times. In the contemporary German society, the subject remains obscured. There are attempts to reflect this tragedy in documentary films. The author analyses the destiny of the documentary film “Keine Kameraden”, which was shot in 2011 and has not yet been shown on the German television. It tells the story of the Soviet prisoners of war, most of whom died in the Nazi concentration camps in 1941– 1945. The personal history of some of the Soviet soldiers who died in the German captivity is reflected, their lives before the war are described, and the relatives of the deceased and the surviving prisoners of war are interviewed. The film features the German historians who have written books about the Soviet prisoners. All the attempts taken by the civil society organizations and the historians to influence the German public opinion so that the film could be shown on German television to a wider audience were unsuccessful. The film was seen by the viewers in Italy on the state channel RAI 3. Even earlier, in 2013, the film was shown in Russia on the channel “Kultura” and received the Pushkin Prize.
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Vansant, Jacqueline. "Political and Humanitarian Messages in a Horse's Tale: MGM's Florian." Austrian History Yearbook 42 (April 2011): 164–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237811000105.

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Before the United States entered World War II, major Hollywood studios had been slow to produce films critical of the Nazi regime. In addition to fearing that such films would alienate the lucrative European market and run counter to the United States’ policy of neutrality, film industry executives were mindful, too, that anti-Nazi films could well worsen the situation of Jews in Germany and German-occupied territories. Attuned to anti-immigrant feelings in the United States, they also appeared reticent to depict the lot of refugees from Hitler. If the studios’ prime objective was to make the most profit while entertaining audiences, those running the studios might have viewed taking a stand on controversial issues as counterproductive. MGM's full-length film, Florian (1940), however, proved something of an exception. In this case, a light-entertainment film doubled as a palimpsest for commentary on some of the most critical events of the day.
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Epstein, Catherine. "The Production of “Official Memory” in East Germany: Old Communists and the Dilemmas of Memoir-Writing." Central European History 32, no. 2 (June 1999): 181–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900020896.

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In East Germany, official memory was reputedly embodied in Old Communists, those men and women who had joined the German Communist Party (KPD) before Hitler's rise to power in 1933. After 1945, the Socialist Unity Party (SED), East Germany's ruling party, exploited the tragic experiences of Old Communists during the Third Reich—exile, resistance, and concentration–camp incarceration—to foster a triumphant official memory of heroic, Communist-led antifascist struggle. Intended to legitimate the SED regime, this official memory was rehearsed in countless “lieux de mémoire,” including films, novels, school textbooks, museum exhibitions, and commemorative rituals. Concurrently, party authorities encouraged Old Communists to share their past lives with younger East Germans; in particular, they urged Old Communists to write memoirs of their participation in the antifascist struggle against Hitler.
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White, Jay. "The Homes Front." Articles 20, no. 3 (November 6, 2013): 117–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1019268ar.

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No city in Canada was closer to the front lines of battle in 1942 than Halifax, Nova Scotia. But Halifax, like the rest of the country, was unprepared for a long war and the city struggled to cope with the heavy demand placed on her housing stock and municipal services. In one respect, Halifax was ready: the massive federal investment in new piers and rail facilities, begun before the First World War, enabled the port to accommodate huge British battleships and passenger liners converted into troopships. Her commodious harbour provided safe haven from German U-boats to hundreds of Allied merchantmen. But on the domestic front, Halifax could not even begin to manage the effects of a 10% rise in population in less than two years. Few industrial jobs, limited housing construction, a very high transient population, and a reluctance on the part of the federal government to accept responsibility for local problems all contributed to Halifax having a "rather uncomfortable rail seat at the spectacle of war." — Quotation from "Gateway to the World", film produced by the Nova Scotia Department of Industry and Publicity, 1946.
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Epstein, Catherine. "Eastern German Film, 1945-2000." German Politics and Society 21, no. 3 (September 1, 2003): 101–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503003782353466.

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Joshua Feinstein, The Triumph of the Ordinary: Depictions of Daily Life in the East German Cinema, 1949-1989 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2002)Leonie Naughton, Film Culture, Unification, and the “New” Germany (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2002)
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Ramos Monteiro, Lúcia. "Remaking a European, Post-catastrophic Atmosphere in 2000s China: Jia Zhangke’s Still Life, Iconology and Ruins." Cinémas 25, no. 2-3 (March 23, 2016): 97–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1035774ar.

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Jia Zhangke’s Still Life (Sānxiá hǎorén, 2006) was shot in Fengjie, shortly before its flooding brought about by the construction of the Three Gorges Dam, the world’s largest hydropower station in terms of capacity. The film remakes the post-apocalyptic atmosphere found in European films made after the Second World War. From a web of cinephilic, intermedial and intertextual references, which inscribes Still Life in a local and global history of art and of film, this text compares the way Jia films his characters in a disappearing Fengjie with sequences from Roberto Rossellini’s Germany Year Zero (Germania anno zero, 1948) and Michelangelo Antonioni’s Red Desert (Il deserto rosso, 1964). While remaking the composition of ruins framing Edmund, in the first case, and in the second, a complex relation between background and figure in a deserted industrial landscape, Still Life creates a strange temporality, combining the imminence of a future catastrophe with the memory of past ones.
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Burns, R. "Theatre and Film in Exile: German Artists in Britain, 1933-1945." German History 9, no. 1 (January 1, 1991): 111–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/9.1.111.

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Pollmann, Anna. "Verdinglichung und Zerstörung. Günther Anders und der Begriff der Geschichte im Jahr 1941." Naharaim 13, no. 1-2 (December 18, 2019): 117–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/naha-2018-0100.

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Abstract The article discusses the transformation of the concept of History as it can be traced in the writings of Günther Anders. Anders is primarily known as a critique of modern technology specifically of the atomic bomb, which made him a mentor for the first anti-nuclear movement in West-Germany in the late 1950s. His historical thinking was therefore mainly perceived in its post-historic and apocalyptic dimensions. A closer look at his earlier writings reveals not only that his questioning of the modern concept of History began long before the “ontological cesura” of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. The article discusses two unpublished philosophical manuscripts as well as passages from his Californian diaries, both dating from 1940/41 and focussing the concept of progress. To follow his thoughts from two different angles – historical philosophical inquiry (however fragmented) and the literary form of his diary – gives us insight in his specific methodology of writing coined “Gelegenheitsphilosophie”. This specific form between “journalism and metaphysics” enables Anders to review abstract philosophical concepts on the basis of everyday observation. In the crucial year 1941 Anders reviews progress-thought from the perspective of a Hollywood film studio, raising questions of tradition, authenticity and technological progress in cultural production.
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Kabalek, Kobi. "Commemorating Failure: Unsuccessful Rescue of Jews in German Film and Literature, 1945–1960*." German History 38, no. 1 (April 23, 2019): 96–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghz021.

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Abstract Scholars have so far interpreted postwar depictions of Germans saving Jews from Nazi persecution mainly as apologetic references that allowed Germans to avoid addressing problematic aspects of their history. Yet although such portrayals appear in many postwar German accounts, depictions of successful rescues of Jews are relatively rare in literary and filmic works produced between 1945 and the early 1960s. This article argues that in presenting failed rescue of Jews, several German authors aimed to contribute to the re-education and moral transformation of the German population. The article’s first part shows that narratives of failed rescue were considered particularly useful for arousing Germans’ empathy with the Nazis’ Jewish victims. The article’s second part examines those works that went further and tailored stories of unsuccessful rescue to criticize Germans for not doing more to resist the regime. Although these works presented Germans as victims, as was common in many contemporaneous depictions, it would be misleading to view them merely as apologetic accounts. Rather, the widespread reluctance to commemorate the persecution of Jews urged several authors to retain the common image of Germans as victims in order to avoid alienating their audience. At the same time, using narratives of failed rescue, these writers and filmmakers explored new ways to allow Germans to speak about the Holocaust and reflect on their conduct. Attempts to both arouse a moral debate and avoid directly speaking about Germans’ collective responsibility might seem irreconcilable from today’s perspective, but not for Germans of the 1940s and 1950s.
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Geller, Jay Howard. "Theodor Heuss and German-Jewish Reconciliation after 1945." German Politics and Society 24, no. 2 (June 1, 2006): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503006780681902.

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Since 1949, the Federal of Republic of Germany's titular head of state, the Federal President (Bundespräsident), has set the tone for discussion of the Nazi era and remembrance of the Holocaust. This precedent was established by the first Bundespräsident, Theodor Heuss. Through his speeches, writings, and actions after 1949, Heuss consistently worked for German-Jewish reconciliation, including open dialogue with German Jews and reparations to victims of the Holocaust. He was also the German Jewish community's strongest ally within the West German state administration. However, his work on behalf of the Jewish community was more than a matter of moral leadership. Heuss was both predisposed towards the Jewish community and assisted behind-the-scenes in his efforts. Before 1933, Heuss, an academic, journalist, and liberal politician, had strong ties to the German Jewish bourgeoisie. After 1949, he developed a close working relationship with Karl Marx, publisher of the Jewish community's principal newspaper. Marx assisted Heuss in handling the sensitive topic of Holocaust memory; and through Marx, Jewish notables and groups were able to gain unusually easy access to the West German head of state.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "History of German film before 1945"

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Heikaus, Ulrike. "Deutschsprachige Filme als Kulturinsel : zur kulturellen Integration der deutschsprachigen Juden in Palästina 1933-1945." Universität Potsdam, 2008. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2009/1705/.

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Im sechsten Band der Reihe Pri ha-Pardes untersucht Ulrike Heikaus die deutschsprachigen Filme, die zwischen 1933 und 1945 aus Mitteleuropa nach Palästina importiert und einer breiten Öffentlichkeit vorgeführt wurden. Im Mittelpunkt der Analyse steht die Bedeutung und Repräsentation dieser deutschsprachigen Filme in der palästinensischen Filmkultur, ihre Wahrnehmung und Rezeption, vor allem durch die deutschsprachigen Einwanderer selbst. Mehr als zweihundert deutschsprachige Filme wurden in den palästinensischen Kinotheatern während der Jahre 1930 bis 1945 in Palästina zum Teil über Jahre hinweg regelmäßig aufgeführt. Doch wie sehr waren diese Filme tatsächlich in der hebräischsprachigen Öffentlichkeit präsent? Wie wurde für sie geworben? Und wie wurden diese Filme von den deutschsprachigen Einwanderer wahrgenommen? Antworten dazu geben dabei vor allem die in Palästina in den dreißiger und vierziger Jahren erschienenen Zeitungen in deutscher Sprache, die den Neueinwanderern als Mittel zur sozialen Kommunikation und Plattform für gesellschaftliches, kulturelles und soziales Leben zur Verfügung standen. Untersucht werden ferner Materialien israelischer Archive, die über den Aspekt des deutschsprachigen Filmimports und die Vermarktung der Filme im Kontext der frühen Kinokultur im damaligen Palästina Aufschluss geben.
The focus of this study are the numerous German-speaking films, which were imported to Palestine from Europe between 1933 and 1945 and screened for a broad public. The importance and representation of these films for the young film culture of Palestine, their perception and reception, especially by the German-speaking Jews, will be investigated and analysed in this thesis.
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Sycher, Alexander. "The Nazi Soldier in German Cinema, 1933-1945." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1428959799.

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Lavastrou, Marc. "La réception du cinéma allemand par la presse cinématographique française entre 1921 et 1933." Phd thesis, Université Toulouse le Mirail - Toulouse II, 2012. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00793003.

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Avant même la première distribution d'un film allemand en France, la presse spécialisée s'emploie à dénigrer les productions de l'ennemi héréditaire qui sont réduites à des œuvres de propagande. Ce n'est qu'à la fin de l'année 1921 que Louis Delluc parvient à projeter un premier film germanique. Aux réactions chauvines et nationalistes succèdent rapidement des commentaires plus réfléchis. Ces analyses sont construites sur des stéréotypes issus d'une vision romantique de l'Allemagne telle que Madame de Staël a pu la décrire. Pour les critiques, le succès mondial du cinéma d'outre-Rhin montre la supériorité des cultures européennes sur la " jeune " civilisation américaine. Dès lors, les productions allemandes deviennent un modèle pour le cinéma hexagonal. Avec Les Nibelungen ou Faust, le 7ème art allemand apparaît aux yeux de la critique comme l'archétype de la culture européenne. Ces longs métrages sont représentatifs de l'identité allemande mais dépassent les cadres nationaux pour atteindre une forme d'universel qu'atteste les réussites économiques des productions du milieu des années 1920. L'apparition du cinéma parlant renouvelle les relations franco-allemandes. Les collaborations sont désormais le lot commun des réalisations du début des années 1930 ce que symbolise la production de versions multiples. De part et d'autre du Rhin, les professionnels coopèrent à l'édification d'un cinéma européen sans pour autant perdre de vue l'indispensable ancrage national des films. Des transferts culturels franco-allemands seront multiples jusqu'en janvier 1933. Toutefois l'émigration allemande ne trouvera pas un accueil favorable dans les studios parisiens.
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Books on the topic "History of German film before 1945"

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Hoffmann, Hilmar. The triumph of propaganda: Film and national socialism, 1933-1945. Providence: Berghahn Books, 1996.

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J, Reimer Carol, ed. Nazi-retro film: How German narrative cinema remembers the past. New York: Twayne, 1992.

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Cinema in service of the state: Perspectives on East German and Czech film culture, 1945-1960. New York: Berghahn Books, 2015.

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Becker, Frank. Kultur im Schatten der Trikolore: Theater, Kunstausstellungen, Kino und Film im französisch besetzten Württemberg-Hohenzollern 1945-1949. Frankfurt am Main: Lang, 2007.

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Schoeps, Karl-Heinz. Literature and film in the Third Reich. Rochester, NY: Camden House, 2003.

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The conflagration of community: Fiction before and after Auschwitz. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2011.

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The Great War in popular British cinema of the 1920s: Before journey's end. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015.

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Angst-Nowik, Doris. One-way ticket to Hollywood: Film artists of Austrian and German origin in Los Angeles (emigration 1884-1945) : an exhibition. [Los Angeles, Calif.]: The Library, 1986.

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Angst-Nowik, Doris. One-way ticket to Hollywood: Film artists of Austrian and German origin in Los Angeles, emigration 1884-1945, an exhibition : catalogue. [Los Angeles, Calif.]: University of Southern California Library], 1986.

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Zanim nadeszła zagłada--: Położenie ludności żydowskiej w Zagłębiu Dąbrowskim w okresie okupacji niemieckiej = Before the Holocaust came-- : the situation of Jews in Zaglembie during the German occupation. Katowice: Agencja Reklamowo-Wydawnicza "Vectra", 2009.

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Book chapters on the topic "History of German film before 1945"

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Billheimer, John. "Foreign Correspondent (1940)." In Hitchcock and the Censors, 71–80. University Press of Kentucky, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813177427.003.0008.

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This chapter examines the changes in the source material, script, and film of Foreign Correspondent wrought by the Production Code censors. The original source material was a memoir, Personal History, by Vincent Sheean, which was purchased by producer Walter Wanger. The Production Code office advised Wanger that the property would be unsuitable for filming, since it depicted incidents that might offend Nazi Germany and thus would violate the Neutrality Act. Wanger took the idea of a foreign correspondent, and little else, from the Sheean book and created an espionage thriller in which the country served by the villainous spies is unnamed. Alfred Hitchcock was hired on loan-out from Selznick, and before the film was completed, war had broken out in Europe. Siding with Britain, screenwriter Ben Hecht wrote a final scene in which star Joel McCrea pleaded in a radio broadcast for American involvement in the war effort.
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Mahon, Patrick. "History of Hut 8 to December 1941 (1945)." In The Essential Turing. Oxford University Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198250791.003.0010.

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Patrick Mahon (A. P. Mahon) was born on 18 April 1921, the son of C. P. Mahon, Chief Cashier of the Bank of England from 1925 to 1930 and Comptroller from 1929 to 1932. From 1934 to 1939 he attended Marlborough College before going up to Clare College, Cambridge, in October 1939 to read Modern Languages. In July 1941, having achieved a First in both German and French in the Modern Languages Part II, he joined the Army, serving as a private (acting lancecorporal) in the Essex Regiment for several months before being sent to Bletchley. He joined Hut 8 in October 1941, and was its head from the autumn of 1944 until the end of the war. On his release from Bletchley in early 1946 he decided not to return to Cambridge to obtain his degree but instead joined the John Lewis Partnership group of department stores. John Spedan Lewis, founder of the company, was a friend of Hut 8 veteran Hugh Alexander, who effected the introduction. At John Lewis, where he spent his entire subsequent career, Mahon rapidly achieved promotion to director level, but his health deteriorated over a long period. He died on 13 April 1972. This chapter consists of approximately the first half of Mahon’s ‘The History of Hut Eight, 1939–1945’. Mahon’s typescript is dated June 1945 and was written at Hut 8. It remained secret until 1996, when a copy was released by the US government into the National Archives and Records Administration (NARA) in Washington, DC. Subsequently another copy was released by the British government into the Public Record Office at Kew. Mahon’s ‘History’ is published here for the first time. Mahon’s account is first-hand from October 1941. Mahon says, ‘for the early history I am indebted primarily to Turing, the first Head of Hut 8, and most of the early information is based on conversations I have had with him’.
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Ioffe, Dennis. "Fassbinder’s Nabokov—From Text to Action:Repressed Homosexuality, Provocative Jewishness, and Anti-German Sentiment." In Border Crossing. Edinburgh University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474411424.003.0010.

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This chapter analyzes Werner Fassbinder’s 1978 film of Vladimir Nabokov’s 1936 novel Despair. In light of Nabokov’s own border crossing as a Russian immigrant in Berlin, Fassbinder draws out the implications of the German setting in the writer’s time. The chapter argues that by focusing on the homosexual and Jewish themes of the novel in light of Fassbinder’s own homosexuality and experience as a citizen of a nation that had carried out the Holocaust just before his birth in 1945, the director creates a complex cultural map of sexuality, religious identity, and the mental illness that plagues the protagonist, Hermann. Fassbinder also develops Nabokov’s device of the double: in the film, Hermann, by murdering his stand-in Felix as a symbolic suicide, allows him to experience a rebirth through a new identity, away from Germany and his financial, marital, and social problems.
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Berghahn, Volker R. "Paul Sethe." In Journalists between Hitler and Adenauer, 26–84. Princeton University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691179636.003.0002.

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This chapter turns to the “grand old man” of West German journalism—Paul Sethe (1901–1967)—who was one of the best-known journalists during the founding years of the Federal Republic. Sethe also poses a considerable challenge to the historian who tries to evaluate his professional record because of his work as an editor of the Ohligser Anzeiger und Tageblatt (OA) until December 1933 and of Frankfurter Zeitung (FZ) between 1934 and 1943. After all, whereas in the OA he expressed views that were critical of Hitler before 1933, the FZ's journalism occupied a rather more ambiguous position in the Third Reich. There is also the question of whether deep down in his heart he was more of a scholar of serious history than a journalist writing in the daily hustle and bustle of the newspaper business. As this chapter shows, he wrote several big books on historical themes after 1945 and, judging from his output, putting pen to paper certainly seems to have come to him with ease.
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Goldman, Jasper. "Warsaw: Reconstruction as Propaganda." In The Resilient City. Oxford University Press, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195175844.003.0012.

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By any standards, the resilience displayed byWarsaw duringWorld War II and its aftermath was awesome. The city endured three waves of destruction: during the German invasion of 1939, the Jewish ghetto uprising of 1943, and theWarsaw uprising of 1944 and their aftermaths. After the last had been put down, Adolf Hitler ordered the city to be destroyed entirely, and particular care was taken by the Nazis to individually target monuments and buildings of any historic, cultural, or aesthetic significance. This was done with grim efficiency, and by the time the Soviet army occupied the city in January 1945, over 80 percent of the buildings in the city lay in ruins. Of the 780 buildings on the historic register, only 35 survived intact. One of those buildings that survived—the Lazienski Palace—still had bore holes ready for dynamite which German sappers had not had time to insert when the city was captured. On visiting Warsaw in 1945, General Dwight Eisenhower commented that he had never before witnessed destruction executed with such bestiality. There had been no military justification for the devastation. Yet almost from the moment the city was liberated, it began to recover. In the first two months after liberation, sappers and workers were able to remove 100,000 mines and unexploded shells from the ruins, and 1 million cubic meters of rubble were removed by the end of 1947. Despite a lack of electricity, water, transportation, and other basic infrastructure, the population doubled to 366,000 within four months. Reconstruction of key streets and repairable buildings began immediately, and new residential areas were planned and later constructed. Within just eleven years, the city would recover its prewar population and could be said to be a fully functional capital. But the jewel in the crown of the reconstruction was undoubtedly the rebuilding of the Old Town, the historic core of the city that symbolized 700 years of Warsaw’s history. Its completion—in 1961—above all suggested a rebirth of Poland’s cultural and historical identity. There has been a spectrum of resilience displayed by the city’s inhabitants.
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Conference papers on the topic "History of German film before 1945"

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Szmitkowska, Agata. "FROM THE LUFTWAFFE HEADQUARTERS TO A SANATORIUM”. THE ARCHITECTURE OF THE HOLIDAY RESORT OF THE WARSAW EXECUTIVE BOARD OF THE TRADE UNION OF THE BOOK, PRESS AND RADIO EMPLOYEES IN GOŁDAP, MASURIA." In GEOLINKS International Conference. SAIMA Consult Ltd, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/geolinks2020/b2/v2/26.

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This article presents the architecture, origin and the vicissitudes of the holiday resort which was dedicated to employees of the state media institutions of that time and which is representative of Polish holiday centres in Poland in the 1970s. It was developed near a town called Gołdap in northern Poland in the area of the Masurian Lake District which constituted a part of German East Prussia before 1945. The centre was planned in the land which operated as the Main Headquarters of the General Command of Luftwaffe during II World War. One of the key principles assumed by the designer of the holiday resort was not only the use of the natural advantages of the place but also the maximum adaptation of the preserved facilities, the foundations of the buildings and the infrastructure of the former military complex. The unusual architecture, attractive location and the scale of the constructed complex bespoke of the investors’ considerable wealth. The history of the centre entwined closely with important events in general history and the political and economic changes which occurred in Poland after 1989 determined the decision to introduce a new function of a sanatorium to the facility. The complex was then partially reconstructed and developed. This article was based on a number of researches. A detailed analysis was made of the related archival materials and scientific publications. A comparative analysis was conducted of the architecture of the centre and other facilities used for the same purpose which had been built in the 1960s and 1970s in Poland. The required field studies and photographic documentation of all the premises were performed simultaneously.
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