Academic literature on the topic 'History of Independence Movement in South Asia'
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Journal articles on the topic "History of Independence Movement in South Asia"
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Reetz, Dietrich. "In Search of the Collective Self: How Ethnic Group Concepts were Cast through Conflict in Colonial India." Modern Asian Studies 31, no. 2 (May 1997): 285–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00014311.
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When the concept of Western nationalism travelled to India in the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century it was carried by British officialdom and an increasingly mobile and articulate Indian élite that was educated in English and in the tradition of British society. Not only did it inspire the all-India nationalist movement, but it encouraged regional politics as well, mainly in ethnic and religious terms. Most of today's ethnic and religious movements in South Asia could be traced back to their antecedents before independence. Looking closer at the three major regional movements of pre-independence India, the Pathans, the Sikhs and the Tamils, one finds a striking similarity in patterns of mobilization, conflict and concept irrespective of their association with the national movement (Red Shirt movement of the Pathans, Sikh movement of the Akalis) or independent existence in opposition to Congress (non-Brahmin/Tamil movement)
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D'Souza, Radha. "The Conceptual World of the Ghadarites." Socialist Studies/Études Socialistes 13, no. 2 (October 18, 2018): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.18740/ss27241.
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The Ghadar movement is framed by scholars variously as socialist or proto-communist, anarchist, secular or religious nationalist. These theoretical frames developed in the European historical contexts to oppose liberalism and modernism. Framing historical experiences of colonialism and resistance to it by using theories developed in radically different conditions of European capitalism and Enlightenment, disrupts history-writing and the historical consciousness of people in the Third World. This paper examines the historical consciousness that guided Ghadar resistance to colonial rule. How are we to understand the distinction between system and ‘lifeworld’ that Jurgen Habermas makes in a context where the ‘system’ is capitalist /imperialist/ modernist and the ‘lifeworld’ is South Asian/ Indian Enlightenment/ colonial? What was the ‘lifeworld’ of the Ghadar leaders that informed their understanding of nationalism and state, secularism and religion, liberation and justice? Theories contribute to creating historical consciousness and identity by showing us a view of the world that we can identify with, by providing a sense of continuity with the past. Disruption of South Asia’s historical consciousness has had profound consequences for the people of the subcontinent. This paper locates the Ghadar movement in the structural transformations of South Asia after the end of the First War of Independence in 1857 known as the Great Ghadar. The paper takes common theoretical lenses used to analyse the Ghadar movement in academic scholarship: secular and ethno-religious nationalism, anarchism and socialism as its point of departure to sketch the theoretical and philosophical routes through which Ghadar leaders arrived at comparable values and political positions. It shows how they could be secular, religious, anarchist and socialist simultaneously. The Ghadar movement is important because it is the last major resistance movement that saw South Asia through South Asian lenses and attempted to address problems of colonialism and national independence in ways that was consistent with Indian historical consciousness and cultural and intellectual traditions.
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Çelik, Hatice. "Kashmir after August 5th Decision and its Implications for South Asia." RUDN Journal of World History 12, no. 2 (December 15, 2020): 99–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2020-12-2-99-111.
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After World War II, Great Britain's loss of power in the international system had a great impact on the start of the decolonization process (the beginning of the independence movements in colonial geographies and the acquisition of peoples' independence) and expansion of it. India, one of the most important colonies of the British Empire which is known as the empire on which the sun never sets, was also the most important representative and perhaps even the trigger of this process. The Republic of India (hereafter referred to as India) which gained independence from Britain in 1947, also witnessed the birth of another state from its territory. The newly established state of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan (hereinafter referred to as Pakistan) has maintained a high-tension relationship with India since the foundation. The main cause of this tension has been the dispute over the Jammu and Kashmir region. The controversial region has again become a conflictual geography with the decision of the Indian Parliament on the 5th of August 2019. By this, the autonomous status of the J&K was abolished and Pakistan and India came to the edge of confrontation. The measures and precautions of the Indian government regarding the region has increased the tension not only in J&K but also in India and in Pakistan. This study tries to analyze the Kashmir dispute in line with the recent developments and how the issue effects the regional political dynamics. In the first part of the paper; there will be a short history of the dispute, the claims of the parties, and the place of this dispute in the international system. In the second part, the current situation will be tried to investigate from the foreign policy and regional policies aspect. The general conclusion of the author is that the recent decision on autonomy of Kashmir will have cumulative negative impacts on the stability of the region in coming years.
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Atwill, David G. "Boundaries of Belonging: Sino-Indian Relations and the 1960 Tibetan Muslim Incident." Journal of Asian Studies 75, no. 3 (August 2016): 595–620. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911816000553.
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Bridging Tibetan, Chinese, and South Asian studies, this article examines the 1960 Tibetan Muslim Incident, when nearly one thousand Tibetan Muslims declared themselves to be Indian citizens by virtue of their Kashmiri ancestry and petitioned the Chinese government to be allowed to emigrate to India. The paradox of the 1960 Tibetan Muslim Incident is that it occurred after a decade of careful Sino-Indian diplomacy, a diplomacy emerging out of each nation's shared struggle for independence and liberation from an anti-imperialist past. By locating the event in the broader ideological movements of postcolonial Asia, the article focuses on a set of aspirations, motivations, and spaces by which China, India, and the Tibetan Muslims sought to define their actions outside of standard nationalistic, ideological, and military narratives of the period.
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Morris, Rosalind C. "Remembering Asian Anticolonialism, Again." Journal of Asian Studies 69, no. 2 (April 7, 2010): 347–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911810000082.
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Gertrude Stein once remarked that history must be understood not as the passage of time, but as the killing of centuries. This killing of centuries takes a very long time, she added, and she discerned the final death throes of the nineteenth century—a period in thrall to science and the idea of civilizational progress—in the middle of World War II. Being an American Jew in France, that denouement was realized, for her, by Hitler's Germany, in the moment that it fell to American industrial war making. But Stein's insight might as easily and as correctly be applied to the analysis of anticolonialism and the collapse of European rule in South and Southeast Asia. It was there, after all, that the ideology of a civilizational mission was revealed in all its hypocrisy. Such, at least, is the impression one gathers from reading the works of Christopher Bayly and Tim Harper, Leela Gandhi, and Benedict Anderson, each of whom offers a perspective on the history of empire's end, and the rise of revolutionary and nationalist independence movements in Asia. As counterpoint to their insistently particularizing narration of these movements, James C. Scott sketches a deep history of recurrent antistatism as the context in which European empires made their ill-fated claims to civilizational exceptionalism, and in which anarchism could emerge as a technics of ungovernability.
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DE, ROHIT. "Cows and Constitutionalism." Modern Asian Studies 53, no. 1 (January 2019): 240–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x18000422.
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AbstractCows have been the subject of political petitioning in South Asia for over a hundred years. This article examines the changing relationship between communities and the state in India through the transformation of petitioning practices—from ‘monster’ petitions, to postcard campaigns and constitutional writs—by the proponents and opponents of the cow protection movement from the late nineteenth century through to the first decades of independence. The article shows that, instead of disciplining and formalizing popular politics, petitioning provides channels for mobilization and disruption. As Hindus and Muslims engaged in competitive petitioning to rally a public, persuade the executive, or litigate through the courts, the question of cow slaughter was recast from one of community representation to religious belief, to property rights, to federalism, and, finally, questions of national economic development. In the absence of representative government in colonial India, Hindus for cow protection generated massive petitions which argued that they represented popular democratic will. Despite the lack of a constitution, Muslim petitioners sought to establish a judicially enforceable framework to protect their right to cow slaughter. Independence, which brought both democracy and a written constitution, caused a fundamental break with older claims and forms of petitioning, and led to both Hindus and Muslims seeking to settle the debate through writ petitions before constitutional courts.
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Rogozhina, N. G. "The Problem of the Deep South of Thailand – Separatism of the Malay Muslims." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 14, no. 1 (January 28, 2021): 176–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2021-14-1-9.
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The article examines the history of the development of the nationalist movement of Malay Muslims living inthe south of Thailand, which is more thanhalf a century old and is a demonstrationof their identify in conditions of being inan alien and even hostile religious, cultural and ethnic environment and a form ofprotest against the government policy offorced assimilation. The desire of MalayMuslims for independence, which has taken the form of armed resistance to the central government, is a response to the marginalization of their economic and political position and to the discriminatory policy of the government. Separatism as anideology of ethno-nationalism and as a political movement of Malay Muslims, whichoriginated in the 1940s of the last century, has transformed in the last fifteen yearsinto a religious jihad with an accompanying increase in violence. It is based onsmall groups of militant separatists recruiting their supporters from studentsof traditional Muslim schools. Having almost completely abandoned political activity, the separatists concentrated on carrying out acts of terror. With the emergenceof ISIS and its attempts to create its basein the Muslim countries of Southeast Asia,a threat arose that a local conflict woulddevelop into a transnational one. However, local jihadists, following the interests ofself-survival and adhering to a nationalist ideology, show their distance from ISIS,avoiding involvement in the internationalterrorist movement. The author notes thatdespite the limited social base of terroristseparatist groups, the idea of independenceremains widely demanded in local society. The prolonged nature of the ethno-religious conflict poses the task to resolve it byThai government. Attempts to suppress theseparatism of Malay Muslims by force havebeen unsuccessful, which prompts the Thaigovernment to look for political ways to resolve the conflict in the framework of thenegotiation process with insurgent groups.However, differences in the positions of theparties on the hard core of the problemcomplicate reaching consensus. The authorconcludes that as long as Thai society is divided into “we” and “they”, the basis for thegrowth of Malay nationalism remains.
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KHAN, ADIL HUSSAIN. "The Kashmir Crisis as a Political Platform for Jama'at-i Ahmadiyya's Entrance into South Asian Politics." Modern Asian Studies 46, no. 5 (February 29, 2012): 1398–428. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x12000066.
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AbstractThis paper looks at Jama'at-i Ahmadiyya's political involvement in the Kashmir crisis of the 1930s under its second and most influentialkhalīfat al-masīh, Mirza Bashir al-Din Mahmud Ahmad, who took over the movement in 1914, six years after the death of his father, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad. Communal tensions springing from the Kashmir riots of 1931 provided Mirza Mahmud Ahmad with an opportunity to display the ability of his Jama'at to manage an international crisis and to lead the Muslim mainstream towards independence from Britain. Mahmud Ahmad's relations with influential Muslim community leaders, such as Iqbal, Fazl-i Husain, Zafrulla Khan, and Sheikh Abdullah (Sher-i Kashmīr), enabled him to further both his religious and political objectives in the subcontinent. This paper examines Jama'at-i Ahmadiyya's role in establishing a major political lobby, the All-India Kashmir Committee. It also shows how the political involvement of Jama'at-i Ahmadiyya in Kashmir during the 1930s left Ahmadis susceptible to criticism from opposition groups, like the Majlis-i Ahrar, amongst others, in later years. Ultimately, this paper will demonstrate how Mahmud Ahmad's skilful use of religion, publicity, and political activism during the Kashmir crisis instantly legitimized a political platform for Jama'at-i Ahmadiyya's entrance into the mainstream political framework of modern South Asia, which thereby has facilitated the development of the Ahmadi controversy since India's partition.
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Halevi, Leor. "Nationalist Spirits of Islamic Law after World War I: An Arab-Indian Battle of Fatwas over Alcohol, Purity, and Power." Comparative Studies in Society and History 62, no. 4 (September 29, 2020): 895–925. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417520000328.
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AbstractIn 1922, one of the most famous Muslim scholars of modern times, the Syrian-Egyptian reformer Rashīd Riḍā, published in his journal a detailed fatwa in defense of alcohol. He did so in reaction to an obscure Indian jurist's fatwa that had warned Muslims not to use alcoholic products. On the surface, the authors of the fatwas appeared to be principally concerned with the right way to interpret sacred laws of purity and pollution. However, this article reveals that their disagreement had much to do with differing approaches to the politics of independence. Their divergence is intriguing because the cities where they lived, Cairo and Bombay, had just experienced the convulsions of anti-British consumer boycotts. And it emerged at a time when anti-imperial Muslim activists from the Middle East and South Asia were rallying together for a pan-Islamic cause—to prevent the final collapse of the caliphate. These movements swayed both Riḍā and his rival, who may well be described as Muslim nationalists. Yet they embraced radically different strategies for independence. One aimed for national purity, the other for national power. This discrepancy led to the battle of fatwas—a forgotten battle that is worth remembering because it suggests some of the difficulties that Muslim jurists of Arab or Indian ancestry faced during the interwar period when they tried to turn Islamic law into an effective nationalist discourse.
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Yapp, M. E. "South Asia - Partha Sarathi Gupta (ed.): Towards freedom: documents on the movement for independence in India, 1943–1944. (ICHR: Towards Freedom.) 3 vols. clviii, 832 pp.; ii, 833–2206; ii, 2207–3517 pp. Delhi: Indian Council for Historical Research and Oxford University Press, 1997. £142." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 62, no. 2 (June 1999): 381–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00017171.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "History of Independence Movement in South Asia"
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Ramnarayan, Akhila. "Kalki’s Avatars: writing nation, history, region, and culture in the Tamil Public Sphere." The Ohio State University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1150484295.
Full textBooks on the topic "History of Independence Movement in South Asia"
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Institute of Kashmir Affairs (London), ed. Extremism, terrorism & threat to peace in South Asia. London (U.K.): Institute of Kashmir Affairs, 2014.
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Autonomy and ethnic conflict in South and South-East Asia. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2012.
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Dr, Arnold Matthew, ed. South Sudan: From revolution to independence. New York: Columbia University Press, 2012.
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Swu, Scato. Hails and blames: A brief account of Naga independence struggle. Dimapur: Heritage Publishing House, 2013.
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András, Balogh. A political history of national liberation movement in Asia and Africa, 1914-1985. New Delhi: ABC Pub. House, 1988.
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Land of jade: A journey through insurgent Burma. Edinburgh: Kiscadale Publications, 1990.
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Zareer, Masani, ed. India: Forty years of independence. New York: G. Braziller, 1988.
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West, Andrew. The most dangerous legacy: The development of identity, power and marginality in the British transfer to India and the Nagas. [Hull, England]: Centre for South-East Asian Studies, 1999.
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Decolonization in South Asia: Meanings of freedom in post-independence West Bengal, 1947-52. Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2009.
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The human toll of the Kashmir conflict: Tales of grief and courage from a South Asian borderland. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "History of Independence Movement in South Asia"
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Tinker, Hugh. "Independence: The Springtime." In South Asia: A Short History, 219–44. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19856-6_10.
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Tinker, Hugh. "The Contest for Independence." In South Asia: A Short History, 188–218. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19856-6_9.
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Tinker, Hugh. "Independence: The Long Hot Summer." In South Asia: A Short History, 245–73. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19856-6_11.
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Zimmer, Kenyon. "At war with empire: the anti-colonial roots of American anarchist debates during the First World War." In Anarchism, 1914-18. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781784993412.003.0009.
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America’s multi-ethnic anarchist movement had a rich history of supporting anti-imperial struggles and national revolutions. The three positions that anarchists took on the war—antimilitarist neutrality, qualified support for the Allies, or calculated endorsement of a German defeat of Russia—all had their roots in earlier discourses regarding anti-colonial and nationalist causes. They also engaged in a running dialogue with anarchists in Europe such as Peter Kropotkin and Errico Malatesta. Drawing on American anarchist writings in English, Italian, Spanish, and Yiddish, this chapter outlines the earlier positions anarchists took regarding struggles such as Middle Eastern and South Asian independence movements, the Boer War, the Cuban War of Independence and Spanish-American War, and Zionism and Jewish territorialism. It then examines how the different anarchist factions drew on these previous discussions to make anti-imperialist arguments in support of their stances, and evaluates the strengths and weaknesses of these arguments.
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Hedlund, Roger E. "Independents." In Christianity in South and Central Asia, 261–73. Edinburgh University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474439824.003.0024.
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The term ‘Independents’ differentiates lesser-known congregations and small clusters from the historic Protestant, Orthodox and Catholic denominations. Chennai (Madras) is home to a vast number of Christian denominations and institutions. Groups may range from 20–25 in number to as large as 400–500. Similar new Independent churches and movements are found in many parts of India. Sadhu Sundar Singh was a pioneering figure in the indigenisation of Christianity in India; baptised at Simla, he nevertheless remained free from the imported ecclesiastical institutions that Westernised the Indian church. There is also a more radical transformation of Christianity in hybrid religious groups in the borderlands between Christianity, Islam and Hinduism. The faith relation to Jesus of several Isa-Muslim and Christ bhakti-Hindu groups transcends the traditional denominational boundaries of Christianity. Prior to 1950 no Nepali Christians were resident in Nepal, but Nepali people managed to seep out into India, where a number of them became Christians, with most Pentecostal or Charismatic in character but indigenous in origin; more recently as many as 1 million were reported. A tiny underground church exists in Islamic Afghanistan, composed of former refugees who became Christians during the 1970s while in other countries.
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Mitchell, Peter. "The Ancient Near East." In The Donkey in Human History. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198749233.003.0010.
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The donkey was domesticated from the African wild ass in Northeast Africa some 7–6,000 years ago. This chapter looks at what happened when donkeys turned right and exited Africa into Asia. Though tracking their movement as far as India and China, its principal focus lies in the Ancient Near East, the region stretching from Israel north to Turkey and eastward into Iraq and Iran that is often termed the ‘Fertile Crescent’. Within this vast area, donkeys were used in daily life, including the agricultural cycle, just as they were in Egypt. But like there they also acquired other, more specialized uses and associations. Thus, after tracing the donkey’s spread I look at its role in three key aspects of the Near East’s earliest civilizations: the organization of trade; the legitimization of kingship; and religion. By 3500 BC the earliest cities had already emerged in Mesopotamia, the ‘land between the rivers’ Euphrates and Tigris. Over the course of the next 1,500 years, urbanization gathered pace across Palestine and Syria in the west, northward in Turkey, and east through Iran. Within Mesopotamia the independent Sumerian city-states of the south developed increasingly monarchical forms of government, seeing brief unity under the kings of Akkad and the Third Dynasty of Ur in the late third millennium BC. Then and later a city-state pattern of political organization also held in northern Mesopotamia (for example, at Aššur and its neighbour Mari) and in the Levant. In the mid-second millennium bc, however, much larger kingdoms emerged: the Hittites in central Turkey, Assyria in northern Mesopotamia, and Babylonia in its south. The Hittites, in particular, competed with Egypt for control of Syrian and Palestinian cities like Ugarit. When these Bronze Age powers collapsed around 1200 BC, their disappearance opened a window for smaller states like Israel to flourish briefly in their wake. Subsequently, however, first Assyria (911–612 BC) and then Babylon (612–539 BC) established much more centralized and extensive empires across the Near East before being subsumed within the Persian Empire of Cyrus the Great and his successors.
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Nunan, Timothy. "The Soviet Elphinstone." In Mountstuart Elphinstone in South Asia, 275–98. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190914400.003.0014.
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This chapter offers a brief history of how the thought of Mountstuart Elphinstone was received among Soviet scholars of Afghanistan. The connection may not be obvious at first, but Russian language scholarship on Afghanistan outpaced that in any other language from the early twentieth century onward owing to the special nature of Soviet-Afghan relations following the October Revolution and Afghan independence. Likewise, close Soviet-Afghan relations during the Cold War – culminating in the decade-long occupation of the country by the Soviet Army – framed the context for later Soviet scholarship on the country. This chapter demonstrates that "Elphinstonian epistemes" very much had an afterlife in Soviet scholarship on the country, because many authors were misled about the identity of the Afghan state in Kabul with Pashtun populations on both sides of the Durand Line. Worse, these readings of Afghanistan had intermingled with crude readings about the "revolutionary" nature of Afghan Communists and their opponents. During the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan, attentive scholars urged more nuanced concepts to make sense of Afghanistan, but as this chapter demonstrates, Elphinstonian tropes very much framed the Soviet romance with – and disaster in – twentieth century Afghanistan.
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Capino, José B. "Figures of Empire: American Documentaries in the Philippines." In The Colonial Documentary Film in South and South-East Asia. Edinburgh University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474407205.003.0005.
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In his chapter, J. B. Capino demonstrates how a variety of official and private documentary films were deployed to serve American imperialist interests while also documenting the Philipinos’ daily life under direct US imperial rule (1899-1946), and over the post-independence period. This contribution highlights the specific filmic elements employed to both acknowledge and belie US imperialism in the Philippine, and demonstrates how specific documentary forms were influenced by the history of American imperialism in the region and, reciprocally, how non-fiction forms also forged significant aspects of imperialism.
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Campbell, Gordon. "9. America, Africa, and Australia." In Garden History: A Very Short Introduction, 116–32. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780199689873.003.0009.
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‘America, Africa, and Australia’ provides highlights of garden history in North America, Central America, South America, South Africa, and Australia. North America’s earliest traditional gardens were influenced by the settlers from Spain, France, the Netherlands, and England. After independence, garden design was transformed by designers such as Frederick Law Olmsted, the Colonial Revival movement, the Prairie School, and the California Style. The most important gardens in Central America are in Mexico and, in South America, the move away from European styles was led by the Brazilian plantsman and designer Roberto Burle Marx. Australia’s most important and influential garden designers have been William Guilfoyle and Edna Walling.
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Roy, Tirthankar. "Infrastructure." In The Economic History of India, 1857-2010, 212–40. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190128296.003.0008.
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At independence in 1947, the visible legacy of colonial rule in South Asia was the modern infrastructure that the regime had left behind, the ports, canals, the telegraph, sanitation, medical care, urban waterworks, universities, postal system, courts of law, railways, meteorological office, statistical systems, and scientific research laboratories. All of it involved British knowhow, adapted to the Indian environment with Indian help, and assisted governance directly or indirectly. But once built, such assets did not serve only the empire but also helped private enterprise and ordinary people lead better lives. Chapter 8 shows the motivations that drove these projects and the effects they produced.
Conference papers on the topic "History of Independence Movement in South Asia"
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JI- EON, LEE, and YOO NA-YEON. "SOUTH KOREA’S DIPLOMATIC RELATIONSHIP WITH UZBEKISTAN SINCE 1991: STRATEGY AND CHARACTERISTICS OF EACH GOVERNMENT." In UZBEKISTAN-KOREA: CURRENT STATE AND PROSPECTS OF COOPERATION. OrientalConferences LTD, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/ocl-01-03.
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One of the biggest events in international political history at the end of the 20th century was end of the Cold War due to the dissolution of the Soviet Union. With the collapse of the Soviet Union in December 1991, the Cold War system, led by the US and the Soviet Union as the two main axes, disappeared into history, dramatically changing the international situation and creating new independent states in the international community. In the past, as the protagonist of the Silk Road civilization, it was a channel of trade and culture, linking the East and the West, but as members of the former Soviet Union, Central Asian countries whose importance and status were not well known have emerged on the international stage in the process of forming a new international order. After independence, Central Asia countries began to attract attention from the world as the rediscovery of the Silk Road, that is, the geopolitical importance of being the center of the Eurasian continent, and as a treasure trove of natural resources such as oil and gas increased.
Reports on the topic "History of Independence Movement in South Asia"
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Chandrasekhar, C. P. The Long Search for Stability: Financial Cooperation to Address Global Risks in the East Asian Region. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp153.
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Forced by the 1997 Southeast Asian crisis to recognize the external vulnerabilities that openness to volatile capital flows result in and upset over the post-crisis policy responses imposed by the IMF, countries in the sub-region saw the need for a regional financial safety net that can pre-empt or mitigate future crises. At the outset, the aim of the initiative, then led by Japan, was to create a facility or design a mechanism that was independent of the United States and the IMF, since the former was less concerned with vulnerabilities in Asia than it was in Latin America and that the latter’s recommendations proved damaging for countries in the region. But US opposition and inherited geopolitical tensions in the region blocked Japan’s initial proposal to establish an Asian Monetary Fund, a kind of regional IMF. As an alternative, the ASEAN+3 grouping (ASEAN members plus China, Japan and South Korea) opted for more flexible arrangements, at the core of which was a network of multilateral and bilateral central bank swap agreements. While central bank swap agreements have played a role in crisis management, the effort to make them the central instruments of a cooperatively established regional safety net, the Chiang Mai Initiative, failed. During the crises of 2008 and 2020 countries covered by the Initiative chose not to rely on the facility, preferring to turn to multilateral institutions such as the ADB, World Bank and IMF or enter into bilateral agreements within and outside the region for assistance. The fundamental problem was that because of an effort to appease the US and the IMF and the use of the IMF as a foil against the dominance of a regional power like Japan, the regional arrangement was not a real alternative to traditional sources of balance of payments support. In particular, access to significant financial assistance under the arrangement required a country to be supported first by an IMF program and be subject to the IMF’s conditions and surveillance. The failure of the multilateral effort meant that a specifically Asian safety net independent of the US and the IMF had to be one constructed by a regional power involving support for a network of bilateral agreements. Japan was the first regional power to seek to build such a network through it post-1997 Miyazawa Initiative. But its own complex relationship with the US meant that its intervention could not be sustained, more so because of the crisis that engulfed Japan in 1990. But the prospect of regional independence in crisis resolution has revived with the rise of China as a regional and global power. This time both economics and China’s independence from the US seem to improve prospects of successful regional cooperation to address financial vulnerability. A history of tensions between China and its neighbours and the fear of Chinese dominance may yet lead to one more failure. But, as of now, the Belt and Road Initiative, China’s support for a large number of bilateral swap arrangements and its participation in the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership seem to suggest that Asian countries may finally come into their own.