To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: History of Independence Movement in South Asia.
Journal articles on the topic 'History of Independence Movement in South Asia'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'History of Independence Movement in South Asia.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Reetz, Dietrich. "In Search of the Collective Self: How Ethnic Group Concepts were Cast through Conflict in Colonial India." Modern Asian Studies 31, no. 2 (May 1997): 285–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00014311.
Full textAbstract:
When the concept of Western nationalism travelled to India in the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century it was carried by British officialdom and an increasingly mobile and articulate Indian élite that was educated in English and in the tradition of British society. Not only did it inspire the all-India nationalist movement, but it encouraged regional politics as well, mainly in ethnic and religious terms. Most of today's ethnic and religious movements in South Asia could be traced back to their antecedents before independence. Looking closer at the three major regional movements of pre-independence India, the Pathans, the Sikhs and the Tamils, one finds a striking similarity in patterns of mobilization, conflict and concept irrespective of their association with the national movement (Red Shirt movement of the Pathans, Sikh movement of the Akalis) or independent existence in opposition to Congress (non-Brahmin/Tamil movement)
2
D'Souza, Radha. "The Conceptual World of the Ghadarites." Socialist Studies/Études Socialistes 13, no. 2 (October 18, 2018): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.18740/ss27241.
Full textAbstract:
The Ghadar movement is framed by scholars variously as socialist or proto-communist, anarchist, secular or religious nationalist. These theoretical frames developed in the European historical contexts to oppose liberalism and modernism. Framing historical experiences of colonialism and resistance to it by using theories developed in radically different conditions of European capitalism and Enlightenment, disrupts history-writing and the historical consciousness of people in the Third World. This paper examines the historical consciousness that guided Ghadar resistance to colonial rule. How are we to understand the distinction between system and ‘lifeworld’ that Jurgen Habermas makes in a context where the ‘system’ is capitalist /imperialist/ modernist and the ‘lifeworld’ is South Asian/ Indian Enlightenment/ colonial? What was the ‘lifeworld’ of the Ghadar leaders that informed their understanding of nationalism and state, secularism and religion, liberation and justice? Theories contribute to creating historical consciousness and identity by showing us a view of the world that we can identify with, by providing a sense of continuity with the past. Disruption of South Asia’s historical consciousness has had profound consequences for the people of the subcontinent. This paper locates the Ghadar movement in the structural transformations of South Asia after the end of the First War of Independence in 1857 known as the Great Ghadar. The paper takes common theoretical lenses used to analyse the Ghadar movement in academic scholarship: secular and ethno-religious nationalism, anarchism and socialism as its point of departure to sketch the theoretical and philosophical routes through which Ghadar leaders arrived at comparable values and political positions. It shows how they could be secular, religious, anarchist and socialist simultaneously. The Ghadar movement is important because it is the last major resistance movement that saw South Asia through South Asian lenses and attempted to address problems of colonialism and national independence in ways that was consistent with Indian historical consciousness and cultural and intellectual traditions.
3
Çelik, Hatice. "Kashmir after August 5th Decision and its Implications for South Asia." RUDN Journal of World History 12, no. 2 (December 15, 2020): 99–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2020-12-2-99-111.
Full textAbstract:
After World War II, Great Britain's loss of power in the international system had a great impact on the start of the decolonization process (the beginning of the independence movements in colonial geographies and the acquisition of peoples' independence) and expansion of it. India, one of the most important colonies of the British Empire which is known as the empire on which the sun never sets, was also the most important representative and perhaps even the trigger of this process. The Republic of India (hereafter referred to as India) which gained independence from Britain in 1947, also witnessed the birth of another state from its territory. The newly established state of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan (hereinafter referred to as Pakistan) has maintained a high-tension relationship with India since the foundation. The main cause of this tension has been the dispute over the Jammu and Kashmir region. The controversial region has again become a conflictual geography with the decision of the Indian Parliament on the 5th of August 2019. By this, the autonomous status of the J&K was abolished and Pakistan and India came to the edge of confrontation. The measures and precautions of the Indian government regarding the region has increased the tension not only in J&K but also in India and in Pakistan. This study tries to analyze the Kashmir dispute in line with the recent developments and how the issue effects the regional political dynamics. In the first part of the paper; there will be a short history of the dispute, the claims of the parties, and the place of this dispute in the international system. In the second part, the current situation will be tried to investigate from the foreign policy and regional policies aspect. The general conclusion of the author is that the recent decision on autonomy of Kashmir will have cumulative negative impacts on the stability of the region in coming years.
4
Atwill, David G. "Boundaries of Belonging: Sino-Indian Relations and the 1960 Tibetan Muslim Incident." Journal of Asian Studies 75, no. 3 (August 2016): 595–620. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911816000553.
Full textAbstract:
Bridging Tibetan, Chinese, and South Asian studies, this article examines the 1960 Tibetan Muslim Incident, when nearly one thousand Tibetan Muslims declared themselves to be Indian citizens by virtue of their Kashmiri ancestry and petitioned the Chinese government to be allowed to emigrate to India. The paradox of the 1960 Tibetan Muslim Incident is that it occurred after a decade of careful Sino-Indian diplomacy, a diplomacy emerging out of each nation's shared struggle for independence and liberation from an anti-imperialist past. By locating the event in the broader ideological movements of postcolonial Asia, the article focuses on a set of aspirations, motivations, and spaces by which China, India, and the Tibetan Muslims sought to define their actions outside of standard nationalistic, ideological, and military narratives of the period.
5
Morris, Rosalind C. "Remembering Asian Anticolonialism, Again." Journal of Asian Studies 69, no. 2 (April 7, 2010): 347–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911810000082.
Full textAbstract:
Gertrude Stein once remarked that history must be understood not as the passage of time, but as the killing of centuries. This killing of centuries takes a very long time, she added, and she discerned the final death throes of the nineteenth century—a period in thrall to science and the idea of civilizational progress—in the middle of World War II. Being an American Jew in France, that denouement was realized, for her, by Hitler's Germany, in the moment that it fell to American industrial war making. But Stein's insight might as easily and as correctly be applied to the analysis of anticolonialism and the collapse of European rule in South and Southeast Asia. It was there, after all, that the ideology of a civilizational mission was revealed in all its hypocrisy. Such, at least, is the impression one gathers from reading the works of Christopher Bayly and Tim Harper, Leela Gandhi, and Benedict Anderson, each of whom offers a perspective on the history of empire's end, and the rise of revolutionary and nationalist independence movements in Asia. As counterpoint to their insistently particularizing narration of these movements, James C. Scott sketches a deep history of recurrent antistatism as the context in which European empires made their ill-fated claims to civilizational exceptionalism, and in which anarchism could emerge as a technics of ungovernability.
6
DE, ROHIT. "Cows and Constitutionalism." Modern Asian Studies 53, no. 1 (January 2019): 240–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x18000422.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractCows have been the subject of political petitioning in South Asia for over a hundred years. This article examines the changing relationship between communities and the state in India through the transformation of petitioning practices—from ‘monster’ petitions, to postcard campaigns and constitutional writs—by the proponents and opponents of the cow protection movement from the late nineteenth century through to the first decades of independence. The article shows that, instead of disciplining and formalizing popular politics, petitioning provides channels for mobilization and disruption. As Hindus and Muslims engaged in competitive petitioning to rally a public, persuade the executive, or litigate through the courts, the question of cow slaughter was recast from one of community representation to religious belief, to property rights, to federalism, and, finally, questions of national economic development. In the absence of representative government in colonial India, Hindus for cow protection generated massive petitions which argued that they represented popular democratic will. Despite the lack of a constitution, Muslim petitioners sought to establish a judicially enforceable framework to protect their right to cow slaughter. Independence, which brought both democracy and a written constitution, caused a fundamental break with older claims and forms of petitioning, and led to both Hindus and Muslims seeking to settle the debate through writ petitions before constitutional courts.
7
Rogozhina, N. G. "The Problem of the Deep South of Thailand – Separatism of the Malay Muslims." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 14, no. 1 (January 28, 2021): 176–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2021-14-1-9.
Full textAbstract:
The article examines the history of the development of the nationalist movement of Malay Muslims living inthe south of Thailand, which is more thanhalf a century old and is a demonstrationof their identify in conditions of being inan alien and even hostile religious, cultural and ethnic environment and a form ofprotest against the government policy offorced assimilation. The desire of MalayMuslims for independence, which has taken the form of armed resistance to the central government, is a response to the marginalization of their economic and political position and to the discriminatory policy of the government. Separatism as anideology of ethno-nationalism and as a political movement of Malay Muslims, whichoriginated in the 1940s of the last century, has transformed in the last fifteen yearsinto a religious jihad with an accompanying increase in violence. It is based onsmall groups of militant separatists recruiting their supporters from studentsof traditional Muslim schools. Having almost completely abandoned political activity, the separatists concentrated on carrying out acts of terror. With the emergenceof ISIS and its attempts to create its basein the Muslim countries of Southeast Asia,a threat arose that a local conflict woulddevelop into a transnational one. However, local jihadists, following the interests ofself-survival and adhering to a nationalist ideology, show their distance from ISIS,avoiding involvement in the internationalterrorist movement. The author notes thatdespite the limited social base of terroristseparatist groups, the idea of independenceremains widely demanded in local society. The prolonged nature of the ethno-religious conflict poses the task to resolve it byThai government. Attempts to suppress theseparatism of Malay Muslims by force havebeen unsuccessful, which prompts the Thaigovernment to look for political ways to resolve the conflict in the framework of thenegotiation process with insurgent groups.However, differences in the positions of theparties on the hard core of the problemcomplicate reaching consensus. The authorconcludes that as long as Thai society is divided into “we” and “they”, the basis for thegrowth of Malay nationalism remains.
8
KHAN, ADIL HUSSAIN. "The Kashmir Crisis as a Political Platform for Jama'at-i Ahmadiyya's Entrance into South Asian Politics." Modern Asian Studies 46, no. 5 (February 29, 2012): 1398–428. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x12000066.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis paper looks at Jama'at-i Ahmadiyya's political involvement in the Kashmir crisis of the 1930s under its second and most influentialkhalīfat al-masīh, Mirza Bashir al-Din Mahmud Ahmad, who took over the movement in 1914, six years after the death of his father, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad. Communal tensions springing from the Kashmir riots of 1931 provided Mirza Mahmud Ahmad with an opportunity to display the ability of his Jama'at to manage an international crisis and to lead the Muslim mainstream towards independence from Britain. Mahmud Ahmad's relations with influential Muslim community leaders, such as Iqbal, Fazl-i Husain, Zafrulla Khan, and Sheikh Abdullah (Sher-i Kashmīr), enabled him to further both his religious and political objectives in the subcontinent. This paper examines Jama'at-i Ahmadiyya's role in establishing a major political lobby, the All-India Kashmir Committee. It also shows how the political involvement of Jama'at-i Ahmadiyya in Kashmir during the 1930s left Ahmadis susceptible to criticism from opposition groups, like the Majlis-i Ahrar, amongst others, in later years. Ultimately, this paper will demonstrate how Mahmud Ahmad's skilful use of religion, publicity, and political activism during the Kashmir crisis instantly legitimized a political platform for Jama'at-i Ahmadiyya's entrance into the mainstream political framework of modern South Asia, which thereby has facilitated the development of the Ahmadi controversy since India's partition.
9
Halevi, Leor. "Nationalist Spirits of Islamic Law after World War I: An Arab-Indian Battle of Fatwas over Alcohol, Purity, and Power." Comparative Studies in Society and History 62, no. 4 (September 29, 2020): 895–925. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417520000328.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn 1922, one of the most famous Muslim scholars of modern times, the Syrian-Egyptian reformer Rashīd Riḍā, published in his journal a detailed fatwa in defense of alcohol. He did so in reaction to an obscure Indian jurist's fatwa that had warned Muslims not to use alcoholic products. On the surface, the authors of the fatwas appeared to be principally concerned with the right way to interpret sacred laws of purity and pollution. However, this article reveals that their disagreement had much to do with differing approaches to the politics of independence. Their divergence is intriguing because the cities where they lived, Cairo and Bombay, had just experienced the convulsions of anti-British consumer boycotts. And it emerged at a time when anti-imperial Muslim activists from the Middle East and South Asia were rallying together for a pan-Islamic cause—to prevent the final collapse of the caliphate. These movements swayed both Riḍā and his rival, who may well be described as Muslim nationalists. Yet they embraced radically different strategies for independence. One aimed for national purity, the other for national power. This discrepancy led to the battle of fatwas—a forgotten battle that is worth remembering because it suggests some of the difficulties that Muslim jurists of Arab or Indian ancestry faced during the interwar period when they tried to turn Islamic law into an effective nationalist discourse.
10
Yapp, M. E. "South Asia - Partha Sarathi Gupta (ed.): Towards freedom: documents on the movement for independence in India, 1943–1944. (ICHR: Towards Freedom.) 3 vols. clviii, 832 pp.; ii, 833–2206; ii, 2207–3517 pp. Delhi: Indian Council for Historical Research and Oxford University Press, 1997. £142." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 62, no. 2 (June 1999): 381–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00017171.
Full text
11
Allen, Chizuko T. "Northeast Asia Centered Around Korea: Ch'oe Namsŏn's View of History." Journal of Asian Studies 49, no. 4 (November 1990): 787–806. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2058236.
Full textAbstract:
Ch'oe namsŏn (1890–1957) was a leading Korean intellectual during the era of Japanese control (1910–1945). His activities included publishing Korea's first popular modern magazine, pioneering modern poetry in Korean, drafting the Declaration of Independence for the 1919 March First Independence Movement, and publishing numerous articles on Korean culture. He was also a leading Korean historian at a time when Japanese scholars monopolized Korean studies.
12
Robinson, Francis. "The British Empire and Muslim Identity in South Asia." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 8 (December 1998): 271–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679298.
Full textAbstract:
British Empire in India saw major transformations in the identities of its Indian subjects. The growth of the modern state, the introduction of new systems of knowledge, the expansion of capitalist modes of production, and the spread of communications of all forms—railway, telegraph, post, press—made possible the fashioning of all kinds of new identities at local, regional and supra-regional levels. One of the identities which developed most strikingly was the Muslim. Indeed, at independence in 1947 it gained the particular accolade of embracing its own modern state in the shape of Pakistan. This political outcome, however, was just part of an extraordinary series of developments in Muslim identities under British rule which shed light not just on the nature of British rule but also on major changes at work in Muslim society.
13
Shipway, Martin. "Bernard Waites. South Asia and Africa after Independence: Post-colonialism in Historical Perspective." American Historical Review 119, no. 2 (April 2014): 483–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/119.2.483.
Full text
14
Freitag, Sandria B. "From South Asia to World History through C. A. Bayly's Work." Journal of Asian Studies 78, no. 4 (September 16, 2019): 869–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911819001189.
Full textAbstract:
Using the term “legacy” for a career as productive, insightful, and pathbreaking as Chris Bayly's is doubtless an understatement. The movement in his publications from the transitional world in the Indian subcontinent leading to British imperialism, through aspects of high empire in India, to world history through both case studies and broader context for grasping the implications of a changing world, provides valuable analyses for all of us, if not a pattern many could replicate. Perhaps what ought to be noted here is the experience, common to many of us working across a very broad range of problematics and focal points, to have found Bayly there, before us.
15
Djagalov, Rossen, and Masha Salazkina. "Tashkent ‘68: A Cinematic Contact Zone." Slavic Review 75, no. 2 (2016): 279–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.75.2.279.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis essay seeks to reconstruct the history of the first Tashkent Festival of Cinemas of Asia and Africa (1968). It offers an account of the festival as a highly heterogeneous and productive site for better understanding the complex relationship between the Soviet bloc and the Third World in the crucial moment between the victory of post-colonial independence movement and the end of the Cold War.
16
Charles Weller, R. "Modernist Reform and Independence Movements." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 21, no. 4 (November 26, 2014): 343–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02104004.
Full textAbstract:
This article makes initial observations on various historical relations and analogical comparisons between the Central Asian Muslim and Korean modernist reform and independence movements from 1850 to 1940. It presents a more nuanced and integrated understanding of Asian and world history as it took shape across “the long 19th century” while also laying ground work for further research. It introduces newly translated Kazakh and Turkish source material, particularly that of Ibrai Altinsarin, the Kazakh modernist educator, and Abdurreshid Ibrahim, the Turkic-Tatar advocate of Japanese-led Pan-Islamic and Pan-Asian cooperation. The essay follows a historical, rather than analogical approach, placing each movement respectively in its broader shared Asian and world historical context, leaving the reader to discern points of comparison and contrast. It argues first that certain Central Asian and Korean reform and independence leaders not only were aware of and sympathetic toward one another’s predicaments, but encountered one another, particularly in Russian Asia, Manchuria, Japan, and even Korea. Second, both came under the direct influence of a significant number of the same sources, particularly Meiji Japan.
17
Ahmed, Zahid Shahab. "Managing the refugee crises in South Asia: The role of SAARC." Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 28, no. 2 (March 20, 2019): 210–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0117196819837044.
Full textAbstract:
South Asia is home to roughly three million refugees and their long-term presence brings enormous challenges. South Asia’s history of colonialism, low economic development, and intra- and inter-state conflicts have contributed to the large-scale refugee movement and the lack of capacity to address the problem. This article examines the history, current activity and potential for regional cooperation in South Asia to address the issue. The article focuses particularly on the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation, the structure and culture of the organization and the likelihood of it addressing the politically complex issue of forced migration.
18
OSELLA, FILIPPO, and CAROLINE OSELLA. "Introduction: Islamic reformism in South Asia." Modern Asian Studies 42, no. 2-3 (March 2008): 247–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x07003186.
Full textAbstract:
The authors in this volume discuss contemporary Islamic reformism in South Asia in some of its diverse historical orientations and geographical expressions, bringing us contemporary ethnographic perspectives against which to test claims about processes of reform and about trends such as ‘Islamism’ and ‘global Islam’. The very use of terminology and categories is itself fraught with the dangers of bringing together what is actually substantially different under the same banner. While our authors have often found it necessary, perhaps for the sake of comparison or to help orient readers, to take on terms such as ‘reformist’ or ‘Islamist’, they are not using these as terms which imply identity—or even connection—between the groups so named, nor are they reifying such categories. In using such terms as shorthand to help identify specific projects, we are following broad definitions here in which ‘Islamic modernism’ refers to projects of change aiming to re-order Muslims' lifeworlds and institutional structures in dialogue with those produced under Western modernity; ‘reformism’ refers to projects whose specific focus is the bringing into line of religious beliefs and practices with the core foundations of Islam, by avoiding and purging out innovation, accretion and the intrusion of ‘local custom’; and where ‘Islamism’ is a stronger position, which insists upon Islam as the heart of all institutions, practice and subjectivity—a privileging of Islam as the frame of reference by which to negotiate every issue of life; ‘orthodoxy’ is used according to its specific meaning in contexts in which individual authors work; the term may in some ethnographic locales refer to the orthodoxy of Islamist reform, while in others it is used to disparage those who do not heed the call for renewal and reform. ‘Reformism’ is particularly troublesome as a term, in that it covers broad trends stretching back at least 100 years, and encompassing a variety of positions which lay more or less stress upon specific aspects of processes of renewal; still, it is useful as a term in helping us to insist upon recognition of the differences between such projects and such contemporary obsessions as ‘political Islam’, ‘Islamic fundamentalism’ and so on. Authors here are generally following local usage in the ways in which they describe the movements discussed (thus, Kerala's Mujahid movement claims itself as part of a broaderIslahi—renewal—trend and is identified here as ‘reformist’).2But while broad terms are used, what the papers are actually involved in doing is addressing the issues of how specific groups deal with particular concerns. Thus, not, ‘What do reformists think about secular education?’, but, ‘What do Kerala's Mujahids in the 2000s think? How has this shifted from the position taken in the 1940s? How does it differ from the contemporary position of opposing groups? And how is it informed by the wider socio-political climate of Kerala?’ The papers here powerfully demonstrate the historical and geographical specificity of reform projects, whereas discourse structured through popular mainstream perspectives (such as ‘clash of civilizations’) ignores such embeddedness.
19
Chasin, Noah. "Paul Rudolph: Selected Drawings Paul Rudolph An Architecture of Independence: The Making of Modern South Asia." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 57, no. 3 (September 1998): 316–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/991349.
Full text
20
Manjapra, Kris. "Sekhar Bandyopadhyay, Decolonization in South Asia: Meanings of Freedom in Post-independence West Bengal, 1947–52." Journal of Contemporary History 48, no. 3 (July 2013): 633–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009413481304d.
Full text
21
Tilly, Charles. "Citizenship, Identity and Social History." International Review of Social History 40, S3 (December 1995): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000113586.
Full textAbstract:
With appropriate lags for rethinking, research, writing and publication, international events impinge strongly on the work of social scientists and social historians. The recent popularity of democratization, globalization, international institutions, ethnicity, nationalism, citizenship and identity as research themes stems largely from world affairs: civilianization of major authoritarian regimes in Latin America; dismantling of apartheid in South Africa; collapse of the Soviet Union, the Warsaw Pact and Yugoslavia; ethnic struggles and nationalist claims in Eastern Europe, Asia and Africa; extension of the European Union; rise of East Asian economic powers. Just as African decolonization spurred an enormous literature on modernization and political development, the explosion of claims to political independence on the basis of ethnic distinctness is fomenting a new literature on nationalism.
22
Sharafi, Mitra. "The Marital Patchwork of Colonial South Asia: Forum Shopping from Britain to Baroda." Law and History Review 28, no. 4 (October 4, 2010): 979–1009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s073824801000074x.
Full textAbstract:
The British Empire created channels for imperially intended movement. Commodities, bodies, and ideas flowed along axes structured by imperial law and technology. Unintended motion also occurred along these same planes. With every legal structure meant to promote one type of behavior came litigants devising strategies to achieve the opposite. Collusion, bribery, forgery, and perjury were favorite ways to manipulate imperial law. The more permissible strategy of forum shopping was another. Forum shopping is the attempt to push one's case into a jurisdiction promising an optimal result when there is ambiguity over the controlling jurisdiction. It reveals the perception among litigants that bottom-up—and sideways—mechanics exist within legal systems. Unlike work on resistance to state law through extralegal means, I here examine the ways parties tried to work strategically within the confines of the legal system to reconfigure their marital situations. Rather than documenting the success of these maneuvers, however, I note their more common failure. The colonial courts usually saw through unconvincing attempts to forum shop. The fact that litigants continued to try reflects the ingenuity, arguably, of the “legal lottery” mechanism at work in British imperial law. Colonial law, and therefore colonial rule, reinforced its hold on subjects by dangling before them the possibility of individual relief through rule-of-law proceduralism.
23
Doyle, James A., and Annick Le Thomas. "Phylogeny and Geographic History of Annonaceae." Palynologie et changements globaux : XIVe symposium de l’Association des palynologues de langue française 51, no. 3 (November 30, 2007): 353–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/033135ar.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACT Whereas Takhtajan and Smith situated the origin of angiosperms between Southeast Asia and Australia, Walker and Le Thomas emphasized the concentration of primitive pollen types of Annonaceae in South America and Africa, suggesting instead a Northern Gondwanan origin for this family of primitive angiosperms. A cladistic analysis of Annonaceae shows a basal split of the family into Anaxagorea, the only genus with an Asian and Neotropical distribution, and a basically African and Neotropical line that includes the rest of the family. Several advanced lines occur in both Africa and Asia, one of which reaches Australia. This pattern may reflect the following history: (a) disjunction of Laurasian (Anaxagorea) and Northern Gondwanan lines in the Early Cretaceous, when interchanges across the Tethys were still easy and the major lines of Magnoliidae are documented by paleobotany; (b) radiation of the Northern Gondwanan line during the Late Cretaceous, while oceanic barriers were widening; (c) dispersal of African lines into Laurasia due to northward movement of Africa and India in the Early Tertiary, attested by the presence of fossil seeds of Annonaceae in Europe, and interchanges between North and South America at the end of the Tertiary.
24
Dubrow, Jennifer. "Serial fictions: Urdu print culture and the novel in colonial South Asia." Indian Economic & Social History Review 54, no. 4 (October 2017): 403–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019464617728224.
Full textAbstract:
Serialisation allowed for remarkable experimentation with the new genre of the novel in colonial South Asia. The open nature of serialisation in South Asia, in which novels were not planned in advance but rather could develop and change while in progress, meant that serialised versions of novels were often more experimental than their later book editions. In this article, I use the pioneering Urdu novel Fasāna-e Āzād (1878–83) as a case study to examine serialisation’s effects on the emerging novel genre in the late nineteenth-century South Asia. By comparing the serial version and later book editions, I show that Fasāna-e Āzād underwent a fundamental transformation from serial to book, changing from a set of satirical sketches critical of Westernisation, to a pro-colonial novel. The protagonist Azad’s shift from a picaresque anti-hero to a proto-nationalist hero reflected the changing nature of respectability, what in Urdu was called sharafat, in the late nineteenth-century South Asia. Finally, I suggest that Fasāna-e Āzād’s evolution from serial to book anticipated the turn in South Asian literature from satire towards nationalist and prescriptive discourse, reflecting the broad movement from ideological and narratological openness to closedness in the twentieth century.
25
Lal, Vinay. "Gandhi, ‘The Coloured Races’, and the Future of Satyagraha: The View from the African American Press." Social Change 51, no. 1 (March 2021): 51–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0049085721991573.
Full textAbstract:
W. E. B. Du Bois, the editor of the Crisis, a journal of the ‘darker races’ that was the organ of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, was among the earliest African American intellectuals to take a strong interest in Gandhi. However, the African American press, represented by newspapers such as the Pittsburgh Courier and the Chicago Defender, was as a whole prolific in its representation of the Indian Independence movement. This article, after a detailed consideration of Du Bois’s advocacy of Gandhi’s ideas, analyses the worldview of the African American press and its outlook towards the movement in India. It is argued that a more ecumenical conception of the ‘Global South’ ought to be sensitive to African American history, and I suggest that African American newspapers played a critical role in shaping notions of the solidarity of coloured peoples, pivoting their arguments around the Indian Independence movement and particularly the satyagraha campaigns of Gandhi.
26
Kamenov, Nikolay. "The Place of the “Cooperative” in the Agrarian History of India, c. 1900–1970." Journal of Asian Studies 79, no. 1 (August 29, 2019): 103–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002191181900055x.
Full textAbstract:
Cooperatives are a promising link that can coalesce subdisciplines such as agrarian, labor, economic, and social history. This article reassesses the significance of cooperatives in the agrarian and social history of South Asia. It provides a broad sketch of the major historical developments—legal, economic, and social—in India up to 1970, emphasizing the continuity between the colonial and postcolonial periods in terms of state engagement with cooperatives. The article goes on to discuss the existing historiography regarding the cooperative movement on the subcontinent, arguing for the substitution of the prevailing notion of failure with a more historically grounded and nuanced approach that takes into consideration the broader economic context, as well as social stratification and inequality. Finally, some promising avenues—including, but not limited to, organizational economics, bottom-up social and cultural history, and global history—are suggested for the future historiography of cooperatives in South Asia.
27
Pajović, Uroš, and Naeem Mohaiemen. "Southward and Otherwise." ARTMargins 8, no. 2 (June 2019): 79–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/artm_a_00237.
Full textAbstract:
This project comes out of a conversation between Mohaiemen and Pajović, about the relative absence of Non-Aligned Movement co-founder Josip Broz Tito, from the three-channel film Two Meetings and a Funeral (2017, dir: Mohaiemen). In the film, a series of conversations between Vijay Prashad, Samia Zennadi, Atef Berredjem, Amirul Islam, and Zonayed Saki sketch out the shadow play of warring forces inside the Non-Aligned Movement, especially around the decolonizing nations of the Middle East, Africa, and Asia that found an option to look toward an "Islamic" supra-national identity. Because of that focus, the role of Central and Eastern Europe, especially that of Yugoslavia under Tito, is absent from the film. Pajović's text re-integrates the Yugoslav bloc into Two Meetings and a Funeral. While Pajović's text concludes with a hopeful view of the potential of the Non-Aligned Movement, Mohaiemen's images and superimposed quote from Tito express an ironic doubling back. Indira Gandhi's Indian coalition of 1971, while maneuvering for Bangladesh independence from Pakistan, encountered Tito's confident comment that such problems of “tribalism” were only happening in Asia. Yugoslavia had solved the “Balkan problem”– this was spoken confidently twenty years before Tito's nation would split apart during the Yugoslav Wars. The geopolitical struggles that Tito fails to see in 1971 are harbingers for the blind spots that would cause Non-Alignment's collapse.
28
Greenberg, Udi. "The Rise of the Global South and the Protestant Peace with Socialism." Contemporary European History 29, no. 2 (January 31, 2020): 202–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777320000028.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article explores a major shift in European Protestant thought about socialism during the mid-twentieth century, from intense hostility to acceptance. During the twentieth century's early decades it was common for European Protestant theologians, church leaders and thinkers to condemn socialism as a threat to Christianity. Socialist ideology, many believed, was inherently secular, and its triumph would spell anarchy and violence. In the decades after the Second World War, however, this hostility began to wane, as European Protestant elites increasingly joined Christian-socialist associations and organisations. By focusing on the Protestant ecumenical movement, this article argues that one of the forces in this change was decolonisation, and in particular the rise of Christian and socialist thinkers in the Global South. It shows how concerns about Christianity's future in Asia and Africa helped some European Protestants to rethink their long-held suspicion towards state-led economic management and distribution.
29
PANDIT, AISHWARYA. "The Husainabad Trust: The case of a Shi‘a heartland?" Modern Asian Studies 52, no. 5 (June 21, 2018): 1692–728. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000974.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article explores the history of the Husainabad Trust (‘the Trust’), a quasi-religious endowment that supported a number of key Shi‘a institutions in Uttar Pradesh (UP). It asks how Shi‘a elites were able to sustain their political clout and cultural independence in India whereas, in neighbouring Pakistan, they struggled. The fate of the Trust after independence led to a contest between the Shi‘as and the state, but also among Shi‘as themselves. The resulting confrontation between the Shi‘a community in Lucknow and across UP was, it shows, complicated by internal divisions among Shi‘as who, though united against state interference in their religious and royal trusts, were divided on how best to manage them. The Trust assumed importance for Shi‘as after independence because they lost some of the Trust properties to Pakistan and also because the Trust provided the means to support the largest public manifestation of Shi‘a presence in Awadh, Muharram. Husainabad, it suggests, helps to explain how and why Lucknow re-emerged after independence as the heartland of the Shi‘as of India, and arguably of South Asia.
30
Yaseen, Zahid, Iqra Jathol, and Muhammad Muzaffar. "Pakistan and India Relations: A Political Analysis of Conflicts and Regional Security in South Asia." Global Political Review 1, no. 1 (December 30, 2016): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2016(i-i).01.
Full textAbstract:
Pakistan and India are two immediate neighbors having common history and culture; in this way, they should have the warmest ties, but their relationships have remained hostile all the time. Kashmir is very important between the two states, over which three main wars have been fought between them. Despite some important and effective peace initiatives, the main problems in maintaining the bitter taste in bilateral relations remain unresolved. Pakistan has always been pleased to suggest mitigating measures, but Indias response is generally not so good. Today, more than 70 years after independence, both Pakistan and India are not concerned for solving long lasting issues like the Kashmir issue, and water issue. Peace process and stability in South Asia lies between the two major countries. So, South Asian regional security structure is affected by the two main players of this region because they cannot find a peaceful solution of lingering issues.
31
ALI, Forkan. "The Dynamics of Islamic Ideology with Regard to Gender and Women’s Education in South Asia." Asian Studies 6, no. 1 (January 30, 2018): 33–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2018.6.1.33-52.
Full textAbstract:
The article presents an investigation on certain anthropological-social aspects and the social organization of women with a focus on female education and women’s rights in Islam in South Asia, and especially in the subcontinent. It starts with the Moghul period and then turns to the colonial era and contemporary developments. Through the movement for independence from colonial rule of Britain, the Muslim identity in the South Asian region rose in a state of transformation, reform and development. This occurred due to several factors that encouraged the regeneration and reviewing of Indian society in response to the condemnation, discrimination and chauvinism of their colonial rulers and their deep-seated legacy. Women of the society, who were censured to be subjugated by the native men as entitled by colonial rulers, empowered this transformation by taking direct and indirect participation in it even though patriarchal norms and mind-sets have been a durable feature of South Asian society, cutting across faith communities and social strata, including the Hindu, Buddhist and other non-Islamic traditions on the subcontinent. While religious arguments are generally used in efforts to preserve the asymmetrical status of men and women in economic, political, and social arenas, this investigation attempts to show that religious traditions in South Asia are not monolithic in their perceptions of gender and women’s education. The structure of gender roles in these traditions is a consequence of various historical practices and ideological influences. Today, there is a substantial variability within and between religious communities concerning the social status of women. At different times and in different milieus, religious points of view have been deployed to validate male authority over women and, in opposition, to call for more impartial gender relations.
32
Plys, Kristin. "The Poetry of Resistance: Poetry as Solidarity in Postcolonial Anti-Authoritarian Movements in Islamicate South Asia." Theory, Culture & Society 37, no. 7-8 (February 18, 2020): 295–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276419882735.
Full textAbstract:
During India’s Emergency, anti-state poetry of a decidedly amateurish quality proliferated. Anti-Emergency poetry did little to bring about the restoration of democracy, nor could it have reasonably been mistaken for great art. So what was the purpose of writing resistance poetry if it was not meant to directly influence politics nor to be great art? Poetry as politics has a long history in the Islamicate world, dating back to the pre-Islamic Arabian Peninsula. While until the 19th century Islamicate poetry was tied to the Caliphates who employed poets to extol the virtues of the ruling classes, after the so-called ‘Rise of the West’ Islamicate poetry became associated instead with anti-colonial and anti-state movements across the Islamicate world from Morocco to Indonesia and from Central Asia to the Indian Ocean. In this essay, I argue that the utility of resistance poetry in anti-state movements in South Asia has been to build solidarity among social movement participants. The sociology of social movements has long placed emphasis on the role of affective bonds and solidarity building for predicting social movement success, and poetry, in the Islamicate context especially, I argue, does exactly that. By circulating poems, social movement participants inform the reader that resistance and opposition exist, they inspire participants and would-be participants and calm fears that participants might have, especially in moments of political repression. These poems generate emotional and cultural bonds among social movement participants by linking anti-state movements to the centuries-old tradition of Islamicate poetry, thereby fostering solidarity and providing a firm basis for collective action.
33
Janson, Marloes. "Roaming About For God's Sake: The Upsurge of the Tablīgh Jamā'at in the Gambia." Journal of Religion in Africa 35, no. 4 (2005): 450–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006605774832199.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe proliferation of the Tablīgh Jamā'at, an Islamic missionary movement that strictly observes the fundamentals of the faith, is a manifestation of the recent Islamic resurgence in West Africa. The movement originated in South Asia, but has expanded to Africa. Despite the Jamā'at's great influence on the lives of many West African Muslims, sub-Saharan Africa is a region that has been ignored almost completely in studies of the movement. This article focuses on The Gambia, which appears to be a booming centre of Tablīgh activities in West Africa. On the basis of the conversion stories of a male and a female Tablīgh activist, the central themes in the Gambian branch of the Tablīgh Jamā'at will be explored. These themes result from local factors such as the socio-economic crisis and gender relations. Nevertheless, they also bear similarities with recurrent subjects in other 'fundamentalist' movements throughout the world.
34
Brookes, Dean R., James P. Hereward, Gimme H. Walter, and Michael J. Furlong. "Origins, Divergence, and Contrasting Invasion History of the Sweet Potato Weevil Pests Cylas formicarius (Coleoptera: Brentidae) and Euscepes batatae (Coleoptera: Curculionidae) in the Asia-Pacific." Journal of Economic Entomology 112, no. 6 (July 28, 2019): 2931–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jee/toz198.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Cylas formicarius F. and Euscepes batatae Waterhouse are the most damaging sweet potato insect pests globally. Both weevils are thought to have invaded the Pacific alongside the movement of sweet potato (Ipomoea batatas (L.) Lam. Convolvulaceae), with C. formicarius having originated in India and E. batatae in Central or South America. Here we compare the genetic relationships between populations of the pests, primarily in the Asia-Pacific, to understand better their contemporary population structure and their historical movement relative to that of sweet potato. Cylas formicarius has divergent mitochondrial lineages that indicate a more complex biogeographic and invasive history than is presently assumed for this insect, suggesting it was widespread across the Asia-Pacific before the arrival of sweet potato. Cylas formicarius must have originally fed on Ipomoea species other than I. batatas but the identity of these species is presently unknown. Cylas formicarius was formerly designated as three species or subspecies and the genetic data presented here suggests that these designations should be reinvestigated. Euscepes batatae has very low genetic diversity which is consistent with its historical association with sweet potato and a recent introduction to the Asia-Pacific from the Americas. The distribution of E. batatae may be narrower than that of C. formicarius in the Asia-Pacific because it has relied relatively more on human-assisted movement. Consequently, E. batatae may become more widespread in the future. Investigating the invasion history of both species will help to understand the probability and nature of future invasions.
35
Shivji, Issa G. "Mwalimu and Marx in Contestation: Dialogue or Diatribe?" Agrarian South: Journal of Political Economy: A triannual Journal of Agrarian South Network and CARES 6, no. 2 (August 2017): 188–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2277976017731844.
Full textAbstract:
The October Russian Revolution of 1917 inaugurated the era of social transformation challenging the dominance of global capitalism. 1 It set in motion two lineages, one tracing its ancestry directly to October and its Marxist leader Vladimir Ilyich Lenin. Among these must be included the Chinese revolution of 1949, the Vietnamese revolution of 1945, and the Cuban revolution of 1959. The second lineage is that of national liberation movements in the former colonized countries of Africa and Asia. Tanzania’s independence movement Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) under the leadership of Julius Nyerere was one such national-popular movement that questioned both capitalism and imperialism with its blueprint called the Arusha Declaration: policy of socialism and self-reliance proclaimed in 1967. This essay focuses on Nyerere’s philosophical and political outlook and his contentious relationship with Marxism. It also documents the intellectual history of Marxist ideas in Tanzania.
36
SHERMAN, TAYLOR C., WILLIAM GOULD, and SARAH ANSARI. "From Subjects to Citizens: Society and the Everyday State in India and Pakistan, 1947–1970." Modern Asian Studies 45, no. 1 (November 3, 2010): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x10000235.
Full textAbstract:
This special issue ofModern Asian Studiesexplores the shift from colonial rule to independence in India and Pakistan, with the aim of unravelling the explicit meanings and relevance of ‘independence’ for the new citizens of India and Pakistan during the two decades after 1947. While the study of postcolonial South Asia has blossomed in recent years, this volume addresses a number of imbalances in this dynamic and highly popular field. Firstly, the histories of India and Pakistan after 1947 have come to be conceived separately, with many scholars assuming that the two states developed along divergent paths after independence. Thus, the dominant historical paradigm has been to examine either India or Pakistan in relative isolation from one another. While a handful of very recent books on the partition of the subcontinent have begun to study the two states simultaneously, very few of these new histories reach beyond the immediate concerns of partition. Of course, both countries developed out of much the same set of historical experiences. Viewing the two states in the same frame not only allows the contributors to this issue to explore common themes, it also facilitates an exploration of the powerful continuities between the pre- and post-independence periods.
37
Cioffi, Ráb, Ezaz, Bertollo, Lavoué, Oliveira, Sember, et al. "Deciphering the Evolutionary History of Arowana Fishes (Teleostei, Osteoglossiformes, Osteoglossidae): Insight from Comparative Cytogenomics." International Journal of Molecular Sciences 20, no. 17 (September 2, 2019): 4296. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijms20174296.
Full textAbstract:
Arowanas (Osteoglossinae) are charismatic freshwater fishes with six species and two genera (Osteoglossum and Scleropages) distributed in South America, Asia, and Australia. In an attempt to provide a better assessment of the processes shaping their evolution, we employed a set of cytogenetic and genomic approaches, including i) molecular cytogenetic analyses using C- and CMA3/DAPI staining, repetitive DNA mapping, comparative genomic hybridization (CGH), and Zoo-FISH, along with ii) the genotypic analyses of single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) generated by diversity array technology sequencing (DArTseq). We observed diploid chromosome numbers of 2n = 56 and 54 in O. bicirrhosum and O. ferreirai, respectively, and 2n = 50 in S. formosus, while S. jardinii and S. leichardti presented 2n = 48 and 44, respectively. A time-calibrated phylogenetic tree revealed that Osteoglossum and Scleropages divergence occurred approximately 50 million years ago (MYA), at the time of the final separation of Australia and South America (with Antarctica). Asian S. formosus and Australian Scleropages diverged about 35.5 MYA, substantially after the latest terrestrial connection between Australia and Southeast Asia through the Indian plate movement. Our combined data provided a comprehensive perspective of the cytogenomic diversity and evolution of arowana species on a timescale.
38
von Bülow, Mathilde. "Beyond the Cold War: American Labor, Algeria’s Independence Struggle, and the Rise of the Third World (1954–62)." Journal of Social History 53, no. 2 (2019): 454–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shz103.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract During the late 1950s, trade unions came to be vital actors in the solidarity movements of the Global South, especially in pan-African initiatives. The case of the Union générale des travailleurs algériens (UGTA) is particularly illustrative of this development. Algeria’s long and brutal independence struggle was championed throughout the Afro-Asian bloc, and the UGTA became an important auxiliary in the bloc’s campaigns to secure that end. In this essay, the case of Algeria and the UGTA serves as a prism through which to study how some of the most powerful Western trade union federations of the day—especially the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO)—responded to the “subaltern” internationalisms engendered by decolonization and the “spirit of Bandung,” whether in the guise of positive neutrality or the project for pan-African unity. In this way, this essay sheds new light on the nature and role of labor internationalism in the context of the global Cold War. The case of Algeria is emblematic of the ways in which decolonization and the “spirit of Bandung” came to challenge traditional understandings of labor internationalism, whether as an identity or a practice. What is more, the case of Algeria allows us to reconceptualize AFL-CIO attitudes and designs vis-à-vis the decolonizing world. In highlighting American weakness when confronted by non-Western agency, this essay argues that the polarized view of the federation as an anticommunist crusader with an imperialist agenda is flawed.
39
Debuque-Gonzales, Margarita, and Maria Socorro Gochoco-Bautista. "Financial Conditions Indexes and Monetary Policy in Asia." Asian Economic Papers 16, no. 2 (June 2017): 83–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep_a_00522.
Full textAbstract:
This paper constructs quarterly financial conditions indexes (FCIs) for eight Asian economies—namely, Hong Kong, Indonesia, Japan, South Korea, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand—using a common factor methodology based on Hatzius et al. ( 2010 ). A wide array of financial data is included in the indexes based on identified monetary transmission channels in the literature. Bank-related indicators, various measures of financial stress and risk, and credit surveys, where available, are incorporated to fully reflect the state of the financing environment. The FCIs for Asia successfully capture important episodes in each economy's financial history, but only the indexes of financially advanced economies Japan and Singapore have sufficient forecasting power to predict output growth and inflation. High co-movement of Asian FCIs suggests highly similar monetary policies in the region that are strongly linked with monetary policy in the United States.
40
Thohir, Ajid. "A Historical Overview and Initiating Historiography of Islam in the Philippines." International Journal of Nusantara Islam 3, no. 2 (June 28, 2015): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/ijni.v3i2.1380.
Full textAbstract:
Understanding the history of Islam in the Southeast Asia will be more accurate through the geo-political and historical background perspective in particular. This assumption is based on Western Colonial influence in the past such as Spanish, Portuguese, Dutch, British, French, and United States that makes up the typology of Islamic culture in South East Asian region, which is strengthens the plurality of Islamic character. It also seems increasingly clear, especially for the Muslim communities in Philippine, who represented the community formed of Moro Islamic movement. Islamic culture in the Philippine is produced by the Spanish and the United States colonial policy which determines the fate and the treats of Muslims as a conquered state. This historical background results the emergence of a heroic character in Philippines Muslims that is different from the other Muslims community in South East Asia who are relatively considered quiet and peaceful. This paper will briefly explain the historiography of Islam in South East Asia region through involving cases of Muslims in the Philippine who will not found the plurality of character in the other country.
41
Kirillina, Svetlana A., Alexandra L. Safronova, and Vladimir V. Orlov. "Caliphatism in the period of decline and collapse of the Ottoman Empire." RUDN Journal of World History 10, no. 4 (December 15, 2018): 327–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2018-10-4-327-337.
Full textAbstract:
The article analyses the historical role of the movement for defenсe of the Caliphate, which emerged in various regions of the Muslim world as a response to weakening and fall of the Ottoman Empire. The authors also focus on the social and political discussions of the 1920s - 1930s about the destiny of Muslim unity and the role of the future Caliphate. The article also deals with the transformation of conceptions of the Caliphate in the works of eminent ideologists and politicians of the Muslim world - Jamal al-Din al-Afghani, Abd al-Rahman al-Kawakibi, Muhammad Rashid Rida and Abul Kalam Azad. The authors give an overview of the history of Caliphatist congresses and conferences of 1920s - 1930s. The aims and tasks of the Caliphatist movement among the Muslims of South Asia are also under study. The article examines the reaction of the South Asian princely elites to the weakening of the Ottoman state and explores the interrelation between pro-Ottoman sentiments of Caliphatists and the radicalization of anti-colonial struggle of Indian Muslims. A special attention is given to the role of leaders of Indian Caliphatists in preparation of the antiBritish uprisings in North-Western Hindustan. The authors also examine common and specifi c features of views and political actions of advocates and supporters of the Caliphate in the Middle East and in the Islamic communities of South Asia. The analysis of the source data reveales several patterns of reaction of Muslims in the Middle East, North Africa and South Asia to the repudiation of the Caliphate by the Republican Turkey.
42
Khin-Maung-Zaw. "Psychiatric services in Myanmar a historical perspective." Psychiatric Bulletin 21, no. 8 (August 1997): 506–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.21.8.506.
Full textAbstract:
Myanmar, until recently known as Burma, is a developing nation in south-east Asia. Burmese kings and emperors ruled this land until 1885, when it fell into the hands of the British. It gained its independence in 1948. Burma has a mainly agricultural economy and has a rich fertile soil. At one stage in the post-war history Myanmar was renowned as ‘the rice bowl of the world’. It is blessed with abundant natural resources such as teak and precious stones. Myanmar covers a land area twice that of the British Isles with a population of around 42 million.
43
Vu, Tuong. "‘It's time for the Indochinese Revolution to show its true colours’: The radical turn of Vietnamese politics in 1948." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 40, no. 3 (September 1, 2009): 519–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463409990051.
Full textAbstract:
Cold War historians have neglected the significance of the year 1948 for Indochina. Based on new sources, this paper shows critical shifts in politics within the Vietnamese nationalist movement in 1948. These were the result of converging developments during late 1947 and early 1948, including changes in international politics, in French–Vietnamese relations, and in the relationship between non-communist and communist leaders within the Việt Minh state. By late 1948, Party ideologues were already looking beyond national independence towards building a new socialist regime. The nationalist coalition that had led the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) was seriously damaged in 1948, even though civil war would only break out several years later. As elsewhere in Southeast Asia, 1948 thus marked a new period: the beginning of the end of the ‘united front’ period and cooperation with bourgeois nationalists.
44
Singh, Navin Kumar, Shaoan Zhang, and Parwez Besmel. "Globalization and language policies of multilingual societies: some case studies of south east Asia." Revista Brasileira de Linguística Aplicada 12, no. 2 (June 2012): 349–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s1984-63982012000200007.
Full textAbstract:
Over the past few decades, significant economic and political changes have taken place around the world. These changes also have put a significant mark on language teaching and learning practices across the globe. There is a clear movement towards multilingual practices in the world, which is also evident in the title of UNESCO 2003 education position paper, "Education in a multilingual world." Given the long-standing history of multilingual contexts of the Himalayan region and the emergence of the two major global economic power centers of 21st century, China and India, language policies and practices of the region have become a great matter of interests for linguists and policy makers around the world. This paper uses case studies to investigate how globalization influences language education policies and practices in multilingual countries. The case studies that we have drawn from the four nations of South East Asia - Afghanistan, China, India, and Nepal offer insights for other multilingual nations of the world, as they portray the influences of globalization on language policies and practices of multilingual countries. This paper suggests more research on comparative studies of multilingual education across multilingual nations in the world.
45
Sartori, Andrew. "Sekhar Bandyopadhyay . Decolonization in South Asia: Meanings of Freedom in Post‐independence West Bengal, 1947–52 . (Routledge Studies in South Asian History, number 2.) New York : Routledge . 2009 . Pp. ix, 246. $140.00." American Historical Review 115, no. 4 (October 2010): 1136–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.115.4.1136.
Full text
46
Zaidi, Zawwar Hussain. "Economic Vision of the Quaid-i-Azam." Pakistan Development Review 40, no. 4II (December 1, 2001): 1147–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v40i4iipp.1147-1154.
Full textAbstract:
I am grateful to the organisers for holding this seminar on an important, if somewhat less known, facet of the life-work of the Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, who transformed the All India Muslim League from a run-of-the-mill political party into a mass movement. His role as the founder of an independent sovereign Muslim state in South Asia has been widely acclaimed by historians and scholars. However, his political tour de force has rather overshadowed what he did for the economic emancipation of Muslims before and after Independence. The demand for Pakistan visualised not just freedom from colonial rule but, no less importantly, liberation from the socio-economic domination of the majority community in business, commerce, education and public services. Jinnah knew full well that the areas to be included in Pakistan were economically and industrially backward. They constituted the agricultural hinterland of the industrialised areas of British India. A survey of industrial locations during the year 1939-40, appended below, highlights the vast disparity in industrial development between the two areas:
47
Szanto, Edith. "“Zoroaster was a Kurd!”: Neo-Zoroastrianism among the Iraqi Kurds." Iran and the Caucasus 22, no. 1 (May 15, 2018): 96–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20180108.
Full textAbstract:
Disgusted with ISIS, some Kurds turned away from Islam following the fall of Mosul in 2014. Many became atheists, while others sought comfort in Zoroastrianism. Zoroastrianism, according to converts, was the “original” religion of the Kurds before they embraced Islam. In 2015, two Zoroastrian centers opened in Sulaimani, both of which are recognized by the Kurdish Regional Government in northern Iraq. Notably, neither has tried to recreate Zoroastrianism the way it is currently and has been historically practiced in Iran and South Asia. Instead, they have created their own versions of Zoroastrianism, which is nationalist, postmodern, and liberal. Kurdish Zoroastrians argue that the reason Kurds are “backward” is Islam. They seek to rectify the present situation through a Kurdish “authenticated” and “original” form of Zoroastrianism. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork at these two centers, the present article examines this new religious movement in Sulaimani, an important city in the Kurdish region of northern Iraq. It analyses the rise and distinctiveness of Kurdish Zoroastrianism looking at how Zoroastrian Kurds articulate their views on Islam, women’s rights, human rights, and Kurdish independence.
48
Sil, Narasingha. "Decolonization in South Asia: Meanings of Freedom in Post-Independence West Bengal, 1947–52. By Sekhar Bandyopadhyay. New York: Routledge, 2009. x, 246 pp. $140.00 (cloth)." Journal of Asian Studies 69, no. 3 (August 2010): 932–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911810001889.
Full text
49
Arich-Gerz, Bruno. "Muffling the Fimbifimbi." Matatu 50, no. 2 (February 13, 2020): 430–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-05002001.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract After a South African air raid attack against the liberation-struggling independence movement of their parents, more than four hundred young Namibian refugees—preschoolers, primary school pupils and teenagers—arrived in the German Democratic Republic in 1979. This chapter evaluates representations of the deportation of the children and their experiences in the GDR by looking at (auto)biographical depictions. With regard to the question of whether their spectacular life stories have (co-)shaped the prevailing post-independence national narrative of Namibia or not, their own perspective yields both an unambiguous and, given the conditions under which they had been sent on their odyssey in the first place, surprising result. While the former exile children have ultimately been denied the privilege of being part of the country’s elite, they do not seem to resent their near invisibility in these self-images of the nation, and seem to have come to terms with their situation (and identity) as Africans with a German past.
50
Wade, Geoff. "An Early Age of Commerce in Southeast Asia, 900–1300 CE." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 40, no. 2 (April 29, 2009): 221–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463409000149.
Full textAbstract:
One of the most influential ideas in Southeast Asian history in recent decades has been Anthony Reid'sAge of Commercethesis, which sees a commercial boom and the emergence of port cities as hubs of commerce over the fifteenth to seventeenth centuries, which in turn spurred political, social and economic changes throughout the region. But how new were the changes described in Reid'sAge of Commerce? This paper argues that the four centuries from circa 900 to 1300 CE can be seen as an ‘Early Age of Commerce’ in Southeast Asia. During this period, a number of commercial and financial changes in China, South Asia, the Middle East and within the Southeast Asian region, greatly promoted maritime trade, which induced the emergence of new ports and urban centres, the movement of administrative capitals toward the coast, population expansion, increased maritime links between societies, the expansion of Theravada Buddhism and Islam, increased monetisation, new industries, new forms of consumption and new mercantile organisations. It is thus proposed that the period from 900 to 1300 be considered the Early Age of Commerce in Southeast Asian history.