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Smith, Thomas W. "History and international relations /." London : Routledge, 1999. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37737463v.
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Chung, Eun Bin. "Overcoming the History Problem: Group-Affirmation in International Relations." The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1437542838.
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Sutton, Thomas Lee. "Brazil & Lusphone Africa: a study of history, international relations, & international trade." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/13381.
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Previous issue date: 2014-10-30<br>This report was inspired by a personal motivation to acquire more in depth knowledge about Brazil and Lusophone (Portuguese speaking) African nations and how they interact with each other in relation to their common colonial histories, cultures, and on matters of international relations, international development, and international trade. The countries selected for purpose and focus of this report are Brazil, Angola, and Mozambique; reference will also be made with respect to other Lusophone African countries such as Cabo Verde, Guinea-Bissau, and São Tomé e Príncipe. Some of the research methodologies used to gather information about Brazil, Angola, Mozambique, and other Lusophone African nations in relation to their respective histories, international relations, international trade relations, and roles in the global economy as emerging market nations.
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Mansell, Jonathon. "Displacement and totalisation : a messianic history of international theory." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2016. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/31901/.
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The phenomenon of displacement is a fundamental source of social, political and economic tensions in the contemporary world. Despite this centrality there has been relatively little sustained theoretical engagement with this phenomenon within the discipline of International Relations (IR). In this thesis I will therefore develop a phenomenological approach, drawing on the work of Emmanuel Levinas, in order to explore ways in which the placed experience of ethical proximity is disrupted through logics of spatial mediation. I will then apply this phenomenological approach to a reading of four fundamental narratives of displacement in the western philosophical tradition: Exodus, Odyssey, Crusade and Conquest. Through these narratives, I will argue, that we find a process of the subsumption of place within spatial totalities in which inter-personal relations are mediated in relation to the projects of the totality. Ultimately, I will suggest this process of totalisation has shaped the fundamental structure of modern international theory. I will also suggest, however, that the placidness of everyday life constantly disrupts this totalisation.
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Edelman, Ross David. "Cyberattacks in international relations." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e1d71a7a-7680-4f97-b98d-a41a4b484fda.
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New methods of conflict and coercion can prompt tectonic shifts in the international system, reconfiguring power, institutions, and norms of state behavior. Cyberattacks, coercive acts that disrupt or destroy the digital infrastructure on which states increasingly rely, have the potential to be such a tool — but only if put into practice. This study examines which forces in the international system might restrain state use of cyberattacks, even when they are militarily advantageous. To do so I place this novel technology in the context of existing international regimes, employing an analogical approach that identifies the salient aspects of cyberattacks, and compares them to prior weapons and tactics that share those attributes. Specifically, this study considers three possible restraints on state behavior: rationalist deterrence, the jus ad bellum regime governing the resort to force, and incompatibility with the jus in bello canon of law defining just conduct in war. First, I demonstrate that cyberattacks frustrate conventional deterrence models, and invite, instead, a novel form of proto-competition I call ‘structural deterrence.’ Recognizing that states have not yet grounded their sweeping claims about the acceptability of cyberattacks in any formal analysis, I consider evidence from other prohibited uses of force or types of weaponry to defining whether cyberattacks are ‘legal’ in peacetime or ‘usable’ in wartime. Whereas previous studies of cyberattacks have focused primarily on policy guidance for a single state or limited analysis of the letter of international law, this study explicitly relates international law to state decision-making and precedent. It draws together previously disparate literature across strategic studies, international law, and diplomatic history to offer conclusions applicable beyond any single technology, and of increasing importance as states’ dependence on technology grows.
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Sevy, Ross K. "NATO History and Future." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/242.
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NATO was a powerful geopolitical force during the twentieth century. And their activity has increased after the Cold War. However, many problems have emerged and NATO's future seems uncertain. This essay is a critical look into the history and possible future of NATO.
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Castro, e. Almeida Manuel. "Defective polities : a history of an idea of international society." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/654/.
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This thesis is about the idea of defective polities. It addresses two important understandings in the literature which inform current theory and practice surrounding failed states. First, the thesis addresses the conventional standpoint that the end of the Cold War generated a new challenge for international society, widely known as the challenge of failed states. It aims to counter the ahistoricism of the literature on failed states in IR and cognate fields by showing that the nature of the issue of ‘failed states’ precedes the emergence of the concept in post-Cold War international society. Second, we respond to the view that international law/the doctrine and norm of state sovereignty have been essentially instruments in the hands of the most powerful members of international society, often used to justify practices of imperial and colonial nature. According to this perspective international law/state sovereignty explain or are crucial in the perpetuation of the idea and category of defective polities. By looking at the history of the relationship between the doctrine and norm of state sovereignty and the idea and category of defective polities, our aim is to show that these views about the role of international law are, to a great extent, misleading. Bearing in mind the possibility that concepts perform functions, the central hypothesis this thesis will be testing is the following: failed states are the latest of a number of concepts prevalent in international society that refer, or did so in the past, to the idea and category of defective polities. Although this argument implies a sense of continuity, the history of this idea is characterised by an evolving normative context. Thus, this thesis combines an English School approach with history of ideas, a meta-theoretical choice that is simultaneously sensitive to notions of continuity and change. This framework involves an attempt to: (a) identify and comprehend these concepts; (b) understand what functions these concepts served; (c) shed light on the kind of motives and legitimating arguments used by the actors uttering the concepts; and (d) understand if and how conceptual changes are related to normative changes in international society.
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Yaguchi, Yujin. "The Ainu in United States-Japan relations." W&M ScholarWorks, 1999. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539720321.
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This study reevaluates the significance of the Ainu in U.S.-Japan relations. Specifically, the study emphasizes a trilateral configuration of relations among the Japanese, Americans, and the Ainu in Hokkaido, the northern island of Japan, in the period since the middle of the nineteenth century. By analyzing a wide range of documentary, visual, and material sources available in the United States and Japan, the study discusses specific connections that existed between the Ainu, Americans, and the Japanese in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Some were direct encounters. Other forms of relationship involved indirect connections. These encounters affected the social and historical consciousness of the Japanese and Americans in the past and which continue to do so today.;By reclaiming the presence of the Ainu in the vision of the past, this dissertation enlarges the terrain of the intercultural history of the United States and Japan. It recognizes the Ainu as a significant third party in third history of U.S.-Japan relations and questions the conventional historical framework used in the understanding of the U.S.-Japan relationship, a framework which has marginalized and even excluded the Ainu. By inserting the Ainu into our constructions of past and present human relationships in Hokkaido, the dissertation complicate and problematizes the very framework of the conventional understanding of the relationship between the two nations by pointing to the integral role the Ainu have continuously played on the various stages of cultural interaction in the northern island of Japan.
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Dumitrescu, Theodor. "The early Tudor court and international musical relations /." Aldershot [u.a.] : Ashgate, 2007. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=016142806&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
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Revised Thesis (doctoral)--University of Oxford, 2004.<br>Foreign cultural models at the English royal court -- International events and musical exchanges -- Building a foreign musical establishment at the early Tudor court -- Anglo-continental relations in music manuscripts -- English music theory and the international traditions. Includes bibliographical references (p. [297]-315) and index.
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Smith, Jennifer B. "An international history of the Black Panther party /." New York (N.Y.) : Garland publ, 1999. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37322424v.
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Basha, i. Novosejt Aurélie. "Robert S. McNamaraʼs withdrawal plans from Vietnam : a bureaucratic history". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2014. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3122/.
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The thesis looks at Robert S. McNamaraʼs support for withdrawal from Vietnam between 1962 and 1964, during the John F. Kennedy administration and during the transition to the Lyndon B. Johnson presidency. It offers a reassessment of McNamaraʼs role as one of the primary architects of the Vietnam War. From a methodological point of view, it approaches McNamaraʼs recommendations on Vietnam from the bureaucratic perspective of the Office of the Secretary of Defense (OSD), explaining the evolution of the office and the balance of civil-military relations during his tenure. Through a bureaucratic lens, McNamaraʼs support for a policy aimed at disengagement from Vietnam is logical. First, the withdrawal plans – the Comprehensive Plan for South Vietnam (CPSVN) – supported a strategy informed by the counterinsurgency thinking of the Kennedy administration. McNamaraʼs changes at the OSD were designed to align defense tools to civilian strategy. As a result, as Kennedy and McNamaraʼs counterinsurgency advisers suggested, the CPSVN put the onus on self-help (i.e. the South Vietnamese doing the fighting themselves), clear-and-hold strategies and the strategic hamlet program that was buttressed by paramilitary, rather than traditional military, forces. Secondly, the CPSVN dovetailed with McNamaraʼs economic priorities for the OSD, both mitigating the departmentʼs impact on the nagging balance of payments deficit and, in the nearer term, the impact of South Vietnamese operations on the Military Assistance Program.
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Stöckmann, Jan. "The formation of International Relations : ideas, practices, institutions, 1914-1940." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e028dab4-29e4-45af-91b0-e15fb7ef47b7.
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The study of International Relations (IR) emerged in the context of transnational networks of scholars, politicians, and philanthropists who sought to devise a peaceful world order in the face of international conflict. Prompted by the Great War, the pioneers of IR argued that international politics should be subject to public and academic investigation. In order to generate the required expertise, they established a range of university-based as well as policy-oriented institutions during the 1910s and 20s. Rather than studying political theory or advancing scientific methodology, however, early IR scholars focused on current affairs and became involved in foreign politics themselves. Throughout the formative period of IR, from 1914 to 1940, its protagonists oscillated between understanding and making international politics. This dissertation examines the formation of IR from about 1914 to the Second World War, with particular emphasis on the range of international actors and institutions that shaped the discipline. Based on multi-archival research in Austria, Britain, France, Germany, Switzerland, and the United States, it explores the key venues for the study of IR. In particular, the dissertation reflects how IR scholars used transnational forms of exchange, such as the organs of intellectual cooperation at the League of Nations. It also incorporates women and feminist approaches to IR. Contrary to conventional historiography, the dissertation argues that IR was neither founded in 1919, nor dominated by coherent schools of thought during the inter-war period. Instead, it demonstrates how the discipline was formed by an eclectic group of scholars and practitioners, men and women, English-speaking and international. By building on recent revisionist literature and by re- integrating neglected actors, the dissertation reveals the complex and sometimes inconsistent ways in which issues of international politics became the subject of academic study.
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Duckenfield, Paul. "Cabinet Government and the 1956 Suez Crisis." W&M ScholarWorks, 1995. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625989.
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Hedrick, Lance Adrian. "Anglo-Scottish Relations from Gentle to Rough Wooing, 1543-1547." W&M ScholarWorks, 1999. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626227.
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Ghodoosi, Farshad. "Iran and the Constitutionalism: History and Evolution and the Impact on International Relations." FIU Digital Commons, 2018. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3720.
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The sweeping changes in the Middle East, so-called the “Arab Spring”, necessitate revisiting constitutionalism in the region. This task entails a fresh look at the idea of rule of law and constitutionalism amongst the people of the Middle East. One of the widely misconceived and yet understudied constitutional movements in the Middle East belongs to Iran. A new perspective on the trajectory of constitutionalism in Iran would better equip us to comprehend rule of law in the Middle East. From the 1905 Constitutional movement to the 1979 Revolution, Iran has undergone major changes. Each transformation created a rupture with the preceding order fostering a fresh look at rule of law in Iran. The current studies have mainly concentrated on the political and social aspects of these groundbreaking events. The legal aspect of each of event has remained largely unnoticed and under-researched.
It is important to fill the gap by focusing on the role of constitutions, despite its shortcomings, and international commitments of states using Iran as an example. The objective is to bring to the fore the role constitutionalism plays in incentivizing states to enter into international commitments and to comply with their international commitments. More than before, the mutual relationship between constitutionalism and international relations is intertwined because of two main developments: a. for better or worse, international relations have become increasingly judicialized, meaning all aspects of inter-state interactions are now subject to some normative regimes; b. more than ever, states feel the need to structure their domestic and inter-state relationship by resorting to a normative structure which is best materialized in constitutions.
Using Iran as an example, this dissertation aims to fulfill the following: First, it is critical to understand whether a state is a constitutional state and whether its domestic power relations are subject to any checks and balances (broadly speaking). By reviewing Iran’s recent history through this lens, the dissertation shows that Iranian’s legal culture presents (a version of) constitutionalism.
Second, it is critical to understand whether constitutionalism leads to any differences in the international behavior of such a state. Based on its constitutionalism, Iran’s international behavior has been premised on legalistic and juridical grounds.
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Cohen, Marsha B. "Lions and Roses: An Interpretive History of Israeli-Iranian Relations." FIU Digital Commons, 2007. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/5.
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This multi-disciplinary research project explores the religious and cultural foundations within the “master commemorative narratives” that frame Israeli and Iranian political discourse. In articulating their grievances against one another, Israeli and Iranian leaders express the tensions between religion, nationalism, and modernity in their own societies. The theoretical and methodological approach of this dissertation is constructivist-interpretivist. The concept of “master commemorative narratives” is adapted from Yael Zerubavel’s study of ritualized remembrance in Israeli political culture, and applied to both Israeli and Iranian foreign policy. Israel’s master commemorative narrative draws heavily upon the language of the Hebrew Bible, situating foreign policy discourse within a paradigm of covenantal patrimony, exile, and return, despite the unrelenting hostility of eternal enemies and “the nations.” Iran’s master commemorative narrative expresses Iranian suspicion of foreign encroachment and interference, and of the internal corruption that they engender, sacralizing resistance to the forces of evil in the figurative language and myths of pre-Islamic tradition and of Shi‘a Islam. Using a constructivist-interpretive methodological approach, this research offers a unique interpretive analysis of the parallels between these narratives, where they intersect, and where they come into conflict. It highlights both the broad appeal and the diverse challenges to the components of these “master” narratives within Israeli and Iranian politics and society. The conclusion of this study explains the ways in which the recognition of religious and cultural conflicts through the optic of master commemorative narratives can complement the perspectives of other theoretical approaches and challenge the conventions of Security Studies. It also suggests some of the potential practical applications of this research in devising more effective international diplomacy.
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Waters, Jayson Cydhaarth. "Estranged/Entangled: The History, Theory, and Technology of Quantum Mechanics in International Relations." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2022. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/29604.
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In recent years a growing number of scholars of international relations (IR) have looked hopefully towards quantum mechanics (QM) as a source of new analytical tools and critical approaches to address many of the intractable problems — and emergent challenges — faced by the discipline and the world. It now appears that what some call a new ‘wave’ — or ‘turn’ or ‘era’ — and others a paradigm shift may be coming to the discipline. Novel, and more accurate, methods for modelling behaviour are being introduced by Quantum Decision Theory and Quantum Game Theory, and old Newtonian analogies, metaphors, and cosmologies are being challenged and replaced by quantum equivalents. Alexander Wendt has even gone so far as to suggest that scholars need to rethink the social sciences from the (quantum) mind up. In place of traditional mind/body dualism, Wendt proposes a quantum monism based on a panpsychist quantum theory of mind. This is a radical proposal, the ramifications of which could drastically reframe understandings of both the social and physical aspects of the world.
While there is no doubt that the present ‘quantum wave’ in IR is the most significant, it is not the first. In 1927, during his address to the American Political Science Association, William Bennett Munro called for political scientists to engage with QM and to borrow, by analogy, from the ‘new physics’ to “get rid of intellectual insincerities concerning the nature of sovereignty, the general will, natural rights, and the freedom of the individual” and discover “the true purposes and policies which should direct human action in matters of government.” Remarkably, Munro’s appeal came a mere two months after Max Born and Werner Heisenberg declared “quantum mechanics to be a closed theory” at the Fifth Solvay Conference. Some headway was made during the interwar period, but a complex combination of circumstances leading up to, and following, the Second World War estranged this line of scientific inquiry from IR theory. This pattern of estrangement and entanglement has recurred several times in the history of IR.
This thesis employs an experimental methodology to interrogate three neglected aspects of the relationship between QM and IR. The critical approaches of genealogy, semiology, and dromology are applied, respectively, to the historical, theoretical, and technological entanglements of IR and QM. Reinterpreting nearly a century of estrangement and entanglement, the thesis makes the case for a quantum theory of IR that is process-relational and event-ontological. Ultimately, however, this thesis is a work of pre-theory. Rather than presenting a critique of quantum IR, or an attempt at a fully formed quantum theory of IR, this thesis lays the groundwork for future theory and future developments in quantum IR.
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Liedtke, Boris Nikolaj. "International relations between the U.S. and Spain 1945-53 : economics, ideology and compromise." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1996. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1430/.
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This is a study of the relations between Spain and the United States from the end of the Second World War to the conclusion of the Madrid Agreements which were signed in September 1953. Through these agreements Spain obtained military and economic aid from the US. At the same time she was integrated into the western defence structure. In return Franco authorized the US to construct and use military bases, some of which were situated near Spanish cities. Furthermore the agreements limited Spain's foreign, economic and monetary policies. The structure of the thesis is determined by the chronological events of the late 1940s and early 1950s. The international background is analysed in the first part of the thesis, running up to July 1951. The second part covers the negotiations between the two countries. By following the chronological events of the negotiations, the thesis tries to assess which of the two parties was willing to compromise in key aspects. Most of the thesis is based on American primary sources throughout the period. Many of the arguments developed contrast directly with those already put forward, notably by Spanish historians. The picture which emerges indicates that Washington, as well as Spain, had great military and strategic interests in signing the Madrid Agreements. This is surprising given the findings by other investigators that Spain was forced almost by circumstances into these agreements. The thesis tries to develop a counter-argument which, hopefully, lays the foundation for a constructive discussion on the issue.
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Thanner, Christopher Josef. "Hans Dietrich Genscher and the CSCE Process." W&M ScholarWorks, 1994. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625900.
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Harris, Steven M. "Between Law and Diplomacy| International Dispute Resolution in the Long Nineteenth Century." Thesis, University of California, Davis, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3723630.
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<p> From late in the eighteenth century through World War I, states increasingly resolved their differences through arbitration; entering into over 1000 agreements to address past controversies and provide for future disputes. Rather than relying entirely on traditional diplomatic methods, states responded to the practical needs of an increasingly complex, commercial, and bureaucratic world. They used mechanisms with some legalistic components; although these procedures remained under political control. Arbitration never prevented a war; the efforts of the Anglo-American peace movement, later augmented by continental activities and the rise of the international legal community, had but small and indirect effects. While appearing responsive to the new influence of public opinion, states only made agreements to arbitrate that were highly controlled and which typically encompassed only relationships and parties for whom war was already quite unlikely. Western powers also extensively used arbitral agreements to resolve and protect their imperial interests, both formal and informal. </p><p> The traditional historiography of this field has been skewed by its emergence out of that peace movement, with its millennial, liberal, Eurocentric, and juridical biases. As a result, the significance of the Vienna settlements in launching the modern arbitral process has been overlooked, the Jay Treaty and the "Alabama Claims" case have been mythologized, the distinctive role of Latin American states has been sidelined, and the meaning of the Hague Conferences has been misunderstood. </p><p> States are political animals and their "states' system" was effective in using arbitration as a shared tool while preserving their essential political discretion and managing their domestic and international publics.</p>
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Bosley, Christopher C. "A grand unified theory of world politics| The stability imperative and reifying imagined communities in a global society." Thesis, Georgetown University, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10240576.
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<p> The emerging global structure is wrought with tension. The contemporary international system, marshaled by the communications-and-information revolution and characterized by dense interaction capacities among transnational actors, can be conceived as a global society wherein a common normative framework guides and constrains state behavior. Its intersection with revisionist rising powers harboring intentions to mold that framework to reflect their own preferences risks an ambiguous standard of behavior, confusion, and a clash of norms that threatens to transform the cohesion that underpins accord in the global society into chaos. As the state upon whose values and principles the existing international system is based upon, it is the responsibility of the United States to ensure the stability and viability of that system and – as far as other states are expected to conform to the normative standards thereof – its ability to accommodate the development of the states within it. The United States has traditionally promoted the democratic peace as the key stabilizing mechanism in the international system. While fully institutionalized democracies may be more stable and less aggressive than other forms of government, however, emerging democracies tend to be extraordinarily violent as self-rule precipitates secessionist wars, pathological homogenization, and ethnic cleansing as “the people” are defined and those excluded are sorted out. In regions beset by the legacies of colonialism and multi-ethnic empires, wherein state boundaries were arbitrarily drawn to aggregate and divide a complex mosaic of social identity groups, the results are national cascades fueling pervasive identity-driven conflict in a struggle to reify into the primary organizing structure of modernity: the nation-state.</p>
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Cheek, Marc Randall. "At the Core of the Cold War: Soviet Foreign Policy and the German Question 1945-1990." W&M ScholarWorks, 1991. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625680.
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Murray, Charles Monahan. "From "Lying Low" to "Harmonious World": Changes in Chinese Foreign Policy from the 1970s to the 2000s." W&M ScholarWorks, 2014. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626764.
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Liptak, Christopher. "Caught between Nation and State: An Analysis of Post-Cold War Military Intervention in Failed States." W&M ScholarWorks, 1997. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626125.
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Haga, Kai Yin Allison. "Lost Chances in Sino-American Relations: The Burden of Myth, Culture, and Ideology, 1949-1953." W&M ScholarWorks, 1997. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626088.
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Gustafson, Edward J. "Atoms, Pounds and Poor Relations: The Illusion of an Anglo-American Special Relationship, 1941-1946." W&M ScholarWorks, 2000. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626263.
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Kami, Hideaki. "Diplomacy and Human Migration:A History of U.S. Relations with Cuba during the Late Cold War." The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1448899397.
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Smith, Robert Wilmer. "A Republican Abroad: John Adams and the Diplomacy of the American Revolution." W&M ScholarWorks, 1991. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625694.
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Devine, Michael J. "Territorial Madness: Spain, Geopolitics, and the American Revolution." W&M ScholarWorks, 1994. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625926.
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Hou, Qibin. "Quarante ans de dialogue : évolution des relations politico-diplomatiques entre la France et la Chine (1964-2007)." Thesis, Montpellier 3, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014MON30009/document.
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Le but de cette thèse est de trouver les éléments, internes ou externes, qui influencent les relations politico-diplomatiques entre la France et la Chine depuis 1964. Comme premier grand pays occidental qui reconnaît la Chine en 1964, les rapports privilégiés avec Beijng (Pékin) sont devenus l’un des trois grands axes de la politique asiatique de la France. Et du côté chinois, les dirigeants chinois sont aussi attentifs à cette relation bilatérale. Puisque le contexte international ne cesse pas d'évoluer durant les quatre dernières décennies, les relations sino-françaises se développent aussi. Face à cette période, plusieurs questions concernées sont posées : Pourquoi les deux gouvernements décident d’établir les relations officielles en 1964 ? Quels sont les changements de cette relation bilatérale durant la dernière quarantaine d’années ? Quelles sont les raisons de ces changements ? Comment le contexte international et les politiques extérieures des deux pays ont influencé cette relation ? Etc.Les sources que l'on étudie sont des documents officiels publiés (du côté chinois ainsi que du côté français), des notes d’interviews avec les personnes du milieu diplomatique chinois, des mémoires des diplomates et des ouvrages académiques. J’ai choisi la période de 1964 à 2007 comme le fond général de cette recherche et j’ai divisé le texte en cinq parties principales dans l’ordre chronologique.Dans la conclusion est effectuée une synthèse afin d’illustrer comment les relations sino-françaises se développent depuis 1964, sous les influences internes et externes: l’alternance du gouvernement, réformes politiques et économiques, géopolitique régionale et le contexte international<br>The purpose of this thesis is to investigate which factors, internal and external, influence the evolution of Sino-French relations since 1964. France being the first occidental country that recognized the new China in 1964, the Sino-French relationship is considered a priority of French government’s Asian policies. And it’s the same situation for the Chinese government. As the international situation is always changing, this relationship is not the same as forty odd years ago. The main purpose of this research is to understand such questions as: How did these two governments decide to establish this relationship in 1964? What are the changes of this bilateral relationship during the last four decades? Which factors are the reasons of those changes? How the international society influences this relationship, and in contrast? Etc.The data used for this study have been collected through published official documents, interviews, and academic works. I chose the period from 1964 to 2007 in order to limit the field of my work. And I divide the thesis into five parts in chronological sequence.The conclusion will be drawn that the development of the relationship between China and France depends not only on the national interests of the two countries but also on the historical context of the international society. Internal factors like government alternation, political reform, external factors like the cold war, the regional interests of the United-States and the European integration, all of them influence the Sino-French relations, both positively and negatively
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MacDonald, Gordon H. "Regime creation, maintenance, and change, a history of relations between the International Olympic Committee and International Sports Federations, 1894-1968." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape17/PQDD_0025/NQ31088.pdf.
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Jones, Ian A. "Withering Iraq| A case-study of the history of state failure in Iraq under a constructivist lens." Thesis, Webster University, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10587521.
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<p> The popular coined term "state failure," has been used in a variety of ways to explain states that may have not lived up to the Western model of statehood. Many theorists have concluded a variety of reasons for this occurrence, but have usually looked at it through one lens and failed to acknowledge others. This paper proposes that one lens is sufficient in analyzing state failure, that of constructivism. Iraq is a country frequently considered synonymous with state failure. This paper analyzes the history of Iraq based on constructivist ideas of identity and institutions to explain state failure and determine solutions that could benefit the state.</p>
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Shannon, Matthew Kenneth. "Losing Hearts and Minds: American-Iranian Relations and International Education during the Cold War." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2013. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/219241.
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History<br>Ph.D.<br>International education served a dual function in the American-Iranian relationship during the thirty-seven-year reign of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. On the one hand, education was the most important component to the shah's project of authoritarian development - a model of rapid socio-economic development predicated on the premise that anti-communist statism, a less vibrant political milieu, and a more forceful role for the security forces would maintain domestic stability, guarantee the westward flow of Iranian oil, and keep Iran firmly entrenched in the American camp in the cold war competition. Iranian alumni of American universities were elected to the majlis, entered the shah's bureaucracy, staffed the Plan Organization, worked in the financial sector, served in the armed forces, joined university faculties, and assumed the premiership. On the other hand, the influx of Iranian students to American campuses spawned debates outside of traditional foreign policymaking communities about international relations, human rights, and development that were quite different from those that took place in the halls of power in Washington or Tehran. What emerged was a coalition of progressive American and Iranian internationalists that rejected the shah's authoritarian model of development, challenged the American assumptions that propelled U.S. ascendance in the Persian Gulf region, and called for the realization of civil and political rights in Iran. These educational networks made the American-Iranian relationship at once the most intimate and volatile of the cold war era. In the end, I argue that international education produced more friction than harmony as proponents of authoritarian development and progressive internationalists negotiated the acceptable boundaries for the exercise of state power.<br>Temple University--Theses
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Cormier, Daniel J. "Building a New Global Order: Eisenhower, Suez, and the Pursuit of Peace." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2017. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/471900.
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History<br>Ph.D.<br>This study illuminates Dwight D. Eisenhower’s efforts during his first term as President to advance new global norms that would make peace a more enduring aspect of international relations. Between 1945 and 1952, Eisenhower was an engaged supporter of America’s efforts to move the world away from the “war-system” that characterized the early twentieth century. The venture included implementing the Bretton Woods economic agreements, creating the United Nations, adopting the UN Human Rights Convention and supporting collective security organizations, such as NATO. Combined, these efforts mitigated the primary causes of war and advanced new standards of global statecraft. They also competed for influence over US foreign policy and for global support. Eisenhower’s election in 1952 represented a mandate to prevent an early failure of the undertaking. Within months of taking office, Ike implemented a comprehensive grand strategy that included the imaginative use of military and economic power, as well as the addition of moral power to guide US foreign policy. By 1956, this grand strategy had advanced America’s leadership in global affairs through the advocacy of new norms of conduct that produced mutually beneficial norms and standards. However, the Suez Crisis threatened to derail the American project. Eisenhower understood the stakes and decided to oppose the British and French efforts to secure the Suez Canal Zone by force. Throughout the crisis, America upheld the new standards of nation-state conduct agreed to in the United Nations Charter. This decision consolidated the position of the free world and served the nation’s enduring interest of advancing a peaceful world order.<br>Temple University--Theses
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Lewis, Stephen Haynes. "Filling the Political Vacuum: The United States and Germany, 1944-1946." W&M ScholarWorks, 1990. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625625.
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Maddox, William Stuart. "The Quiet Diplomacy: President Eisenhower and Dien Bien Phu." W&M ScholarWorks, 1990. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625626.
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Ault, Jonathan Bennett. "Closing the Open Door Policy: American Diplomatic and Military Reactions to the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905." W&M ScholarWorks, 1994. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625920.
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Encinas-Valenzuela, Jesus Ernesto. "Mexican foreign policy and UN peacekeeping operation s in the 21st century." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/2502.
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On December 1, 2000 a new administration took over the presidency of MeÌ xico. This event was especially anticipated because the new president, Vicente Fox, was coming from a different party than the PRI, the old official party. The arrival of President Fox brought important changes in the way of governing; with the moral obligation to be different, since the beginning of his administration one of the main goals was incline to pursue a more dynamic participation by Mexico in the political issues of the world. This was to be accomplished by taking up several measures that included enhancing economic trade with the United States and other nations, world summits in Mexico, improvement of human rights and others. Among those plans one attracted special attention when Mexico asked for a seat as a non-permanent member in the UN Security Council for the period 2002-2003 the third time in Mexican history. There were divided opinions on the subject because Mexico would be directly involved in UN decisions concerning internal situations of other countries, something that goes against the foreign policy principles of MeÌ xico. Eventually this discussion opened doors for other topics; one of them was the possibility of Mexico participating actively in peacekeeping operations by sending troops overseas; this initiated a biter debate in the political sphere. This study analyzes Mexican Foreign Policy and the historical perspective of the foreign principles stated in the Mexican Constitution[alpha]s article 89, followed by a discussion of their influence and interpretation in the politicalmilitary environment before and during the administration of President Fox. The study includes the analysis includes the new social and political scenario that MeÌ xico is facing in order to determine the odds and obstacles when dealing with military participation overseas. As MeÌ xico takes its place in the community of nations, the country[alpha]s leadership needs to search for possible options and test whether the new Mexican political apparatus has the flexibility to address current threats and requirements for international security. An analysis on the capabilities of the Mexican Armed Forces is also necessary in order to determine their capacity to execute multinational operations. Finally bring out the real benefits and/or risks from getting Mexico involved in these kinds of operations are identified.
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Hinton, Carl Anthony. "The Foreign Policy of John Quincy Adams: A Study in Lockean Synthesis." W&M ScholarWorks, 1987. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625419.
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Roy, Rajarshi. "Crossing the Rubicon: LBJ and Vietnam 1963-1965." W&M ScholarWorks, 1997. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626129.
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Irizarry, Ashley M. "Possessing the Holy Land: The Palestine Exploration Fund and the American Palestine Exploration Society." W&M ScholarWorks, 2014. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626767.
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Gray, Elizabeth Kelly. ""Passage to More Than India": American Attitudes toward British Imperialism in the 1850s." W&M ScholarWorks, 1998. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626188.
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Widmaier, Wesley William. "A constructivist theory of international monetary relations monetary understandings, state interests in cooperation, and the construction of crises (1929-2001) /." Access restricted to users with UT Austin EID, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3036613.
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Kettle, Louise. "Learning from history in British overseas security : case studies from intervention in the Middle East." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2015. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/30575/.
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Recent problematic military interventions, as part of the Global War on Terror, have led to widespread criticism that British policy-makers have failed to learn lessons from history. At the same time as the accusations of not learning, the British government has repeatedly claimed that lessons have been learned, particularly from the disastrous war in Iraq. This thesis investigates these contradicting claims by analysing learning from the past in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, Ministry of Defence and the Intelligence Community across four case studies of British military intervention in the Middle East; 1958 in Jordan, 1961 in Kuwait, the 1990-1991 Gulf War and 2003-2009 Iraq War. It provides a fresh analysis of these highly significant events, using previously undisclosed documents, offers an assessment of learning processes and concludes by recommending practical suggestions for the improvement of learning from history in the future.
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Johnston, Seth Allen. "How NATO endures : an institutional analysis." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.711650.
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Goodman, Joshua Ross. "Negotiating Counterinsurgency| The Politics of Strategic Adaptation." Thesis, Yale University, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10957325.
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<p> What explains the tendency of counterinsurgents to adopt and retain ineffective strategies? Under what conditions do counterinsurgents replace ineffective strategies and what factors shape the strategies eventually adopted? While most studies explaining poor counterinsurgent performance focus on the preferences and pathologies of military organizations, I shift attention to civilian policymakers, explaining strategic choice as the product of their political preferences and the wider political and grand strategic pressures they face. By distinguishing between policymaking principals and bureaucratic agents tasked with implementing strategy, two challenges to successful adaptation can be identified: the challenge of decision, in which policymakers must overcome pressures to retain existing strategies, and implementation, in which policymakers must ensure agents tasked with implementing strategy comply with strategic directives. A solution to each is individually necessary, and together they are jointly sufficient for adaptation.</p><p> Counterinsurgency strategy is selected by policymaking principals who arbitrate between the competing recommendations of their bureaucratic agents and advisors. Because policymaker preferences are shaped by their wide responsibilities, an important determinant of counterinsurgency strategy is to be found in the way strategy impacts policymakers' core interests, notably their wider foreign policy objectives and their political security, both of which shape the objectives and strategies of a counterinsurgency campaign. As long as the political and geostrategic pressures that led counterinsurgents to select current strategies persist, counterinsurgents retain ineffective strategy. When domestic political or geostrategic changes lead policymakers to perceive that existing strategies have become liabilities for these higher priority issues, their preferences shift in favor of alternate strategies. Policymakers also face the challenge of ensuring all agents implement policymakers' preferred strategy rather than pursue their own preferred ends using their preferred means. The most effective solution is to empower a single agent, whose preferences most closely align with those of policymakers, to direct the campaign. </p><p> I combine comparative analysis and process tracing, drawing on case studies from the 20<sup>th</sup> century British Empire. Beginning in the British Mandate for Palestine, I draw on a most similar comparison of two phases of the Palestinian Rebellion (1936, 1937-39) and the Jewish Rebellion (1945-1947), each demonstrating a different outcome: 1936 represents a case of successful decision but failed implementation; 1938 represents a case of successful decision and successful implementation; and 1946-7 represents a case of failed decision. Each is then matched to a most-different extension from Malaya and Ireland. </p><p>
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Papagaryfallou, Ioannis. "The history/theory dialectic in the thought of Herbert Butterfield, Martin Wight and E.H. Carr : a reconceptualisation of the English School of International Relations." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3465/.
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The aim of my thesis is to reconceptualise the English School of International Relations according to what I describe as the history/theory dialectic. The origins of this dialectic are sought in the thought of E. H. Carr, Herbert Butterfield, and Martin Wight, who drew attention to the interpenetration of history and theory. In their capacity as historians, the writers examined in my thesis struggled with problems normally associated with theoretical work in International Relations and elsewhere and tried to combine personal and impersonal accounts of history. They also emphasised the role of the historian which is no different from that of the theorist in attributing meaning to a series of apparently unrelated events. As international theorists, Butterfield, Wight and Carr underlined the historicity of international theory, and offered a historicist conceptualisation of international change that assigned priority to European interests and values. Their belief in the co-constitution of history and theory, has important consequences for contemporary English School debates concerning the proper definition of the relationship between order and justice, international society and world society, pluralism and solidarism. What lies at the end of the history/theory dialectic is not an unproblematic combination of opposites but the recognition of the need to be cautious towards the categories we use in order to capture and analyse a multidimensional reality which is subject to change.
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Easley, Eric Sheridan. "The war over 'Perpetual Peace' : an exploration into the history of a foundational international relations text." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2002. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1669/.
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Immanuel Kant's Perpetual Peace is widely recognized as a foundational International Relations text. My research has uncovered a variety of competing interpretations of the work since its initial publication in the late eighteenth century. This thesis examines English-language commentary on the treatise from the mid-nineteenth to the end of the twentieth century. It demonstrates the existence of two distinct patterns of interpretation. According to my analysis, interpretations from the mid-nineteenth to the mid-twentieth century assert that the text endorses peace proposals above the state level. This collection of interpretations constitutes Pattern One. Interpretations from the mid-twentieth century to its end, however, maintain that the text is in favor of peace proposals at the state level. This collection of interpretations constitutes Pattern Two. It is argued that the principal explanation for the existence of these patterns resides in the rise and decline of hopes for peace through international organization. A subsidiary explanation is that the patterns reflect the steady increase in the number of liberal states in the western hemisphere over the past century and one-half. These patterns and their explanations provide a comprehensive historical background and analytical framework for understanding Perpetual Peace which enables academics and students of International Relations to better understand and appreciate its complex meaning and to think beyond the conventionally accepted interpretations of the day.
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Gough, Adam. "The Turbot War: The arrest of the Spanish vessel Estai and its implications for Canada-EU relations." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28339.
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On March 9, 1995, Canadian officials on fisheries patrol vessels fired warning shots, then boarded and seized the Spanish trawler Estai. Fishing on the Nose of the Grand Banks, but beyond Canada's 200-mile fishing zone, the Estai had been using an illegal net and had resisted previous boarding attempts. The European Union (EU) strongly objected to what it cast as a violation of international law. The objective of this thesis is to provide a comprehensive analysis of the Estai incident and its implications for Canadian fisheries policy and Canada's relations with the EU.
The Estai seizure and subsequent "Turbot War" formed an important chapter in Canada's diplomatic history, arousing national feeling while souring relations with the EU, at least in the short term. However, this action against foreign overfishing helped bring about much needed changes regarding international fish conservation. Agreements came into place with the EU and other NAFO members allowing for full observer coverage on vessels and other improvements. As well, the Turbot War fostered the emergence of the new United Nations Fisheries Agreement dealing with conservation, pollution reduction, and the right of member states to inspect another country's vessels to ensure compliance with internationally-agreed rules of regional fishing. Even so, problems resurfaced in the workings of NAFO, and fish stocks have seen only limited recovery.
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McKercher, Asa. ""Not easy, smooth, or automatic": Canada-US relations, Canadian nationalism, and American foreign policy, 1961--1963." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28409.
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An historical consensus has coalesced around the view that Canadian-American relations reached a nadir from 1961-1963. The argument is that due to differences of both personality and policy John Diefenbaker, Canada's Prime Minister, and US President John Kennedy loathed each other. Scholars have subsequently debated over who was more to blame for this, but their analyses have been incomplete because the American side has largely been ignored. As most, if not all, of the historians who have examined the Diefenbaker-Kennedy era have been Canadian, American archival sources have been used sparingly. Drawing upon the rich documentary collection in the US National Archives and the Kennedy Presidential Library, this thesis argues, in contrast to what many have contended, that US foreign policy was in fact quite complimentary towards Diefenbaker's government. This was primarily because American policy-makers were aware of the potent force of Canadian nationalism, which their experiences with Diefenbaker only confirmed.