Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'History of Haiti'

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, June 2001.
Thesis advisor(s): Giraldo, Jeanne. "June 2001." Includes bibliographical references (p. 123-132). Also Available in print.

Cette thèse est consacrée à la problématique de l’histoire en Haïti contemporain. Basée sur un total de un an et demi de recherche de terrain dans la commune de Milot, au nord d’Haïti, ainsi que des investigations dans des archives en France, en Haïti et aux États-Unis, nous proposons une anthropologie de l’histoire ou, plus spécifiquement une anthropologie des connaissances, des pratiques et des représentations qui font du passé quelque chose de significatif
This thesis is an investigation about the problem of history in contemporary Haiti. Drawing from a total of one year and a half of fieldwork in the commune of Milot, Norther Haiti, as well as archival research in France, Haiti and the United States, I propose an anthropology of history or, more specifically, an anthropology of knowledge, practice and representations that assert different meanings to the past

Throughout the United States occupation of Haiti from 1915 to 1934, the U.S. government and its supporters were forced to defend the legitimacy of American action. In order to justify it to the American public, officials and journalists created a dichotomy of capacity between an inferior Haiti and a superior U.S., and they presented the occupation as a charitable civilizing mission. This vision of Haiti and Haitians was elaborated in a racialized discourse wherein Haitians were assigned various negative traits that rendered them incapable of self-government. In examining how the New York Times, the National Geographic Magazine, and the Crisis represented Haiti, I demonstrate how race was the primary signifier, and how these representations were used to either perpetuate or challenge the American racial social hierarchy.

This thesis examines the characteristics of the spirits Ezili, Legba, and Ogou, in order to determine which aspects of their manifestations incorporate themes of syncretism from Catholic tradition, and which aspects reflect visual tradition that emerged from distinctly Haitian tradition. Elements of Catholic and African traditions, discernable within Vodou iconography, act as a basis upon which the practice was further augmented. These adaptations reveal the mixing of cultures and continuation of tradition that is of central importance to the development of Vodou, as reflections of the process through which the religion overcame the social problems faced by the practitioners, as well as the culturally devastating consequences of Haitian colonial history. These diversifications from the Christianity and African traditions reflect the ingenuity and resourceful nature of Vodou, which through its fluid nature, can be transformed to accommodate the needs of the devotees.

Through a postcolonial methodology, this thesis demonstrates that through the syncretism of Catholic themes, the influence of the West African origins of the Vodou, and the unique experiences of the people in Haiti, the iconography of Vodou visual culture interacted of other religions as it evolved into a distinctly Haitian practice. By looking at the spirits Ezili, Legba, and Ogou, alongside their counterparts of the Virgin Mary, St. Peter, and St. George (or St. James) this essay will outline the syncretization of these spirits with Christian icons, while making parallels to the development of Christian iconography which borrowed from pagan imagery in an effort to place the importance of a figure within a pre-established lineage that placed importance on the image.

The purpose of this project was to address the lack of scholarship on mid-twentieth century Haitian history and illustrate its significance. It employs primary and secondary sources in shaping a Gramscian historical narrative. Ideas of "everyday resistance" and internal and external politics are also be of significance to this work. In mid-twentieth century Haiti, the black-nationalist rhetoric of noirisme became the dominant political ideology. Blackness was amorphous and its application to politics was dependent upon class. In proclaiming blackness the average Haitian was attacking the class schism that beleaguered the island. Yet for the elite noirismewas a conduit to modernity and a useful tool for muting the division between rich and poor. With the election of Dumarsais Estimé in 1946, dialogue between the U.S. government, the Haitian elite, and the masses, relative to definitions of modernity played out within the new political reality of noirisme.

This study examined technocracy in Haiti in the Cold War era. It showed how Haitian and non-Haitian technicians navigated United States imperialism, Soviet ideology, and postcolonial nationalism to implement bold utopian visions in a country oppressed by poverty and dynastic authoritarianism. Throughout the mid-to-late twentieth century, technicians lavished Haiti with plans to improve the countryside, the city, the workplace, and the home. This study analyzed those plans and investigated the motivations behind them. Based on new evidence discovered in the private correspondence between Haitian, American, and Western European specialists, it questioned the assumption that technocracy was captivated by high-modernist ideology and US hegemony. It exposed how many technicians were inspired by a utopian desire to create a just society—one based not only on technical knowledge but also on humanist principles, such as liberty and equality. Guided by the utopian impulse, technicians occasionally disobeyed policymakers who wished to promote modernization and the capitalist world-economy. In many cases, however, they also upset the Haitian people, who believed technocracy was too exclusive. This study concluded that technicians were empowered by expertise but unable to build the utopias they envisioned because they were constantly at odds with both policymakers at the top and the people whose lives they planned.

Increasing modernization in military technology and methodology occurred during the beginning of the twentieth century. These changes had a direct effect on how U.S. Marines practiced military intelligence during the occupation of Haiti from 1915- 1934. The use of military intelligence had an impact on the outcome on the occupation but was not the only factor that contributed to U.S. military victories. My thesis explains that the improvement of intelligence methods used by Marines in Haiti occurred as a result of outside influence, changing circumstance in Haiti, and individual agency. Major failures had occurred that allowed resistance to grow unchecked in the Haitian countryside. With the introduction of full-time military intelligence officers and improved data documentation, the intelligence collected became more useful to Marine Corps leadership. The staff officers that assumed the roles of intelligence personnel created new forms for recording intelligence reports and made past intelligence more accessible to military command. Individual ingenuity led to the assassination of Charlemagne Peralte, the central leader of the caco revolt. This thesis discusses the intelligence innovation that occurred during the occupation of Haiti from 1915 to 1935.

Cette dissertation a pour objectif la présentation et l'analyse du fonctionnement de l'Université de l'État de Haïti - unique université publique du pays - et de son passé de lutte, de confrontation et de résistance, qui continue profondément mal-connu de ses voisins latino-américains, y-compris du Brésil. Il est notoire de préciser que cette méconnaissance ne se limite pas à l'Université haïtienne en particulier, mais s'étend au pays dans son ensemble. Dont la compréhension plus complexe et profonde est limitée par une couverture médiatique essentiellement caractérisée par l'exacerbation du tropicalisme (de l'exotisme), de la pauvreté ou de la tragédie haïtienne. À cette réalité s'ajoute le fait que depuis le tremblement de terre de janvier 2010, Haïti a fait l'objet d'une série de discours ethnocentriques utilisés afin de justifier des politiques qui ne peuvent être qualifiées autrement que de colonialistes dans la mesure où se définissent comme le cheminement ou des instruments permettant de sauver le pays d'une supposée incapacité d'exiger par lui-même, voir de résoudre de manière autonome ses propres problèmes. Ce point du vue qui prévaut dans la majorité des discours internationaux, au delà de corroborer la thèse de la profonde précarité du pays en général ainsi que de son université publique en particulier, nous semble n'être que l'héritage de discours coloniaux qui légitiment l'exploitation d'un peuple par un autre. Il nous semble également que l'existence même d'une institution "d'élite", comme est perçue l'Université dans un milieu associé à la misère et à la privation est source d'inconfort, de perplexité et de confusion auprès de ceux qui se considèrent comme les créateurs légitimes de cette institution et gardiens de ses attributions et devoirs. Tout se passe comme si pays qui figure sur la liste des plus pauvres du monde, engagé dans la lutte contre la faim et les maladies, ne pouvait se "payer le luxe" d'avoir une Université et encore moins de revendiquer le droit d'avoir une Université distincte. Cette situation inconfortable de l'Université de l'état de Haïti a été détectée et analysée par diverses agences, ONGs, instituts internationaux de recherche et gouvernements étrangers impliqués en tant qu'auxiliaires de la reconstruction de Haïti et de son université. Ce point de vue, bien qu'ayant déjà été énoncé avant le tremblement de terre de 2010, a gagné du crédit après la tragédie. Tout se passe comme si la précarité de l'éducation haïtienne de l'après tremblement de terre devait inéluctablement rendre compte à des centaines d'organisations étrangères présentes dans le pays, justifiant leur existence, leur raison d'exister dans le pays. La réalité haïtienne perd chaque fois un peu plus de terrain pour laisser place à un scénario inventé, raconté, photographié et reproduit au point de rendre nécessaire la divulgation d'une autre analyse et d'autres regards sur Haïti. C'est donc l'objet de cette dissertation sur l'Université Publique du pays qui sera constituée de deux chapitres: le premier, sera dédié à la présentation et à la compréhension de Haïti à partir d'analyses réalisées par les Haïtiens eux-mêmes, contrebalancées par la littérature post-coloniale, incluant les épisodes emblématiques de l'histoire de Haïti et la lutte contre les stéréotypes les plus fréquents aux haïtiens. Ce chapitre servira de fondement à l'analyse complexe de l'université haïtienne, qui constituera le thème central du second chapitre de cette dissertation. Dans ce second chapitre nous tenterons de vérifier comment l'université interagit avec son entourage, contribuant au renforcement de la démocratisation du pays et à la reconstruction du pays après le tremblement de terre. Les principales sources utilisées dans ce chapitre sont haïtiennes. Enfin, nous réaliserons une analyse critique du contenu des rapports internationaux qui proposent de diagnostiquer "les maux" et de prescrire les "remèdes" à l'Université d'état, ignorant le fait que son propre mouvement étudiant allié à d'autres mouvements sociaux, ont déjà étudié la question et proposé leurs propres conclusions. Nous espérons que ces points de vues contenus ne peuvent continuer à être réduits au silence, c'est pourquoi nous revendiquons le droit au cri.
Esta dissertação dedica-se à apresentação e análise da Universidade de Estado do Haiti - única Universidade Pública do país – e sua história de luta, confronto e resistência, que permanece profundamente desconhecida por seus vizinhos latino-americanos, entre os quais se inclui o Brasil. Entendemos que esse desconhecimento não está restrito à Universidade haitiana, em particular, mas estende-se ao país, de forma geral, cuja compreensão mais complexa e densa vem sendo obstaculizada por uma cobertura midiática que geralmente é marcada pela exacerbação do exotismo, da pobreza ou da tragédia haitiana. Sucede que, desde o terremoto de janeiro de 2010, o Haiti vem sendo alvo de uma série de discursos etnocêntricos, empenhados em justificar práticas que só podem ser definidas como coloniais na medida em que se apresentam como caminho/instrumento de salvação do país de uma suposta “impossibilidade de existir por si próprio” ou de “resolver seus próprios problemas”. Esses discursos, que povoam relatórios internacionais de todos os gêneros, além de inspirar receituários para a superação da suposta inviabilidade do país, em geral, e da precariedade de sua Universidade Pública, em particular, nos parecem herdeiros dos discursos coloniais que legitimavam a exploração de um povo sobre outro. Parece-nos, ainda, que a existência de uma instituição “de elite”, como é entendida a Universidade, em um contexto absolutamente periférico, associado à miséria e à privação, causa incômodo, perplexidade e confusão naqueles que se consideram os legítimos criadores de tal instituição e definidores de seus contornos e rumos. Tudo se passa como se um país que figura na lista dos mais pobres do mundo, engajado em não perecer de fome e doença, não pudesse “dar-se ao luxo” de ter uma Universidade e menos ainda de reclamar uma Universidade distinta. É nesse sentido que, nos parece, vem sendo percebida e analisada a Universidade de Estado do Haiti por uma série de agências multilaterais, ONGs, Institutos internacionais de pesquisa e governos estrangeiros, empenhados em “auxiliar a reconstrução do Haiti” e de sua Universidade, por meio de uma série de diagnósticos e recomendações que apesar de já virem sendo produzidos desde antes do terremoto de 2010, ganham reforços após a tragédia. Tudo se passa como se a precariedade da educação haitiana pós-terremoto estivesse a fornecer uma inelutável “razão de ser” às centenas de organizações estrangeiras presentes no país, justificando sua permanência e conferindo-lhes o reconhecimento e a importância buscados. O Haiti real perde cada vez mais espaço nesse cenário inventado, discursado, fotografado e reproduzido hermeticamente, a ponto de tornar-se imperiosa a divulgação de outras versões, outras dimensões, outros olhares sobre o Haiti. Aí se inscreve essa narrativa sobre a Universidade Pública no país que está dividida em dois capítulos: o primeiro, destinado à compreensão do Haiti a partir de análises feitas pelos próprios haitianos, temperada pela análise pós-colonial, e que compreende os episódios mais emblemáticos de sua história e a desconstrução dos estereótipos mais comumente atribuídos ao seu povo. Esse capítulo será a antessala para a análise complexa da Universidade Haitiana, que constitui o tema do segundo capítulo do trabalho. Nele, nossa proposta é a de verificar como a Universidade tem-se relacionado com seu entorno, contribuído para o fortalecimento democrático do país e para sua reconstrução no período pós-terremoto. As principais fontes utilizadas também nesse capítulo são haitianas. Ao final, conduzimos uma análise crítica do conteúdo dos relatórios internacionais que se propõem a diagnosticar “as doenças” e indicar “remédios” à Universidade de Estado, ignorando que seu próprio movimento estudantil, aliado a outros movimentos sociais, já vem trabalhando nesse sentido e produzindo suas próprias conclusões. Imaginamos que a palavra contida não será capaz de enfrentar o silencio que as mantem desconhecidas, por isso reivindicamos a potência e o drama do grito.
This dissertation is dedicated to the presentation and analysis of the State University of Haiti - the only public university in the country - and its history of struggle, resistance and confrontation, which remain deeply unknown to their Latin American neighbors, among which includes Brazil . We understand that this ignorance is not restricted to the University of Haiti, in particular, but extends to the country in general, whose more complex and dense understanding has been hampered by a media coverage that is usually marked by the exacerbation of exoticism, poverty or the Haitian tragedy. It follows that, since the earthquake of January 2010, Haiti has been the target of a series of ethnocentric speeches, committed to justify practices that can only be defined as colonialists as they present themselves as path / instrument of salvation of the country, alleged "unable to exist on its own" or "solve it´s own problems." These speeches, found in all sorts of international reports, are inspiring prescriptions for overcoming the supposed impracticability of the country in general, and the precariousness of their Public University, in particular, seem to be heirs of colonialist discourses that legitimized the exploitation of one people over another. It seems, though, that the existence of an "elite" institution, as the university is understood, in a context quite peripheral, associated with poverty and deprivation, cause annoyance, perplexity and confusion in those who consider themselves the legitimate builders of such institution and the designers of its contours and directions. It is as if a country that is on the list of the world's poorest, engaged in not perish from hunger and disease, could not "afford the luxury" of having an university, let alone claim a distinct University. In that sense, it seems, has been perceived and analyzed the State University of Haiti through a series of multilateral agencies, NGOs, international research institutes and foreign governments, committed to "assist the reconstruction of Haiti" and its University, through a series of diagnoses and recommendations, which despite already being produced since before the 2010 earthquake, gain reinforcements after the tragedy. It is as if the precariousness of the Haitian education post-earthquake was to provide an ineluctable "raison d'être" of hundreds of foreign organizations in the country, justifying his stay and giving them the recognition and importance fetched. The real Haiti loses more and more space in this invented, spoken, photographed and played tightly scenario, to the point of becoming compelling the disclosure of other versions, other dimensions, other looks on Haiti. There inscribes this narrative about the Public University on Haiti, that is divided into two chapters: the first, for the understanding of Haiti from analyzes made by the Haitians themselves, tempered by postcolonial analysis, and comprising the most iconic episodes of its history and deconstruction of stereotypes commonly attributed to his people. This chapter will be the anteroom to the complex analysis of Haitian University, which is the theme of the second chapter of the work. In it, our proposal is to see how the University has been related to its surroundings, contributed to strengthening democracy in the country and its reconstruction in post-earthquake scenario. The main sources used in this chapter are also Haitian. Finally, we conduct a critical analysis of the content of international reports that purport to diagnose "diseases" and indicate "remedies" to the University of the State, ignoring that it´s own student movement, combined with other social movements, has already been working in this direction and producing their own conclusions. We imagine that the contained word will not be able to face the silence that keeps Haiti unknown, so, we claim the power and the drama of a scream.
Esta disertación está dedicada a la presentación y análisis de la Universidad de Estado de Haití - la única universidad pública del país - y su historia de lucha, confrontación y resistencia, que sigue siendo profundamente desconocida para sus vecinos latinoamericanos, entre los que se incluye a Brasil. Entendemos que esta ignorancia no se limita a la Universidad de Haití, en particular, sino que se extiende al país en general, cuya comprensión más compleja y densa se ha visto obstaculizada por una cobertura mediática que suele estar marcada por la exacerbación del exotismo, de la pobreza o de la tragedia haitiana. De ello se desprende que, desde el terremoto de enero de 2010, Haití ha sido objeto de una serie de discursos etnocéntricos, comprometidos para justificar prácticas que sólo pueden ser definidos como coloniales uma vez que se presentan como ruta / instrumento de la salvación del país para una supuesta "incapacidad para existir por sí mismo" o "resolver sus propios problemas". Estos discursos, que proponen recetas para salir de una supuesta inviabilidad del país en general, y la precariedad de su Universidad Pública, en particular, parecen herederos de los discursos coloniales que legitimaban la explotación de un pueblo sobre otro. Parece, sin embargo, que la existencia de una institución "elite" como se entiende la universidad, en un contexto periférico, asociado a la pobreza y la privación, causa perplejidad y confusión en aquellos que se consideran a sí mismos los criadores legítimos de dicha institución y responsables por la definición de sus contornos y dirección. Es como si un país que está en la lista de los más pobres del mundo, dedicado a no perecer de hambre y enfermedad, no se pueda "permitirse el lujo" de tener una universidad y mucho menos pretender una universidad distinta. En ese sentido, al parecer, la Universidad del Estado de Haití ha sido percibida y analizada a través de una serie de organismos multilaterales, organizaciones no gubernamentales, institutos de investigación internacionales y gobiernos extranjeros, comprometidos a "ayudar a la reconstrucción de Haití" y su Universidad, a través de una serie de diagnósticos y recomendaciones, que sólo aumentaron después de el terremoto de 2010. Es como si la precariedad de la educación post-terremoto de Haití estuviera a proporcionar una ineluctable "raison d'être" de los cientos de organizaciones extranjeras en el país, lo que justifica su permanencia y les garantiza el reconocimiento y la importancia deseados. El Haití real pierde cada vez más espacio en este escenario inventado, hablado, fotografiado y reproducido herméticamente, hasta el punto en que la revelación convincente de otras versiones, otras dimensiones, otras miradas sobre Haití se torna imprescindible. Allí se inscribe esta narrativa de la Universidad Pública en el país, que se divide en dos capítulos: el primero, dirige se a la comprensión de Haití a partir de los análisis realizados por los propios haitianos, templado por la literatura pos-colonial, que comprenden los episodios más emblemáticos de la historia de Haití y la confrontación de los estereotipos más fuertemente atribuidos a su gente. Este capítulo será la antesala del análisis complejo de la Universidad de Haití, que es el tema del segundo capítulo. En ello, nuestra propuesta es ver cómo la Universidad se ha relacionado con su entorno, ha contribuido a fortalecer la democracia en el país y su reconstrucción tras el terremoto. Las principales fuentes utilizadas en este capítulo son también haitianas. Por último, realizamos un análisis crítico del contenido de los informes internacionales que pretenden diagnosticar las "enfermedades" e indicar "soluciones" a la Universidad del Estado, ignorando que su propio movimiento estudiantil, junto con otros movimientos sociales, ha estado trabajando en esta dirección y produciendo sus propias conclusiones. Imaginamos que la palabra contenida no será capaz de hacer frente al silencio que mantiene el Haití un desconocido, por lo que reivindico al poder y al drama del grito.

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Bachelors
Arts and Sciences
Political Science

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
Esta dissertação apresenta uma reflexão sobre História e ficção a partir da reconstrução do massacre de haitianos, em 1937, na fronteira norte da República Dominicana e da República do Haiti, dois países que formavam a então ilha Hispaniola, quando da chegada de Cristóvão Colombo no Novo Mundo. O corpus ficcional deste trabalho é o romance El Masacre se pasa a pie, do escritor e advogado dominicano Freddy Prestol Castillo, publicado em 1978, na República Dominicana. Nossa hipótese para desenvolver este trabalho foi a de que para reconstruir o genocídio dos haitianos pela ficção, o autor denuncia a ditadura de Rafael Leónidas Trujillo (1930-1961), o Trujillato, focalizando o racismo, o preconceito, a violência e aspectos negativos nutridos na memória coletiva da elite dominicana para sustentar uma rejeição histórica aos haitianos. Utilizamos um referencial teórico que nos permite buscar articulações entre História e ficção no referido romance e para isso, foi necessário recorrer aos fatos históricos que registram as diversas invasões à Hispaniola, a partir dos conceitos de racismo de Memmi (1967) e de memória, de Halbwachs (1990).
This dissertation presents a reflection on history and fiction from the reconstruction of the slaughter of haitians, in 1937, on the northern border of the Dominican Republic and Haiti, two countries that then formed the island of Hispaniola , when the arrival of Christopher Columbus in the New World. The body of this fictional work in the novel The Slaughter passed on foot, the writer and lawyer dominican Freddy Prestol Castillo, published in 1978 in the Dominican Republic. Our hypothesis to develop this work was that to rebuild the haitian genocide in fiction , the author claims the dictatorship of Rafael Leónidas Trujillo (1930-1961) , the Trujillato , focusing on racism , prejudice , violence and aspects negative nourished in the collective memory of the dominican elite to support a historic rejection of haitians. We use a theoretical framework that allows us to look for links between history and fiction in the aforementioned novel and that it was necessary to seek the historical facts recorded the various invasions of Hispaniola, from the concept of racism Memmi (1967) and memory, Halbwachs (1990).

Si nous nous mettons à la place du lecteur devant le titre du présent Essai, nous imaginerons facilement les questions qui peuvent lui venir a L’esprit. Pourquoi Haïti? Pourquoi le vaudou? L'écrivain haïtien Jean Price-Mars a du imaginer la réaction d'un tel lecteur quand il a écrit: [. . .] a quoi bon de se donner tant de peine a propos de menus problèmes qui n'intéressent qu'une très infime minorité d'hommes, habitant une très infime partie de la surface terrestre?¹ Sa réponse à sa propre question est sans équivoque: […] ni l'exiguïté de notre territoire, ni la faiblesse numérique de notre peuple ne sont motifs suffisants pour que les problèmes qui mettent en cause le comportement d'un groupe d'hommes soient indifférents au reste de l'humanité. Une analogie nuancée de la pensée de John Donne ajoute a l'idée de la pertinence d'une étude sur Haïti: tout comme nul homme n'est une lie indépendante du continent, nul peuple n'est indépendant du monde qui l'entouré, surtout en cette époque du "village planétaire" ou rétrécissent les dimensions de l'univers par les communications et l'avion a réaction. Par ailleurs, Haïti, nation surpeuplée, exploitée, nous semble un microcosme qui peut nous apprendre sur nous-mêmes les erreurs à éviter en matière de conservation de ressources naturelles ainsi qu'en matière des droits de la personne. Le déboisement et l'épuisement de la riche terre haïtiennes ont laisse une marque qui imprime jusqu'a l'amé de l'infortune Haïtiens; l'oppression de l'Haïtien par des gouvernements étrangers racistes et des régimes domestiques totalitaires a fait une plaie dont la guérison n'est pas pour demain. Si nous acceptons la pertinence d'une étude sur la culture haïtienne, la justification d'un examen de sa littérature coule de source, la littérature étant une discipline qui enregistre l'essentiel de la pensée, des rêves et des aspirations d'un peuple, a la croisée du cultuel, du mythique et du linguistique. Mais reste la question du vaudou. A-t-elle sa place dans notre étude qui se veut littéraire? En effet, cette religion populaire est ce qu'il y a de plus essentiellement distinctif dans le roman haïtien. Qui plus est, le vaudou racheté les pires défauts du roman haïtien, en général, et en fait oublier les caractéristiques qui ont le plus tendance a lasser le lecteur étranger, dont d'abord l'imitation quasi systématique de modèles qui sont les classiques de la littérature haïtienne, notamment Gouverneurs de la rossée; ensuite la banalité de thèmes rebattus: misère, souffranee et malheur du roman paysan; et finalement, le style qui semble viser a reproduire chez tous les romanciers celui de Jacques Roumain. II existe, bien sur, bien des textes non-romanesques sur le vaudou. Certains d'entre eux sont de haute tenue, d'autres s'embourbent dans le sensationnalisme a la Hollywood, d'autres enfin sont à dormir debout. Un lecteur profane en apprendra plus sur le vaudou par une lecture des romans haïtiens que par ceux-là; car, à travers les personnages se révèle la signification religieuse et affective du culte pour l'individu. Le lecteur se documentera amplement en même temps sur la société haïtienne, pour laquelle le vaudou reste un élément culturel fondamental. La plupart des romans haïtiens - c’est-à-dire écrits par des Haïtiens et ayant Haïti comme référent - et presque tous les romans paysans haïtiens traitent du vaudou, souvent comme thème principal. Par la voie du vaudou romance, le lecteur prend conscience du caractère diglossique et bi-culturel de la civilisation haïtienne, la filiation avec l'Afrique et la France se révélant dans les rites cultuels ou se retrouvent des éléments linguistiques et liturgiques provenant de sources africaine et française. Les propos précédents suggèrent une approche socio-historique. C'est que, aujourd'hui comme autrefois, Haïti reste isolée du reste du monde a plusieurs égards. Le roman n'en fait pas exception: Le romancier haïtien a certes toujours été au courant des nouvelles techniques romanesques mises en œuvré en France ou ailleurs. Mais elles ne semblent l'avoir intéresse qu'accessoirement.² Se souciant peu des nouvelles techniques, le romancier haïtien se concentre Sur les préoccupations de son pays. . Cette présente étude vise done à analyser le roman haïtien d'un point de vue interne plutôt que comparatif. Pour ce qui est de la portée de ce travail, nous proposons un survol de l'histoire physique, ethnique et littéraire haïtienne, suivi d'un compte-rendu du corpus du roman vaudou et finalement, l'analyse de trois visions romanesques du vaudou. Notre conclusion sera une interrogation non seulement sur l'avenir du vaudou mais également sur la direction future du roman haïtien.
Arts, Faculty of
French, Hispanic, and Italian Studies, Department of
Graduate

The essay is about how Swedish media have chosen to report on tourism from Haiti and the Dominican Republic in 1993-2018. There may be many different aspects to look into within this but the aspects that have been studied are the degree to which nature and culture are seen in this reporting. The analysis of the articles of the newspaper Dagens Nyheter has been made based on a postcolonial discourse analysis where certain postcolonial concepts have been applied to the selected articles. It is in what ways the different writers have chosen to describe the nature and culture of the two countries that have been analyzed and an analysis will be made of whether reporting differs between the countries. The result shows that the writers are clearly governed by a Eurocentric world order where We, Europe, have a clear overarching relationship in relation to Them, Haiti and the Dominican Republic, who have a clear subordination. This clear boundary is clearly visible in the words chosen by the writers by normalizing concepts that are under the category We and nonnormalizing concepts that belong to Them. The conclusion is that Haiti is described in a lesser way than the Dominican Republic, which may be because Haitians are more strange to us than Dominicans depending on the countries different histories where the Haitians are seen as a Creole language speaking African society and the Dominicans are seen as a Spanish speaking European society.
Uppsatsen handlar om på vilket sätt som svenska medier har valt att rapportera om turism utifrån länderna Haiti och Dominikanska Republiken under åren 1993-2017. Det kan finnas många olika aspekter att kolla på inom detta men de aspekter som det har studerats om är i vilken grad som natur och kultur syns i denna rapportering. Analyseringen av Dagens Nyheters tidningsartiklar har gjorts utifrån en postkolonial diskursanalys där vissa postkoloniala begrepp har applicerats på de valda artiklarna. Det är på vilka sätt som de olika skribenterna har valt att beskriva naturen och kulturen i de båda länderna som har analyserats och det kommer att göras en analys på om rapporteringen skiljer mellan länderna. Resultatet visar att skribenterna är tydligt styrda i en eurocentrisk världsordning där Vi, Europa, har en tydlig överordning jämfört med De, Haiti och Dominikanska Republiken, har en tydlig underordning. Denna tydliga gränsdragning syns tydligt i de ordval som skribenterna gör genom att normalisera begrepp som är under kategorin Vi och icke-normalisera begrepp som tillhör De. Slutsatsen är att Haiti beskrivs på ett undermåligare sätt än Dominikanska Republiken som kan bero på att haitier är mer främmande för oss än vad dominikaner är beroende på att de sistnämnda passar in mer under kategorin Vi.

Desde 2010 o Brasil se tornou o destino para muitos haitianos, marcando uma novidade no território circulatório desse povo que tem uma longa tradição migratória. Realizando uma rota transnacional, chegam ao Brasil pela fronteira norte, principalmente, nas cidades de Tabatinga, no estado do Amazonas, Assis Brasil e Brasileia, ambas no estado do Acre. Em pouco tempo o fluxo migratório de haitianos no Brasil ganhou força e obrigou as autoridades brasileiras a revisitar a legislação migratória do país. Recebidos com estranheza pela sociedade brasileira, os haitianos constantemente são vítimas de racismo e xenofobia, revelando-se elementos dificultadores de sua inserção na sociedade brasileira. O presente trabalho é o resultado de pesquisa realizada, considerando os sujeitos desse fenômeno migratório. Por meio da História Oral, foram registradas histórias de vida daqueles que vivenciaram o processo do deslocamento em busca de melhores condições de vida para si e suas famílias. Através das narrativas, dialogando com a literatura especializada, buscou-se discutir as problemáticas da imigração haitiana, desde o seu lugar de origem, com as suas particularidades, até a complexidade da viagem, do acolhimento legal e social.
Since 2010, Brazil has become the destination for many Haitians. This is a novelty in the circulatory territory of this people that has a long migratory tradition. By a transnational route, they arrive in Brazil along the northern border, mainly in the cities of Tabatinga, in Amazonas state, Assis Brasil and Brasileia, both in the state of Acre. In a short time, the migratory flow of Haitians in Brazil gained strength and forced the Brazilian authorities to revisit the migratory legislation of the country. Received with strangeness by Brazilian society, Haitians are constantly victims of racism and xenophobia, elements that hinder their social insertion. The present work is the result of a research carried out considering the subjects of this migratory phenomenon. Through Oral History, the life stories of those who experienced the process of displacement looking for better living conditions for themselves and their families were recorded. Through the narratives, in dialogue with the specialized literature, this work discusses the problems of Haitians immigration, from their place of origin, with its particularities, to the complexity of their journey and legal and social reception.

This dissertation explores the evolution of political activism among Haitians in the United States from the formation of Haitian New York in the late 1950s to the return of Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide to Haiti in 1994. It traces the efforts of Haitian activists to build bridges connecting New York and Miami to the grassroots organizations in Haiti, finding a considerable degree of success in their efforts to construct a transnational movement that had a substantial impact both in Haiti and in the United States. Shedding additional light on the interconnected history of Haiti and the United States, this dissertation also adds to the growing historiography on immigrant activism and international campaigns for democracy and human rights.

At the outset, politics in Haitian New York was splintered among competing factions, though by the early 1970s there began to form a somewhat unified anti-Duvalier opposition movement. The arrival of the Haitian "boat people" in South Florida in the early 1970s continued the evolution of Haitian politics in the United States, triggering a refugee crisis that drew the attention of the activists in New York and forcing a reconsideration of political vision and strategy that had previously been solely concerned with the overthrow of the Duvalier dictatorship. The grassroots resistance in Haiti and in the United States saw a slight opening with the arrival of President Jimmy Carter, but with Carter's successor, Ronald Reagan, came a wave of repression in Haiti and stringent new policies toward Haitian refugees. The uprisings of 1985 and 1986 that toppled the Duvalier dictatorship transformed Haitian politics at home and abroad, enabling an expanded and tightened network of activism connecting New York, Miami, and Haiti, which grew from 1987 to 1989. The years 1990 and 1991 were the pinnacle moment for the linked popular movements in New York, Miami, and Haiti, though Haitian activists were soon forced to pour their energy into the overlapping campaigns aimed at reversing the coup against Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide and defending the new wave of refugees that the coup produced.

The United States Marine Corps occupied Haiti from 1915 to 1934. During that period, Marine brutality became a key issue in the debate between those who supported the Occupation and those who opposed it. By studying the conflicting perspectives on Marine coercion, the author hopes to access the complex field of political and social forces which governed perceptions of the Occupation. Supporters of the Occupation considered Marine coercion to be a "necessary," though unpleasant, accessory to U.S. expansion. Within this discursive framework, the victims of Marine brutality were ignored, and Haitians were reduced to a homogenous "type" of inferior colonized person. In contrast, those who opposed the Occupation emphasized the physical harm done to the victims of Marine violence and asserted the uniqueness of Haitian culture. Using this strategy, dissenters effectively countered the dehumanizing power of the discourse of U.S. expansion by undermining the logic of "necessary" Marine coercion.

Among increased calls for "new narratives" of Haiti, this thesis seeks to honor Haitian traditions of intellectualism and resistance, centering on the life and legacy of martyred professor Janil Lwijis in post-earthquake student social movements. Based on oral histories with student activists at the State University of Haiti (UEH), this work explores student protest in Haiti through the voices, often at odds, of those en lutte; it explores how Janil is invoked and remembered, and argues that oral history can contribute to activist research and pose a challenge to dominant narratives. A legacy that is contested, differential claims to Janil's memory are infused with politics and history. This work seeks to understand contested claims to his memory through Marxist political economy, arguing that an interpretation of Haiti’s political economy is crucial to understanding the emergence of critical consciousness and social movements, political demands, and the symbols and meanings that characterize them.

This paper contributes to the current debate on the democratic impact of US military intervention in the post-Cold War era through a comparative study of two interventions in Haiti in 1994 and 2004. Due to a lack of significant academic work on Haitian democratisation, theory could not be found to sufficiently define Haiti as a political entity. Therefore, the state is defined through the concept of plutocratic democracy; a form of sub-tier democracy. Using this concept, an analytical framework is created to measure the impact of US military intervention in the 1994 and 2004 cases studies. Through a comparison of both cases, it is deduced that US military intervention stunts Haitian democratisation because a large proportion of US political actors support the informal plutocracy in Haiti at the behest of democracy. The claims of this study are supported by an extensive literature review, as well as media sources, official reports and communications from relevant actors.

En uppsats om vodouns inblandning under slavupproret i kolonin Saint-Domingue under slutet av 1700-talet till början av 1800-talet. Uppsatsen försöker bevisa vodouns påverkan på ett lyckat slavuppror där andra slavuppror misslyckats.

L’abondante littérature existante sur la vie politique haïtienne, œuvres de propagande ou de réprobation des gouvernements, fait de l’histoire politique un lieu de règlement de compte, ce qui donne une allure de polémique passionnée aux textes de nos aînés. Avec cette thèse, nous rejoignons et nous contribuons au travail de quelques rares spécialistes, universitaires de sciences humaines et sociales, qui cherchent à renouveler l’histoire politique haïtienne. Étudier les mécanismes de la prise du pouvoir exécutif en Haïti, ce n’est pas seulement le fait de dénoncer des élections truquées, des coups d’État, des insurrections qualifiées à tort de révolution ; mais c’est surtout une volonté de montrer de nombreux efforts qui ont été faits pour instaurer un régime démocratique et moderniser la vie politique haïtienne. L’objectif du travail, c’est de montrer comment Haïti passait de l’acclamation du chef d’État aux insurrections, des armes aux bulletins de vote et aboutir au suffrage universel
The Abundant literature on the Haitian political life, as works of propaganda or disapproval of the governments, fact of the political history a place of settling of score, which gives a pace to impassioned polemic concerning the written documents of the elder generation of historians. This thesis, join and contribute to the work of some rare social scientists, which seek to renew Haitian political history. Studying the mechanisms of the executive seizure of power in Haiti does not mean denouncing faked elections, putsch, revolts, that are wrongly qualified of revolution. But it especially concerns a will to show the efforts which were made to establish a democratic regime and to modernize the Haitian political life. The objective of this work is to explain how Haiti has passed from the acclamation of the Head of State to insurrections, from weapons to polls, and from polls to the vote for all

This thesis discusses the impact of the Haitian Revolution on the United States as a lens through which to view the transnational nature of American exceptionalism. It concludes with an articulation of the necessity of incorporating this relational nature of United States identity development into high school coursework, and advocates for teaching about the Haitian Revolution as an effective means through which to do this.

In modern historiography, Henri Christophe, king of northern Haiti from 1816-1820, is generally given a negative persona due to his controlling nature and his absolutist regime, but in his correspondence, he engages in diplomatic collaborations with two British abolitionists, William Wilberforce and Thomas Clarkson, in order to improve his new policies and obtain international recognition. This paper argues that the Haitian king and the abolitionists engaged in a mutual collaboration in which each party benefitted from the correspondence. Christophe used the advice of the British abolitionists in order to increase the power of Haiti into a powerful black state, and Wilberforce and Clarkson helped the king position Haiti as a self-sufficient nation to fuel their abolitionist argument of the potential of post-emancipation societies.

On July 28, 1915 the United States began a nineteen year military occupation of Haiti. The occupation connected Haiti and the United States and created an avenue of migration in the country. As a consequence of extreme racism in the South and segregation in the Northern states, the majority of the immigrants moved to Harlem. The movement of people reinvigorated the relationship between African Americans and Haitians. The connection constituted an avenue of the interwar Black International. Using newspapers articles, letters, and press releases from the Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture and the Yale Beinecke Rare Books and Manuscript Library I seek to examine the relationship between the two groups. The thesis demonstrates how they compared and contrasted the material conditions of the two cultures in order to promote solidarity. These common bonds, my thesis shows, were the basis for anti-occupation activism in the United States that was anti-imperialist and anti-capitalist.

Comment l’Etat haïtien est-il passé du statut d’Etat centralisé à celui d’Etat unitaire et décentralisé ? Ce travail de recherche a pour objet de comprendre du point de vue du droit et de l’histoire, le comportement du pouvoir central par rapport au pouvoir local en mettant en relief leurs relations institutionnelles. Pour ce faire, un échantillon de 5 collectivités municipales est étudié. Le socle juridique des collectivités locales haïtiennes a été défini par la Constitution de 1816 avec la création des communes comme circonscriptions administratives de l’Etat pour se substituer aux anciennes paroisses héritées des structures coloniales françaises du XIXe siècle. De 1816 à nos jours, l’histoire montre des périodes d’avancées, de silence voire de recul dans la construction des collectivités locales, selon que les priorités des régimes politiques étaient centralisatrices ou décentralisatrices. Si la Constitution de 1843 a tenté d’instituer des instances locales, celles qui lui ont succédé, dans leur grande majorité, ont fait marche arrière. On doit attendre la Constitution de 1987 pour voir la naissance de trois niveaux de collectivités décentralisées ayant des prérogatives et obligations pour qualifier le système haïtien de système décentralisé. L’Etat est donc devenu unitaire et progressivement décentralisé. Toutefois, il fallait aussi s'interroger sur la réalité du fonctionnement desdites collectivités en raison de leurs faiblesses, notamment financières. L’étude de ces administrations décentralisées permet d’appréhender leurs compétences techniques, administratives et financières par rapport aux compensations de l’Etat, lesquelles restent très maigres et n’aboutissent qu’à un système peu ou faiblement décentralisé
How did the Haitian State go from the status of Centralized state to that of unitary and decentralized one ? The purpose of this paper is to understand, from the point of view of laws and history, the behavior of the central government in relation to the local one by highlighting their institutional relations. To do this, we studied a sample of 5 municipal communities. The legal base of the local authorities of Haiti was defined by the Constitution of 1816 with the creation of the communes as administrative districts of the State to replace the old parishes inherited from the French colonial structures of the nineteenth century. From 1816 to the present days, history of Haiti shows periods of progress, of silence and even of decline in the construction of local communities, according to whether the priorities of the political regimes were centralizing or decentralizing. Although the 1843 Constitution attempted to establish local bodies, the vast majority of them followed suit. We had to wait until the 1987 Constitution to see the birth of three levels of decentralized communities with prerogatives and obligations to recognize he system of Haiti as a decentralized one. The state has become unitary and progressively decentralized. However, it was also necessary to put in question the reality of the functioning of the said communities because of their weaknesses, more specifically financial ones. The study of these decentralized administrations makes it possible to understand heir technical, administrative and financial competences in relation to the compensations of the State, which remain very inadequate and result in a weekly decentralized system

A l'heure où l'on parle de plus en plus de globalisation et d'intégration, la Caraïbe vit en son sein une situation d'exception, héritage direct de son tumultueux passe colonial. En effet, sur cette première terre de colonisation du nouveau monde, l'ile d’Hispaniola, ont surgi, au gré des conquêtes des puissances européennes, deux états souverains, la république dominicaine et la république d'Haïti, émanations respectives des empires espagnol et français. Crées sur des antagonismes de toutes sortes, ces deux pays ont entretenu et entretiennent encore des relations entachées du poids de cette lourde passe. Comment la république dominicaine et la république d'Haïti evoluent-elles en cette fin de XXe siècle au contact l'une de l'autre ? Quels types de relations se sont noues entre elles ? Quelles répercussions ces relations peuvent-elles avoir sur les peuples concernes dans leur vécu, dans leur représentation propre et dans l'image qu'ils ont l'un de l'autre ? Comment ces nations voient elles leur devenir commun ? Des réponses a ces questions surgiront en fait la question du peuple dominicain dans une représentativité intégrant toutes les composantes de la nation dans un rapport égalitaire.

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The Constitution of 1987 proclaims religious liberty in Haiti and acknowledges Voodoo as a religion. However, Voodoo s legal status was changed only with a decree by President Jean-Bertrand Aristide in April 4th, 2003, which recognized Voodoo as cultural heritage of the Haitian nation This work presents a vision of Haitian Voodoo in the light of these two recent accomplishments of the Haitian people. What has changed since then and which perspectives are now available to the pioneer state in the American fights for independence and for the abolishment of slavery? In order to answer to those questions and the others, we have proposed this reserearch, having organized our work in three chapters. The first one describes the history of Haiti, from the time the country was inhabited by the Taïno Amerindians to the Spanish and French colonization periods and other more relevant events. Then we proceed to describing Voodoo, bearing in mind its origin and historical and sociological evolution. In the second chapter, we reflect on the relation between State, the Catholic Church and Voodoo after Independence. The relation with Voodoo was always tense and controversial, varying from unconditional acceptance to orderly repulse and from tolerance to intransigence. In 1860, the Catholic Church signed a concordat with the Haitian State and, thereafter, organised several campaigns against Voodoo. In the third chapter, we reflect on the rehabilitation of Voodoo by a sector of the country s intellectual elite, with a highlighted contribution of the Indigenist School during American occupation. The main representatives of that movement were Jean Price-Mars, physician and anthropologist, and Jacques Roumain, a novel writer and François Duvalier. They contributed to the renaissance of Voodoo as a religion, with numerous publications and pieces of research. With II Vatican Council, however, The Catholic Church has become more understanding and tolerant regarding Voodoo, to a point in which it has come to try to understand the latter from within. The revaluation of Voodoo helped it to leave clandestineness and helped Haitians to reencounter the values which united them in the past and which can unite them again around a project of national reconstruction
A Constituição de 1987 proclama a liberdade religiosa no Haiti e reconhece o Vodu como religião. No entanto, o estatuto jurídico do Vodu só muda com a publicação do decreto de 4 de abril de 2003 pelo presidente Jean-Bertrand Aristide, que o reconhece juridicamente e como patrimônio cultural da nação haitiana. Este trabalho apresenta uma visão sobre o Vodu haitiano à luz dessas duas recentes conquistas do povo haitiano. O que mudou desde então e quais perspectivas se abrem a esse Estado pioneiro nas lutas americanas pela Independência e pela abolição do sistema escravista? Para responder a essas indagações e outras, propusemos esta pesquisa organizando o trabalho em três capítulos: O primeiro traça a história do Haiti, desde o período em que era habitado pelos povos Tainos, passando pela colonização espanhola e francesa, pela independência e por outros acontecimentos mais importantes, para depois definir o Vodu levando em conta sua origem e sua evolução histórica e sociológica. No segundo capítulo, refletimos sobre a relação entre a Igreja Católica, o Estado e o Vodu após a Independência. A relação com o Vodu foi sempre tensa e polêmica, variando da acolhida incondicional ao repulso sistemático, ou ainda da tolerância à intransigência. Em 1860, a Igreja Católica assinou uma Concordata com o Estado e após a Concordata, organizou várias campanhas contra o Vodu. No terceiro capítulo, refletiremos sobre a reabilitação do Vodu por um setor da elite intelectual do país, especialmente por meio da Escola Indigenista, durante a ocupação americana. Os principais representantes deste movimento foram Jean Price-Mars, médico e antropólogo, o romancista Jacques Roumain,e François Duvalier que através de numerosas pesquisas e publicações ajudaram no renascimento do Vodu como religião. Com o Concílio Vaticano II, a Igreja Católica mostrou-se mais compreensiva e tolerante frente ao Vodu, a ponto de procurar compreendê-lo a partir de dentro. A revalorização do Vodu o ajudou a sair da clandestinidade e ajudou também os haitianos a reencontrarem os valores que os uniram no passado e que os podem unir outra vez em torno de um projeto de reconstrução nacional

L'école nous paraît en Haïti, comme une imposition de code. En effet, elle a pour mission traditionnelle, l'intégration du pays dans le concert des nations civilisées. Mais, elle apparaît surtout comme la justification de l'existence meme des classes dirigeantes. Ces dernières ne constituent-elles pas, grâce a l'école, les représentants de la civilisation en Haïti et, de ce fait, autorisées à faire peser leur joug sur le reste de la population ? Les problèmes de l'école haïtienne paraissent insolubles moins à cause de la pauvrete chronique du pays qu'à cause de la situation d'aliénés et d'aliénants des dirigeants qui semblent avoir besoin de l'ignorance et de la misère de la population pour s'affirmer. L'école haïtienne est-elle vouée à être le relais du néo-colonialisme ? Peut-on encore entreprendre une réforme structurelle de l'école en Haïti ? En quoi les tentatives d'innovation scolaire en Guinée, Mali, Tanzanie, Pérou et Cuba des années soixante peuvent-elles nous interpeler ? Une réforme éducative n'est viable que si elle est intégrée dans un projet global de société. Elle devient efficace si elle s'appuie sur le milieu culturel. Mais, Haïti a-t-elle un milieu culturel propre ? Oui, le vodou, mais, il traverse une crise profonde. .
The Haitian school seems to be imposed as a code. Indeed, its purpose is to help haiti to become integrated into the group of civilised nations. But it actually serves as a justification of the very existence of the ruling classes. In fact, these la tters are using the school system to select representatives of the haitian-people and are thus able to enslave the greater part of the population. The problems of the haitian school seem to be insolvable less because of the chronic poverty of the people than because of the alienated and alienating conditions of the leaders who use the ignorance and misery of the people to assert themselves. Is haitian school vowed to serve as a relay of neo-imperialism ? Can undertake a structural reform of the haitian school ? How could the innovations in school that were attempted in the sixties in contries such as Guinea, Malia Tanzania, Peru and Cuba help us ? An education reform would succeed nly if it is par of a more global society reform. It woult have positive consequences if it is implanted in the haitian cultural environment. But, does haiti possess a particular cultural environment ? Yes: the voodoo. But unfortunately, it currently undergoes a fundamental crisis. .

L'objet de cette these est double : il s'agit de proposer un grand corpus d'haitien parle, tout en tentant, par le commentaire de ce corpus, d'eclairer la genese de ce creole. L'enquete a porte sur 20 localites du milieu rural ou ont ete interroges des temoins unilingues. L'enquete a permis de constituer une banque de donnees fiables. La plus grande partie de la these est dediee aux commentaires (vol. 1 et ii) associes aux cartes (vol. Iii, iv, v, vi). Cet ensemble est accompagne d'une introduction, de conclusions, de deux index et d'une bibliographie. Nous nous sommes interessee par dessus tout aux implications genetiques decoulant de l'examen des donnees geolinguistiques. Ce qui explique qu'en regle generale, dans les commentaires, l'accent soit mis sur l'analyse diachronique et comparative. Nous avons cherche a mettre en evidence, de facon systematique, le role du francais ("koine d'oil") dans la formation du creole haitien. L'examen du materiau linguistique collecte a permis de progresser dans la comprehension du phenomene de la creolisation. Le resultat le plus saillant de l'etude est la mise en evidence du caractere massif de l'heritage francais. Nous avons accorde moins d'attention au role des langues de l'afrique de l'ouest, sauf dans quelques commentaires et dans les conclusions ou se trouve explicite ce qui a pu etre decouvert des influences africaines au plan semantique et syntaxique
The purpose of the study is twofold : first, to elucidate the general processus of creolization of language in haiti ; second, to provide empirical input for further works. Our study centered on 20 localities. The methodology consisted of extensive interviews with illiterate unilingual peasants. The atlas brings together authentic data. The major part of this thesis is taken up by map's commentaries (vol. I and ii) and maps (vol. Iii, iv, v, and vi). The whole is rounded off with an introduction, a few conclusions (pp. 974-992), two index (pp. 993- 1016) and a bibliography (pp. 1017-1029). We were interested, above all, in the genetical implications that ensued from dialect investigation using the geolinguistic methods of dialect analysis. In general, in the commentaries, emphasis is laid upon diachronic and comparative study. Of special interest to us was the role or influence of french ("koine d'oil") in the formation of haitian creole (hc). The storehouse of information on dialects that has beeen compiled has contributed significantly to our understanding of the creolization phenomenon. The most important finding is the major role of the french language in the genesis of hc. Relative little attention was paid to west african influences, except in part of some commentaries, and in conclusions that discussed the african legacy. Both of the syntax and the semantics of hc show west african reflexes

Un « intellectuel haïtien » est une personne qui, par toutes sortes de pratiques, produit des idées qui tendent à définir, questionner la société haïtienne. L'étude prend comme point de départ, la Constitution de 1801, pour s'achever avec le rétablissement du régime républicain en 1859. Les intellectuels haïtiens se définissent comme les défenseurs d'Haïti mais se présentent aussi comme l'incarnation de la capacité du pays à accéder à la Civilisation. Cet objectif donne naissance à une double stratégie de positionnement. Il s'agit, d'abord, de s'adresser aux interlocuteurs de l'extérieur, car il faut répondre aux écrits diffamatoires des anciens colons et des opposants au projet d'un nouvel État né de la lutte contre l'esclavage. Ll fallait, ensuite, exprimer une volonté manifeste de distanciation par rapport aux autres groupes sociaux du pays qui ne partagent ou ne maîtrisent pas les codes sociaux reconnus et dominants à l'époque. La thèse étudie donc les modalités de cette reconnaissance cherchée à l'extérieur. La quête de reconnaissance des intellectuels s'exprime à travers une revendication de la capacité d'accès d'Haïti à la civilisation et au progrès, mais aussi par la mise en valeur d'un savoir qui légitimerait leur pouvoir politique. Un effet concret de leur demande de reconnaissance passe par la réhabilitation de la « race noire ». Cette thèse montre la manière dont les intellectuels haïtiens parviennent à penser les rapports entre l'universalisme issu de leur formation occidentalisée et la particularité des cultures autres existants dans la société haïtienne
A " Haitian Intellectual " is a person who, by all sorts of practices, product ideas that tend to define, question Haitian society. The study takes as its starting point, the Constitution of 1801 and ended with the restoration of the republican regime in 1859. Haitian intellectuals themselves as defenders of Haiti but also present as the embodiment of the capacity of countries access Civilization. This objective gives rise to a dual strategy of positioning. It is, first, to address the external stakeholders, as must be met defamatory writings of the ancient settlers and opponents of the project of a new state born of the struggle against slavery. It was then express a clear desire to distance themselves from other social groups in the country who do not share or do not master the accepted and dominant at the time social codes. The thesis therefore explores how such recognition sought out. The quest for recognition of intellectual expresses himself through a claim of Haiti's ability to access the civilization and progress, but also by the development of a knowledge that legitimize their political power. A practical effect of their application for recognition through the rehabilitation ofthe "black race. " This thesis shows how the Haitian intellectuals fail to think the relationship between universalism from their westemized training and the particularity of other cultures existing in Haitian society

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The conquest of the New World that had begun around late fifteenth century left no doubts regarding its purposes. At that point, in a clash between civilization and barbarism there had been started one of the most tragic chapters of history. Colonization, a bizarre spectacle, which had no precedents, started from the little island of Hispaniola, which at the end of the eighteenth century was introduced to the world as the Pearl of the Antilles, it was one of, if not the most, prosperous colonies of the French metropolis. Haiti, a country of black people, of voodoo, and of revolution, emerges in history as the country of order subversion, of chaos and black terror, a stain on the civilization history. The rupture between colony and its metropolis, raised by the Haitian Revolution in 1791, became a watershed, an apart chapter in the Americas history. The outcomes of this, which was the only revolution carried out by slaves and that was able to overturn the order and to bring the independency of a country, are still visible today, however regretful. Toussaint L´Ouverture´s country would be harshly punished for its insolence. Haiti remained almost the whole nineteenth century in a political and economic ostracism for, in the twentieth century become the stage of successive interventions and the interference of countries which it has been tragically committed: France and USA. In the late of twentieth century and beginning of twenty first century, those interventions now legitimated by international organizations, such as UN, and OAS, become, effectively, part of the Haitian scenario. It is from those interventions, namely the last, which is represented by MINUSTAH, that we think Haiti in this paper. Making use of the documentation the UN and Folha de São Paulo produced and through a discourse that is, above all, an element of otherness, we will seek to reveal how the Haitian representation and identity are forged.
A conquista do Novo Mundo‟, que tem início em fins do século XV, não deixa dúvidas quanto aos seus propósitos. Inaugura-se aí, neste choque entre a civilização e a barbárie, um dos capítulos mais trágicos da história. A colonização, bizarro espetáculo, que não conheceu precedentes, inicia-se a partir da pequena ilha de Hispaniola, que ao final do século XVIII é apresentada ao mundo como a Pérola das Antilhas, uma das, se não a, mais próspera colônia da metrópole francesa. O Haiti, país de negros, do vodu e da revolução, insurge na história como o país da subversão da ordem, do caos e do terror negro, uma mácula na história da civilização. A ruptura entre colônia e metrópole, materializada pela Revolução haitiana de 1791, torna-se um divisor de águas, um capítulo à parte na história das Américas. Os desdobramentos dessa, que foi a única revolução levada a cabo por escravos capaz de subverter a ordem e promover a independência de um país, ainda hoje são visíveis, e lamentáveis. O país de Tousaint de L‟Ouverture, seria duramente castigado pela sua insolência. O Haiti passa praticamente todo o século XIX em um ostracismo político e econômico para, no século XX, ser palco de sucessivas intervenções e da ingerência de países com os quais se vira tragicamente comprometido: França e E.U.A. Já no final do século XX, início do XXI, as intervenções, agora legitimadas por organismos internacionais como a ONU e a OEA, tornam-se, efetivamente, parte do cenário haitiano. É a partir dessas intervenções, principalmente da última, representada pela MINUSTAH, que procuramos refletir sobre o Haiti neste trabalho. Valendo-nos da documentação produzida pela ONU e pela Folha de São Paulo, buscaremos desvelar como as representações e as identidades haitianas são forjadas, através de um discurso que é, antes de tudo, um elemento de alteridade.

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O presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar a constru??o e o uso de representa??es sobre o Haiti e as tropas da Miss?o das Na??es Unidas para Estabiliza??o no Haiti (MINUSTAH) durante a crise pol?tica, entre os anos de 2004 e 2014. Foram investigadas as vers?es constru?das sobre esta conjuntura pelo Conselho de Seguran?a (CS) da Organiza??o das Na??es Unidas (ONU), e dentro dela o posicionamento brasileiro em rela??o ao Haiti, atrav?s dos encontros do CS, bem como vers?es constru?das pela imprensa haitiana. Buscou-se averiguar como se deu a troca de olhares entre estes dois distintos pontos de vista e de que forma as imagens fabricadas por cada um deles interagiram, ora aproximando-se, ora distanciando-se, outras vezes entrando em conflito. Para tanto, foram utilizadas diferentes fontes hist?ricas na an?lise. No que se refere ao Conselho de Seguran?a da ONU, foram estudados os registros de encontros e resolu??es do Conselho de Seguran?a e relat?rios do representante do secret?rio geral no Haiti. Com rela??o ? imprensa haitiana, foram selecionados dois peri?dicos: o Ha?ti Libert? e Le Nouvelliste. Nas ocasi?es em que trabalhamos o posicionamento brasileiro, al?m dos registros de discuss?o na ONU, utilizamos como fontes, os discursos dos Presidentes da Rep?blica e representantes do Minist?rio das Rela??es Exteriores. Desse modo, o trabalho mant?m sua aten??o n?o apenas na analise de conceitos, mas tamb?m na compreens?o das institui??es cujos discursos analisados s?o produzidos.
This study has as purpose analyzing the construction and use of representations related to Haiti and United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) troops, during the pol?tical crisis, between 2004 and 2014. Versions of how the United Nations (UN) Security Council (SC) sees the conjuncture, and inside it, the Brazilian position about Haiti, were analyzed through the SC meetings, as well as versions built by the Haitian press. It was enquired how happened the view exchange between these two distinct actors and how their produced images interacted, sometimes getting close, distant or even in conflict. To do so, different historical sources were used in the analyzes. Regarding the UN Security Council, were subject of study, the UNSC meetings and resolutions adopted, as well as the reports of the Secretary-General on the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti. As regards to the Haitian press, two periodicals were subject of analysis: the Ha?ti Libert? and Le Nouvelliste. In the occasions which the Brazilian position was subject of analysis, further the UN documents, Republic Presidents speeches and Foreign affairs representative speeches were also used. Thereby, this thesis keeps its attention focused not only in the conceptual analysis, but also in the comprehension of the institutions producers of the speeches here analyzed.

Notre travail comprend trois chapitres. Dans le premier chapitre, nous étudions les origines de la crise de l'homme haïtien. En effet, le vaudou qui a toujours offert un cadre de référence à travers lequel l'haïtien prend généralement conscience de ses problèmes, nous a permis de comprendre les causes du malaise et les différentes tentatives avortées des responsables sociaux qui ont essayé de résoudre le dit malaise. Un deuxième chapitre s'est attache surtout à montrer que l'haïtien moderne a été façonné par son passé. En effet, il nous a semblé que lorsqu'il change sa détermination religieuse de vaudou en celle de chrétien et revient au vaudou, l'haïtien contemporain est à la dérive: voilà le malaise social. Enfin, un troisième chapitre tente d'appréhender les grandes lignes du dénouement de la crise à travers l'ébauche d'une théologie des loa et d'envisager d'autres perspectives pouvant permettre d'aboutir à un haïtien stable sur le plan religieux
Our research is composed of three chapters. In the first chapter, we will study the origins of the crisis of a contemporean Haitian. In fact, the "voodoo" which has always be the point of reference through which a contemporean Haitian takes conscience of his problems, has been useful to us to understand the causes of the social sickness and also the different abortive trials by the social leaders who have tried to resolve it. The second chapter is particularly concerned with showing how the modern Haitian was very much conditioned by his past. In fact, it seemed to us that when he changes his religious convictions from the "voodoo" to that of Christianity and comes back again to "voodoo", the contemporean Haitian is bewildered: hence the social sickness. Finally, the third chapter tries to analyze the unfolding of the crisis. . . And to find out a new way that can make it understandable to an average religious Haitian

La Constitution haïtienne 1987 élaborée et publiée après le départ de M. Jean-Claude Duvalier de la présidence d'Haïti en son article 15 interdit la pluri-nationalité. A rappeler quand même en Haïti citoyenneté et nationalité sont deux concepts interchangeables : c'est la nationalité qui confère des droits politiques. Cette nouvelle Constitution réaffirme ainsi le principe de citoyenneté nationalitaire ancré dans la tradition juridico-politique haïtienne dès la création de cet Etat né, au début du 19eme siècle, d'une révolte d'esclaves africains. Le plus surprenant, la Constitution haïtienne de 1987 est en grande partie l'œuvre de personnes, de juristes ayant vécu toute la dictature duvaliérienne en dehors d'Haïti. Ils semblent négliger pourtant un fait sociétal important : Haïti est devenu depuis très longtemps, depuis la seconde moitié du vingtième siècle, un pays d'émigration. Par cet article, ils excluent une bonne partie de la population haïtienne de sa nationalité, donc de sa citoyenneté. Les expatriés vont réagir, à ce qu'ils considèrent comme une injustice, en déplaçant le débat du terrain juridique vers le champ politique en revendiquant la double citoyenneté. Autrement dit, ils demandent à être Haïtien autrement. Dans cette recherche, il est notamment question de ce que les différents postulants de la double citoyenneté mettent derrière le concept de citoyenneté et les lieux manifestation de celle-ci
The Haitian Constitution of 1987 published after the departure of Mr. Jean-Claude Duvalier from the presidency of Haiti in its article 15 prohibits multi-membership. To remember that in Haiti citizenship and membership are two interchangeable concepts: the membership confers political rights. The new Constitution reaffirms the principle of citizenship rooted in nationalistic legal and political tradition since the creation of Haitian State born in the early 19th century, a revolt of African slaves, Most surprisingly, the Haitian Constitution of 1987 is largely the work of people who lived throughout the legal dictatorship of Duvalier outside Haiti, Yet they seem to overlook one important societal fact: Haiti became very long time, since the second half of the twentieth century, a country of emigration. Through this article, they exclude much of the Haitian people of his membership, and therefore its citizenship. Expatriates will react to what they see as an injustice, moving the discussion of legal ground to the political arena claiming dual citizenship. In other words, they need to be Haitian otherwise. In this research, including issues that different applicants for dual citizenship are behind the concept of citizenship and places of this event

L’apparition à partir des années 1950 de pièces afro-caribéennes qui mettent en scène la Révolution de Saint-Domingue se révèle pour le moins symbolique. Annoncées par la création de La Tragédie du roi Christophe d’Aimé Césaire par Jean-Marie Serreau et la troupe du Toucan, ces expressions théâtrales contribueront à définir un genre théâtral à part entière - celui du théâtre révolutionnaire afro-caribéen d’expression française - possédant ses propres traits définitoires et catégoriels, ses codes d’écriture, son rapport à l’histoire ou aux personnages historiques, et surtout sa finalité, sa fonction politique et populaire. L’articulation entre le choix du théâtre, le thème politique de la Révolution de Saint-Domingue et les enjeux de la deuxième moitié du XXe siècle constituera l’emblème du théâtre historique révolutionnaire tout à la fois politique et populaire
The appearance in the 50’ of afro-Caribbean’s pieces setting up the Dominican Revolution proves to be symbolic. Announced by the creation of La Tragedie du Roi Christophe from Aimé Césaire by Jean-Marie Serreau and the Toucan Troupe, these theatricals expressions will go towards defining a proper theatrical type- possessing his own characteristics, his writing codes, his connection with history and historical characters, and above all, his purpose, his finality : his political and popular function. The articulation between the choice of theater, the political theme of the Dominican Revolution and the stakes of the second half of the 20th Century will constitute the insignia of the historical revolutionary theater, both political and popular

Arrivé en Haïti avec les Noirs d'Afrique aux 15e et 16e siècles, le vodou est depuis ce temps un élément de la culture haïtienne. Il y a aujourd'hui une coexistence des catholiques, des protestants avec les vodouisants d'où le problème de syncrétisme qui caractérise le vodou. Le silence entretenu à son sujet, dans divers milieux et pour différentes raisons, renforce les préjugés vieux de plusieurs siècles et rend difficile l'évangélisation. Évangéliser la personne vodouisante suppose de bien connaître sa perception de Dieu et les valeurs véhiculées par le vodou. Un sondage auprès des jeunes et d'adultes a enrichi mes connaissances sur le vodou et les moyens d'une évangélisation en Haïti. C'est à partir d'une catéchèse respectueuse des personnes vodouisantes et dans un dialogue oeecuménique [i.e. oecuménique], que les témoins-catéchètes pourront former des personnes capables de s'engager à suivre l'exemple du Christ dans la pratique et l'annonce de la Bonne Nouvelle aujourd'hui.

Dès le début du XVIè siècle, la colonisation française commença en Amérique. Elle s'appuyait sur une doctrine coloniale selon laquelle le service de Dieu - en termes d'action apostolique et de consolidation de la foi des fidèles - et la grandeur du royaume de France constituaient les deux objectifs principaux des entreprises coloniales. Dépositaire des dogmes de la foi, l'Eglise catholique occupait une place fondamentale dans cette doctrine. Elle devait exercer, dans la perspective de la pérennisation du système colonial, une fonction de police idéologique. Cette mission difficile trouvait sa source dans la volonté du pouvoir royal de fonder les sociétés coloniales sur les principes de la religion catholique, lesquels principes constituèrent, à ses yeux, le plus sûr garant de la domination française en Amérique. En dépit des efforts déployés par le pouvoir pour faciliter la tâche à l'Eglise, la doctrine coloniale a été un échec total. L'histoire de Saint-Domingue, la plus riche des colonies américaines de la France au XVIIIè siècle et principal objet du présent travail, témoigne de cet échec. Cette colonie fut, à la fin du XVIIIè siècle, le théâtre de la plus grande révolution servile des temps modernes. Contrairement à la volonté du pouvoir, la religion n'a pas été capable de prévenir cette catastrophe qui a sonné le glas de la domination française dans l'île
At the beginning of 16th century, french colonization started in America. It was based on a colonial doctrine according to which the service of God - in terms of apostolic action and consolidation of the faith of the church members- and the greatness of the kingdom of France constituted the two main objectives of the colonial enterprises. Custodian of the dogmas of faith, the Catholic Church occupied a fundamental place in this doctrine. It had to fulfil, from the point of view of the perpetuation of the colonial system, a function of ideological police. This difficult task was rooted in the will of the royal power of colonial societies based on the principles of the catholic religion ; principles which constituted, in his view, the surest guarantee of french domination in America. Despite the efforts made by the power to facilitate the task with the Church, the colonial doctrine was a total failure. The history of Saint-Domingue, the richest of the American colonies of France in the 18th century and main objective of this work, testifies this failure. This colony was, at the end of the 18th century, the scene of the greatest servile revolution of modern times. Contrary to the willingness of the power, religion was not able to prevent this catastrophe which initiated the end of the french domination on the island