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Dixon, William John. "Popular policing? Sector policing and the reinvention of police accountability." Thesis, Brunel University, 1999. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/4828.
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The aim of this thesis is to explain the change in the debate about police accountability in Britain that took place in the 1980s. In seeking such an explanation in the reinvention of police accountability over this period, a four dimensional analysis of accountability is presented. This is used to examine, in turn, the history of police governance in London, the debates about police accountability that took place in the 1980s, and the implications of the growing influence of community policing that culminated in the introduction by the Metropolitan Police of a new style of ‘sector policing’. A series of questions about whether and how police accountability was reinvented in the 1980s are posed, and the implications of the reconceptualisation that took place are assessed in their historical and theoretical contexts. Use is also made of empirical data drawn from a study of the implementation of sector policing on an inner city police area in North London. It is argued that far-reaching changes took place in the conceptualisation of police accountability during the 1980s on all four of the dimensions identified, and that this reinvention of the relationship between police and people made policing in London neither more democratic nor more consensual.
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Grievson, Lee. "The policing of cinema, 1907-1915." Thesis, University of Kent, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.300941.
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Mack, Gregory. "The modern muhtasib:religious policing in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia." Thesis, McGill University, 2013. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=116908.
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Enabling the religious duty of enjoining virtue and forbidding vice was one of the most important functions of the Islamic state historically. The public enforcement of this duty, hisbah, was entrusted to the muhtasib, an officer who acted as moral censor and market inspector. The muhtasib existed throughout Islamic history until the reforms of the modern period, when his authority and function was usurped by nation-states; however, this office survives in Saudi Arabia, where its role has been assigned to the Committee for the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice (CPVPV). These "religious police" are commonly thought to epitomize the incompatibility of Islamic law with modern notions of freedom and human rights. Despite the CPVPV's notoriety and unique position in the face of secularization, it has been virtually ignored by Islamic studies, with no detailed assessment of it in theoretical or practical terms. This thesis explores hisbah in Saudi Arabia from 1926 to the present, articulating its evolving moral and legal constitution, as well as detailing CPVPV operations in relation to the developing nation-state. The first chapter is a preliminary study of the pre-modern muhtasib, which addresses the ethics, law and practice of hisbah prior to the CPVPV through a survey of key primary and secondary sources. The second chapter addresses the conceptualization of hisbah in Saudi Arabia through three main aspects: the ethical foundations of hisbah according to contemporary akhlaq literature; the official definition of hisbah in terms of fiqh by the CPVPV; and a survey of Saudi scholarship on enjoining virtue and forbidding vice by major ʿulama', intellectuals and Islamists. The third chapter addresses the Saudi law of hisbah and its enforcement by the CPVPV through examining the agency's bylaws and governing constitution, followed by a statistical analysis of its activities based on official records. Analysis is then elaborated through three case studies on key issues: terrorism, veiling and gender segregation, and religious freedom. The fourth chapter addresses the relationship between hisbah and the nation-state through four main aspects: the historical justification of Saudi nationalism in terms of hisbah, based on official historiography; the legal foundations of the Saudi state in terms of hisbah, based on the doctrine of siyasah sharʿiyah, Basic Law of Governance and pertinent extra-legal factors; the legal foundations of the CPVPV in relation to the Saudi state, based on its evolving constitution and operations; and the legal and administrative basis of hisbah jurisdiction amongst other Saudi state agencies, based on research from the Higher Judicial Institute.<br>Historiquement, une des fonctions majeures de l'état islamique, a été de permettre le développement de la fonction religieuse consistant à imposer la vertu et interdire le vice. La mise en application de cette fonction dans la communauté, la hisbah, était confiée au muhtasib, un agent qui agissait en qualité de senseur de la morale et contrôleur du commerce. Le muhtasib a existé tout au long de l'histoire islamique jusqu'aux réformes de la période moderne, lorsque son autorité et sa fonction ont été usurpées par les états-nations; cette fonction survit en Arabie Saoudite, où son rôle a été attribué au Ministère pour la Promotion de la Vertu et la Répression du Vice (MPVRV). Cette « police religieuse » est généralement perçue comme l'illustration parfaite de l'incompatibilité entre la loi islamique et les notions modernes de liberté et de droits de l'homme. Malgré la notoriété dont bénéficie le MPVRV et sa position unique face à la laïcisation de la société, il a été pratiquement totalement ignoré dans les études islamiques, on ne trouve donc aucune analyse qui s'y rapporte, que ce soit en termes théoriques ou pratiques. Cette thèse explore la hisbah en Arabie Saoudite de 1926 à nos jours, et présente sa composition d'un point de vue moral et légal, tout en exposant également les opérations du MPVRV par rapport au développement de l'état-nation. Le premier chapitre regroupe une étude préliminaire du muhtasib dans la période pré-moderne, qui aborde l'éthique, le droit et la pratique de la hisbah, avant l'établissement du MPVRV, à travers l'étude de sources clé, primaires et secondaires. Le deuxième chapitre aborde le concept de la hisbah en Arabie Saoudite à travers trois aspects: les fondations éthiques de la hisbah selon la littérature akhlaq contemporaine; la définition officielle de la hisbah en termes de fiqh par le MPVRV; et une étude de l'imposition de la vertu et l'interdiction du vice par les ʿulama', les intellectuels et autres islamistes les plus importants, à travers les programmes des diverses filières d'études saoudiennes. Le troisième chapitre présente la loi saoudienne de la hisbah et sa mise en application par le MPVRV à travers l'analyse des statuts du Ministère et de la constitution qui le régi, suivi par l'analyse statistique de ses activités, basée sur des documents officiels. Cette présentation est suivie d'une analyse détaillée de trois cas d'école sur des sujets clé: le terrorisme, le port du voile et la séparation des sexes et la liberté religieuse. Le quatrième chapitre aborde la relation entre la hisbah et l'état-nation à travers quatre aspects: la justification historique du nationalisme saoudien en termes de hisbah, basée sur une historiographie officielle; les fondations légales de l'état saoudien en ce qui concerne la hisbah, basées sur la doctrine de la siyasah sharʿiyah, la Loi Fondamentale de Gouvernement et d'autres facteurs extra-légaux qui s'y rapportent; les bases légales du MPVRV par rapport à l'état saoudien, à partir de ses statuts et opérations qui évoluent avec le temps; enfin, les bases légales et administratives de la juridiction de la hisbah parmi les différentes agences étatiques saoudiennes, basées sur les recherches de l'Institut Supérieur Judiciaire.
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Elkins, Alexander. "Battle of the Corner: Urban Policing and Rioting in the United States, 1943-1971." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2017. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/481958.
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History<br>Ph.D.<br>Battle of the Corner: Urban Policing and Rioting in the United States, 1943-1971 provides a national history of police reform and police-citizen conflicts in marginalized urban neighborhoods in the three decades after World War II. Examining more than a dozen cities, the dissertation shows how big-city police brass and downtown-friendly municipal elites in the late 1940s and 1950s attempted to professionalize urban law enforcement and regulate rank-and-file discretion through Police-Community Relations programs and novel stop-and-frisk preventive patrol schemes. These efforts ultimately failed to produce diligent yet impartial street policing. Beginning in the late 1950s, and increasing in severity and frequency until the early 1960s, young black and Latino working-class urban residents surrounded, taunted, and attacked police officers making routine arrests. These crowd rescues garnered national attention and prepared the ground for the urban rebellions of 1964 to 1968, many of which began with a controversial police incident on a crowded street corner. While telling a national story, Battle of the Corner provides deeper local context for postwar changes to street policing through detailed case studies highlighting the various stakeholders in reform efforts. In the 1950s and 1960s, African-American activists, block clubs, residents, and politicians pressured police for effective but fair and accountable tactical policing to check rising criminal violence and street disorder in neighborhoods increasingly blighted by urban renewal. Rank-and-file police unions fought civilian review boards and used new collective bargaining rights to stage job actions to obtain higher wages. They also obtained “bill of rights” contract provisions to shield members from misconduct investigations. Police management took advantage of newly-available federal and local resources after the riots to reorganize their departments into top-down bureaucratic organizations capable of conducting stop-and-frisk on a more systematic scale. By the early 1970s, a rising generation of urban black politicians confronted skyrocketing rates of criminal violence, armed militants intent on waging war on the police, and a politically-empowered rank-and-file angry and combative over the more intense threats and pressures they faced on the job. Battle of the Corner breaks ground in telling a national story of policing that juxtaposes elite decision-making and street confrontations and that analyzes a wide range of actors who held a stake in securing order and justice in urban neighborhoods. In chronicling how urban police departments emerged from the profound institutional crisis of the 1960s with greater power, resources, and authority, Battle of the Corner provides a history and a frame for understanding policing controversies today.<br>Temple University--Theses
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Ng, Yee Ching. "Policing strangers by strangers : changing colonial policing strategies and the recruitment of Indians in the Hong Kong police forces, 1841-1941." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2012. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1477.
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Bredell, Kyle Hampton. "Black Panther High: Racial Violence, Student Activism, and the Policing of Philadelphia Public Schools." Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2013. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/216534.
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History<br>M.F.A.<br>The school district of Philadelphia built up its security program along a very distinct pathway that was largely unrelated to any real needs protection. This program played out in two distinct phases. In the late 1950s, black and white students clashed in the neighborhoods surrounding schools over integration. Black parents called upon the city to provide community policing to protect their children in the communities surrounding schools. As the 1960s progressed and the promised civil rights gains from city liberals failed to materialize, students turned increasingly to Black Nationalist and black power ideology. When this protest activity moved inside their schoolhouses as blacks simultaneously began moving into white neighborhoods, white Philadelphians began to feel threatened in their homes and schools. As black student activism became louder and more militant, white parents called upon the police to protect their children inside the school house, as opposed to the earlier calls for community policing by black parents. White parents, the PPD, and conservative city politicians pushed the district to adopt tougher disciplinary policies to ham string this activism, to which black parents vehemently objected. The district resisted demands to police the schools through the 1960s until finally caving to political pressure in the 1970s.<br>Temple University--Theses
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Barrie, David G. "Britain's oldest police? : a political and social history of policing in Glasgow, 1779-1846." Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 2000. http://oleg.lib.strath.ac.uk:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=21424.
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This study examines the development of policing in Glasgow from 1779 to 1846. It argues that while police reform in the city fits more closely with the revisionist view of police history than the traditionalist, neither, in terms of how they are presented in relation to England, do justice to the distinct and complex manner in which the police institution in Glasgow, or Scotland for that matter, evolved. The absence of obligatory legislative enactments and clear dividing lines between the old and the new police in Scotland, combined with the peculiar nature of the 'police' concept, resulted in a different course of development which neither model accommodates precisely. Police development in Glasgow, the study contends, was characterised by one dominant factor - namely, the middle class seeking to control and manage more effectively their city in the face of rapid urbanisation. In the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, this took the form of establishing a new range of public amenity provisions that were essential to health and safety. However, while this commitment to the wider aspect of policing was never entirely superseded, the control and management of people rather than the environment became of increasing importance to police commissioners as the first half of the nineteenth century progressed. Although no one incident underlay this reorientation, the traumatic events of the post-Napoleonic period proved particularly significant, as the propertied classes sought a more effective form of law enforcement to protect them from political insurrection, industrial unrest and the expanding urban masses. The study will show that police affairs were embroiled in an ongoing struggle between different social and economic groups for control of local affairs. Throughout the period in question, issues of class, status and power were at the forefront of police management, as the local ruling elite sought to withstand the challenge to their political hegemony from, initially, the upper middle class and, latterly, the lower middle/self-employed working class.
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Ahluwalia, Sanjam. "CONTROLLING BIRTHS, POLICING SEXUALITIES: A HISTORY OF BIRTH CONTROL IN COLONIAL INDIA, 1877-1946." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2001. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin980270900.
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Emsley, Clive. "Aspects of the history of crime, police and policing in Europe since c.1750." [S.l.], 1999. http://dart.open.ac.uk/abstracts/page.php?thesisid=186.
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Hay, J. A. "Trends in policing : a case study of the Hamilton police 1900-1973 /." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0029/NQ66212.pdf.
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Ealham, Christopher. "Policing the recession : unemployment, social protest and law-and-order in Republican Barcelona, 1930-1936." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1995. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/1538.
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What follows is a social and cultural study of the Barcelona proletariat during the Spanish Second Republic (193 1-1936). Unlike many historical and organisational studies of working class groups and labour organisations, this study looks beyond the formal aspects of politics to locate praxis firmly within the wider socio-economic fabric of everyday life. In doing so, the emphasis moves away from an explanation of the opposition of the CNT-FAI to the Republic in terms of a fixed set of ideological shibboleths and the traditional anarchist opposition to authority. Instead, this study assesses the attitude of the CNT towards the Republic in terms of the failure of the authorities to eradicate the traditional patterns of social exclusion and their inability to satisfy the predominantly unskilled and unemployed supporters of the CNT-FAI in Barcelona. Particular emphasis is placed on patterns of social and urban exclusion and working class culture. I have set out to retrieve the historic experience of a specific sector of the Barcelona working class: the much-maligned unskilled, itinerant and immigrant labourers who, quite literally, built modern Catalonia. International economic collapse and internal political stability inside Spain during the late 1920s and the early 1930s meant that increasing numbers of these workers were unemployed. The experience of unemployment, its impact on the culture of the jobless and their everyday resistance to poverty, form the core of this study. This provides a starting point for a social history of crime and punishment in 1930s Barcelona. Particular attention is given to the anarchist attitude to crime and the way in which the FM encouraged illegal methods of internal funding. This study relies on mainly qualitative, rather than quantitative, analysis. While statistics are not entirely banished, the analysis is premised on the view that the plight of the unemployed cannot be adequately expressed numerically. Consequently, this work is overwhelmingly based on a rea1ing of the press from the 1930s. This aversion to hard-boiled empiricism is only in part justified by the practical reason that Spanish statistics, whether collated by the authorities or the labour movement, were notoriously unreliable. The methodological level of enquiry is also conditioned by an overriding concern with the revolutionary culture of the proletarian masses of Barcelona and the social processes that shaped this. By its very nature, such an object of study is not quantifiable, a point that is well reinforced by the classic studies by E.P. Thompson and the Birmingham Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies on the English proletariat and policing and the more recent work by Dai Smith on the cultural universe of Welsh labour.' Following from these works, this study relies heavily on press reports, biography and oral sources in a bid to recuperate the social and cultural dimensions of popular consciousness. The epistemological essence of this approach has been presciently grasped by Paul Thompson, who observes that: 'social statistics, in short, no more represent absolute facts than newspaper reports, private letters, or published biographies. Like recorded interview material, they all represent, either from individual standpoints or aggregated, the social perception of facts; and are all in addition subject to social pressures from the context in which they are obtained. With these forms of evidence, what we receive is social meaning, and it is this which must be evaluated'.2 Social history has been criticised in the past for 'ignoring' politics. 3 Because the 193 Os was an era of intense political change and ideological conflict in Spain this study has been forced to transcend this shortcoming. This research places the social history of the unemployed at the centre of the political history of the CNT during the Republic. An example of this is the way in which the historic tensions between the CNT and the rival UGT are expressed through the conflict between the essentially unemployed and unskilled membership of the Barcelona CNT and the predominantly employed and skilled supporters of the UGT in the Catalan capital. This fusion of social and political analysis is also central to a full understanding of the experience of the Republic in Barcelona. This work is especially concerned with the extent to which the Republic represented a change for the Barcelona working class, not just in a political sense, but in social and economic terms. Clearly, the Republic 1 E.P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class, London, 1963 and Customs in Common, Harmondsworth, 1993; Stuart Hall, ci. a!., Policing the Crisis: Mugging. the State. and Law and Order, London, 1978; Dai Smith, Aneurin Bevan and the World of South Wales, Cardiff, 1994 2 Paul Thompson The Voice of the Past, London, 1978, p.96 Geoff Eley and Keith Nield, 'Why does social history ignore politics?, Social History, 5, 2, 1980, pp.249-271 11 established a set of constitutional and democratic guarantees that had rarely existed in the past. However, the primary concern here is with how the advent of the new régime affected the lives of the workers of Barcelona and to what extent it altered the previous patterns of social exclusion and oppression. While this study covers the period from the birth of the Second Republic in April 1931 to the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War in July 1936, the focus of the narrative and analysis is concentrated heavily on 1931. This is justifiable because this was the key period for the future of the Republic. It was 'Republican Year Zero', a time of disproportionate importance, in which the newly-ensconced Republican authorities sought to establish a new political and social order capable of embracing those classes and social strata which had been excluded from previous regimes. Thus, 1931 was the year in which the Republican project of integrating the Barcelona working class would either succeed or fail. Equally, the concentration on the blend of social and political variables at play in 1931 is also valid as it facilitates a more sophisticated understanding of the complex trajectory of the CNT during the Republic. By assessing the real and shifting aspirations and hopes of the union rank-and-file, we supersede the caricatured image of the CNT and its supporters as robots who were guided by exclusively ideological and doctrinal concerns.4 Finally, because this study is not a political history of the convoluted institutional relationship between Catalonia and Spain in the 1930s, attention is paid to the often complex and shifting configuration of power in a quasi-federal state only insofar as it intersects the main area of study.
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Lvovsky, Anna. "Queer Expertise: Urban Policing and the Construction of Public Knowledge About Homosexuality, 1920–1970." Thesis, Harvard University, 2015. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:17463142.
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This dissertation tracks how urban police tactics against homosexuality participated in the construction, ratification, and dissemination of authoritative public knowledge about gay men in the United States in the twentieth century. Focusing on three prominent sites of anti-homosexual policing—the enforcement of state liquor regulations, plainclothes decoy campaigns to make solicitation arrests, and clandestine surveillance of public bathrooms—it examines how municipal police availed themselves of competing bodies of social scientific information about homosexuality in order to bolster their enforcement efforts, taking into account such variable factors as the statutes authorizing their arrests, the humors of the courts, and their need to maintain public legitimacy. Lending the authority of the state to their preferred paradigms for understanding sexual deviance, and attaching direct legal penalties to anyone who tried to disagree, the police influenced whether—and when—new scientific research about homosexual men reached the mainstream public and was embraced as authoritative. Even as vice squads’ anti-homosexual campaigns allowed them to amass increasingly sophisticated and rarefied insights into the urban gay world, however, police officers consistently denied their reliance on any “expert” knowledge about homosexuality in court, legitimating their tactics on the basis of public’s ostensibly shared knowledge about gay men. Tracking the history of urban vice policing alongside the shifting landscape of popular knowledge about homosexuality, this project examines both the ambivalent place of “expertise” in public debates about sexual deviance in the United States, and the multifaceted origins and repercussions of the lay public’s evolving knowledge about gay communities in the twentieth century.<br>American Studies
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Weimer, Gregory K. "Policing Slavery: Order and the Development of Early Nineteenth-Century New Orleans and Salvador." FIU Digital Commons, 2015. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2192.
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My dissertation explores the development of policing and slavery in two early nineteenth-century Atlantic cities. This project engages regionally distinct histories through an examination of legislative and police records in New Orleans, Louisiana, and Salvador, Bahia. Through these sources, my dissertation holds that the development of the theories and practices that guided “public order” emerged in similar ways in these Atlantic slaveholding cities. Enslaved people and their actions played an integral role in the evolution of “good order” and its policing. Legislators created laws and institutions to police enslaved people and promote order. In these instances, local government policed slavery through the surveilling and arresting of enslaved people. By mid-century, the prerogative of policing slavery created a comprehensive bureaucratic structure that policed many individuals within the community, not just slaves.
In New Orleans and Salvador, slavery was an important part of policing, but not just in the sense we sometimes assume: as a panicked reaction to real or imagined slave rebellions. As the commercial and demographic development of cities created opportunities for enslaved people, local legislation and institutions formed an important part of policing slavery in New Orleans and Salvador. Local government officials—regional and municipal legislators—responded by passing laws that restricted not only where and how enslaved people worked and lived, but also the police that enforced these laws. Police forces, once created, interpreted and applied the laws passed by legislators. They surveilled and arrested individuals, and their actions sometimes triggered further legislative reforms. Thusly, police forces became representations of public well-being, particularly in relation to slavery. By mid-century, new conceptions of public order made the police an accepted part of urban slavery and urban life more generally in New Orleans and Salvador. At the same time, the police surveilled and arrested free people, not just enslaved people, in the name of promoting orderly slavery.
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Ball, Stephen Andrew. "Policing the land war : official responses to political protest and agrarian crime in Ireland, 1879-91." Thesis, University of London, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.326088.
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Tam, Ho-leung Adrian, and 譚灝樑. "Realism, death and the novel: policing and doctoring in the nineteenth century." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2007. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B41757828.
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Atkin, Michael. "The 1984/85 miners strike in east Durham : a study in contemporary history." Thesis, Durham University, 2001. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/2015/.
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Welsh, David Roy. "The reform of urban policing in Victorian England : a study of Kingston upon Hull from 1836 to 1866." Thesis, University of Hull, 1997. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:4701.
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Chapter 1 introduces the economy, society and politics of Hull in the nineteenth century, concentrating on the middle decades of the century. The characteristics of the old police system in the early 1830s are analysed in chapter 2, along with the proposals which were made for its reform in 1836 and the very similar measures actually introduced. Chapters 3 and 4 constitute the main part of the thesis arranged thematically. A loose distinction can be made between them, with chapter 3 examining what the Hull Police was as a body (its organization, manpower, discipline etc.), while chapter 4 analyses what it did (dealing with crime, public order and issues relevant to serving policemen, etc.). However, it must be stressed that this is not a rigid division of subject matter. Chapter 5 is concerned with two subjects: first, a service provided by the police, fire-fighting, which was usually effective but led to one controversial incident; second, an operational feature of the police, its police stations, which were a recurrent problem for many years until the issue was resolved handsomely. Finally, some of the early policemen are introduced in chapter 6: their working lives are analysed and the effects which this had on them as individuals are considered. The conclusion draws together the main findings of the research and the appendices contain relevant information which is supplementary to the argument and analysis or too detailed to be easily presented in the text or footnotes.
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Jones, Derrick Paul. "The Policing Strategy of Racial Profiling and its Impact on African Americans." ScholarWorks, 2017. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/4000.
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Prior literature on racial profiling indicates that African Americans have been mistreated, harassed, and discriminated against by law enforcement because of this controversial policing strategy. The purpose of this qualitative research study was to bridge the gap in knowledge by analyzing the impact of racial profiling on African American adults and discover whether it contributed to unintentional violence in racial and ethnic minority communities. The theoretical framework for this research study was critical race theory. The research question for this study was: How does racial profiling impact African Americans' perception of the police? This phenomenological research study used purposeful sampling to locate 7 African American participants that were interviewed regarding their lived experience with racial profiling. The data collected from the interviews were organized, sorted, and coded to reveal patterns and themes. The findings revealed that the participants believed that they were discriminated against, harassed, treated like criminals, and profiled by the police because of the color of their skin without just cause. Themes that were identified from the data collected and analyzed revealed that the perceptions of the police contributed to African Americans resentment of the police, which frequently results in violence and loss of human life. The implications for positive social change for this study includes the potential redesign of policing and the criminal justice system, the development of new crime fighting strategies that do not involve racial profiling, the creation of new federal and state laws prohibiting racial profiling, cultural awareness and cultural competency education for all police officers, and improved relationships between police and the African American community.
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Oaksden, Derek John. "The origins and development of policing in Brighton and Hove, 1830-1900 with special reference to local political control." Thesis, University of Brighton, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.260934.
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Torve, Constantin. "The Molly Maguires and the Detectives. : An analysis of the relationship between the use of undercover policingand violent labor conflict." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-445333.
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This paper evaluates the role of private policing in the patterns of violence that were prevalent in the mining regions of eastern Pennsylvania during the 1860s and 1870s, and which were attributed to an Irish secret society called the “Molly Maguires”. This topic has long been subject to academic and political controversy, and the use of agent provocateur tactics by the Pinkerton agency has been strongly suggested, but never conclusively proven. Drawing on existing research on secret societies, private policing, and the role of the agent provocateur, this paper combines two strands of research that have so far largely been discussed separately. The study then attempts to close the gap on the agent provocateur question by applying methods from criminological history. Through treating different sources as conflicting testimonies, as well as using GIS to provide new insights on crime patterns in the region, it analyzes the complex relationship between undercover policing and the groups under its surveillance. The results provide decisive new evidence regarding the agent provocateur question and the role of the Pinkerton agency during the Molly Maguire trials, as well as the character of the surviving evidence.
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Pliley, Jessica Rae. "Any Other Immoral Purpose: The Mann Act, Policing Women, and the American State, 1900 – 1941." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1281537489.
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Trevino-Rangel, Javier. "Policing the past : transitional justice and the special prosecutor's office in Mexico, 2000-2006." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/526/.
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This thesis looks at how Mexico’s new democratic regime led by President Vicente Fox (2000–2006) faced past state crimes perpetrated during the Institutional Revolutionary Party’s (PRI’s) seventy-year authoritarian rule (1929–2000). To test the new regime’s democratic viability, Fox’s administration had to settle accounts with the PRI for the abuses the party had perpetrated in the past, but without upsetting it in order to preserve the stability of the new regime. The PRI was still a powerful political force and could challenge Fox’s efforts to democratise the country. Hence, this thesis offers an explanation of the factors that facilitated the emergence of Mexico’s ‘transitional justice’ process without putting at risk Fox’s relationship with the PRI elite. This thesis is framed by a cluster of literature on transitional justice which follows a social-constructivist approach and it is supported by exhaustive documentary research, which I carried out for six years in public and private archives. This thesis argues that Fox established a Special Prosecutor’s Office (SPO) as he sought to conduct ‘transitional justice’ through the existing structures of power: laws and institutions (e.g., the General Attorney’s Office) administered by members of the previous regime. So, Fox opted to face past abuses but left the task in the hands of the institutions whose members had carried out the crimes or did nothing to prevent them. The PRI rapidly accepted the establishment of the SPO because the most relevant prosecutorial strategy to come to terms with the PRI was arranged by the PRI’s own elite during the authoritarian era – prosecutorial strategy that led to impunity. In this process, the language of human rights played a decisive role as it framed the SPO’s investigations into the past: it determined the kind of violations that qualified for enquiry and, hence, the type of victims who were counted in the process, which perpetrators would be subject to prosecution, and the authorities that would intervene. Categories of human rights violations (e.g. genocide or forced disappearance) were constructed and manipulated in such a way as to grant a de facto amnesty to perpetrators. Fox was able to preserve the stability of the new regime as his prosecutorial strategies never really threatened the PRI elite.
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Svanström, Yvonne. "Policing Public Women : The Regulation of Prostitution in Stockholm 1812-1880." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Ekonomisk-historiska institutionen, 2000. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-13358.
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This dissertation studies the development of a regulation of prostitution in Stockholm during the period 1812-1880. The development of the regulation system is seen in the light of an analytical framework, developed from Carole Pateman's ideas on the sexual contract, and a feministic critique and elaboration of Jürgen Habermas's ideas on the public sphere. The regulation of prostitution was a common characteristic for many metropolises in Europe during the nineteenth century, where supposedly loose and lecherous women were medically and spatially controlled to impede the spread of venereal diseases. Stockholm, and Sweden as a whole, went from a non-gendered to a gendered control of venereal disease, which eventually developed into a spatial control of public women. This study argues that the practices of a regulation system was at first part of an attempt to import what was seen as part of modernisation. Rather than to prohibit extra-marital sexual relations, these were to be controlled and supervised. Eventually the system was adapted to local circumstances in Stockholm, and a control of women's sexuality in public became part of a metropolitan modernity. In the process of the professionalisation of groups such as the police and the physicians, public women were over time perceived as a group of professional prostitutes. The possibility to live off prostitution as a transitory stage in women's lives disappeared, and prostitution became a medically and spatially controlled trade.
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Marhia, Natasha. "Everyday (in)security/(re)securing the everyday : gender, policing and violence against women in Delhi." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/759/.
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This thesis contributes to the literature seeking to reconceptualise human security from a critical feminist perspective. It argues that security is a field of power, implicated in context-specific ways in the (re)production of gendered violences, and that human security must account for how such violences are (re)produced in and through the everyday. It explores how socially and historically embedded security institutions, discourses and practices are implicated in ‘the (violent) reproduction of gender’ (Shepherd 2008), taking as a case study Delhi Police’s initiatives to address violence/crime against women, in response to the city’s notoriety as India’s ‘rape capital’. Drawing on 86 in-depth interviews and 6 months of observational fieldwork with Delhi Police, the thesis shows that Delhi Police have found innovative ways of doing ‘security’ which depart from its association with (masculinist) authority and protection, and which apprehend violences embedded in the everyday. However, the effects are contradictory and ambivalent. Despite challenging some aspects of gender relations, the policing of violence/crime against women also reproduces conditions which enable and sustain the violence. The thesis explores how police discourses construct violence in terms of vulnerability and responsibility, in ways which both normalise and exceptionalise certain violences, and map gendered safety onto normative ideas of sexual integrity such as to reproduce the heteronormativity of marriage as a compulsory institution for women. It investigates the spatial and temporal distancing through which violence/crime against women is constructed, and the consequent reproduction of class differentiation and identification, and normative gender and sexuality. It considers how the unstable gendering of policing, and police work, intersects with and contributes to such constructions of violence/crime against women, and their discursive effects. The thesis concludes with a qualified and partial recuperation of human security as emancipatory – where emancipation is conceived as transforming oppressive power relations, and power is understood in a Foucauldian sense as pervasive, unstable and productive. It highlights the limits of security, and the relativity of its achievability.
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Gismondi, Melissa. ""How far will they go God knows": Slave Policing and the Rise of the South Carolina Association in Charleston, S.C., 1790s-1820s." Thesis, McGill University, 2012. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=110520.
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In 1820 a South Carolinian judge noted that, "the Patrol Law ought to be considered as one of the safe guards of the people of South Carolina…as a security against insurrection; a danger of such a nature that it never can or ought to be lost sight of in the southern states." Just two years later, another judge ruled on a patrol behaving badly. The issue of a militia captain "acting under the colour of authority" arose, and Judge Abraham Nott lamented that if the problem persisted "we are subject to a state of things even worse than that against which they [patrols] were intended to afford us protection." This essay explores slave policing regimes in Charleston, South Carolina, and their relation to political and social changes within the city between the 1790s and 1820s. The project describes problems that arose with slave policing in the years before the 1822 Denmark Vesey rebellion, and then identifies a major shift that followed, in which the South Carolina Association—an elite vigilante group—assumed control of this fundamental dimension of governance within a slave society.<br>En 1820, un juge de la Caroline du Sud a souligné que «la loi de patrouille devrait être considéré comme une mesure de protection pour le peuple de la Caroline du Sud… comme sécurité contre l'insurrection: un danger d'une telle nature qu'il ne doit et ne devrait jamais être perdu de vu dans les états du sud. « Seulement deux ans plus tard, un autre juge a statué sur une patrouille se conduisant mal. Lorsqu'un problème est survenu avec un capitaine de milice qui « agissait sous la bannière de l'autorité », le juge Abraham Nott a déploré que si le problème persiste «nous sommes assujettis à un état des choses encore pire que celui duquel ils (patrouilles) sont destiné à nous protéger. » Cet essaie examine les régimes de patrouille d'esclaves à Charleston en Caroline du Sud et leurs liens avec les changements politiques et sociaux de cette ville entre les années 1790 et 1820. Le projet décrit des problèmes survenus lors de patrouilles d'esclaves dans les années avant la rébellion de Denmark Vesey en 1822 et ensuite identifie un changement majeur qui a suivi, dans lequel la South Carolina Association—un group élite de justicier—a prit la direction de cette dimension fondamentale de la gouvernance dans une société d'esclavage.
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García, Chávez Tania Guadalupe. "Perspectives on community policing : a social constructivist and comparative analysis." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3459/.
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Community policing is one of the more significant recent developments in policing and the notion has been widely discussed and applied around the world. This thesis examines its various conceptions as discussed in the literature and in practice, with particular emphasis being given to the role of trust between police and citizens in this context. The investigation adopts a constructivist and qualitative comparative analysis based in two countries: Mexico and the UK (with two case studies in each country) and with data primarily collected through interviews with samples of police and citizens. Key findings are that: The variety of conceptions about community policing highlight the complex nature of the notion and the many factors shaping its varied practices. Police assumptions as to what constitutes good practice in community policing and what success might look like, deserve to be re-examined. The social constructions that police and citizens hold about community policing provide valuable sources of insight which challenge some of the conventional understandings regarding policing priorities. Trust is a vital ingredient for successful community policing and needs to be based as much on the police trusting citizens and communities as the other way round.
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Saunders, S. J. "The police and the periodical : policing and detection in victorian journalism and the rise of detective fiction, c. 1840-1900." Thesis, Liverpool John Moores University, 2018. http://researchonline.ljmu.ac.uk/9622/.
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This thesis explores the connections between the nineteenth century periodical press and the development of detective fiction, between approximately 1840 and 1900. It argues that these two Victorian developments were closely interrelated, and that each had significant impacts on the other which has hitherto gone underexplored in academic scholarship. The thesis argues that the relationship between the police and the periodical press solidified in the mid-Victorian era, thanks to the simultaneous development of a nationwide system of policing as a result of the passage of the 1856 County and Borough Police Act and the abolition of the punitive 'taxes on knowledge' throughout the 1850s and early 1860s. This established a connection between the police and the periodical, and the police were critically examined in the periodical press for the remainder of the nineteenth century from various perspectives. This, the thesis argues, had a corresponding effect on various kinds of fiction, which began to utilise police officers in new ways - notably including as literary guides and protectors for authors wishing to explore growing urban centres in mid-Victorian cities which had been deemed 'criminal'. 'Detective fiction' in the mid-Victorian era, therefore, was characterised by trust in the police officer to protect middle-class social and economic values. Towards the end of the nineteenth century however, everything changed. The thesis explores how journalistic reporting of a corruption scandal in 1877, as well as the Fenian bombings and Whitechapel murders of the 1880s, contributed to significant changes in the detective genre. This was the construction of the image of the 'bumbling bobby', and the corresponding rise of the private or amateur detective, which ultimately led to the appearance of the character who epitomised the relationship between the police and the periodical - Arthur Conan Doyle's Sherlock Holmes.
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Websdale, Neil Stuart. "I spy with my little eye : a history of the policing of class and gender relations in Eugene, Oregon (USA)." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1991. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10018618/.
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My thesis is that local police in Eugene and Lane County, Oregon, have been integral parts of a process of governmentality which was directed at the constitution and reconstitution of various forms of social order. In terms of class relations we find police mediating and managing a number of antagonisms. This management role took both coercive and consensual forms and was largely concerned with the historical regulation of the proletariat. We witness a more passive role for police in the field of patriarchy. Here law enforcement strategies were non-interventionist vis a vis domestic violence, rape and prostitution. This passivity tended to reproduce the sovereign powers of men over women. In order to grasp the historical function of policing I argue that we must consider its utility in terms of both class and gender relations. While selective policing served to ensure the ongoing governability of the increasing numbers of male wage workers, it also allowed men in general to remain as sovereigns within families. In Section I I draw upon Marxism, Feminism, Poststructuralism and Phenomenology to make explicit my theoretical and methodological approach. My recognition of the importance of human agency is reflected in my use of qualitative sources such as oral histories, government documents, newspapers and court archival material. These sources are augmented by a guarded quantitative analysis of census data, crime statistics and police annual reports. Sections II and III provide historical outlines of national, state and local levels of class (II) and gender (III) relations respectively. In Section IV I discuss the rise of local policing and its relationship to other forms of governmentality. This leads me into a detailed appreciation of the policing of class (V) and gender conflict (VI).
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Pieper, Lindsay Parks. "Policing Womanhood: The International Olympic Committee, Sex Testing and the Maintenance of Hetero-Femininity in Sport." The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1366280376.
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SILVA, Jeffrey Aislan de Souza. "A guarda cívica : policiamento civilizador, criminalidade e conflitos urbanos na história social do Recife (1876-1890)." Universidade Federal Rural de Pernambuco, 2016. http://www.tede2.ufrpe.br:8080/tede2/handle/tede2/5193.
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Previous issue date: 2016-02-23<br>The aim of this work is to propose an analysis of the Civic Guard, a demilitarized force apparatus, at work in the main parishes of Recife, intended to inhibit the deviations, conflicts and crimes, serving between 1876 and 1890. The story of the police equipment in Brazil has been a very complex and exciting topic for researchers who seek to analyze the social transformations and its forms of social control designed to hinder practices considered troublesome and criminal. The Civic Guard was a civil uniformed police apparatus, off-quarters, under the command of the Chief of Police, with the main priority to protect the four central parishes of Recife - São Frei Pedro Gonçalves (now Recife Quarter), São José, Santo Antônio and Boa Vista - which were the main target of urban improvements experienced by the city in the period screen. In 1880, the guard was extended to the Parish of Freguesia de Nossa Senhora da Graça, and in 1890 to Afogados. Several changes and improvements could be seen, however, population behavior, especially the poorer classes, had no major changes. Therefore, we believe that the Civic Guard was formed in one of the projects set to Recife in the nineteenth century in an attempt to fight crime and discipline the population, since the squares of the institution should behave civilized, polite and courteous to all, with the new way to behave in the urban environment. In our analysis of this police force - using as base police sources and the press - we will emphasize its activities in combating criminal offenses and practices, showing that in many instances the institution has completely distanced itself from its civilizing project.<br>O objetivo desta dissertação é propor uma análise sobre a Guarda Cívica, um aparato policial desmilitarizado, posto para atuar nas principais freguesias do Recife, com intenção de inibir os desvios, conflitos e crimes, atuando entre 1876 e 1890. A história dos aparatos policiais no Brasil tem se mostrado um tema bastante complexo e instigante para os pesquisadores que buscam analisar as transformações sociais e as formas de controle social criados para dificultar práticas consideradas desordeiras e criminosas. A Guarda Cívica foi um aparato policial uniformizado, civil e desaquartelado, que estava sob comando do Chefe de Polícia, tendo como principal função fazer o policiamento nas quatro freguesias centrais do Recife – São Frei Pedro Gonçalves (hoje Bairro do Recife), São José, Santo Antônio e Boa Vista – que eram os principais alvos dos melhoramentos urbanos vivenciados pela cidade no período em tela. Em 1880, o policiamento efetuado pela instituição foi estendido para a Freguesia de Nossa Senhora da Graça, e em 1890 para Afogados. A cidade do Recife apresentou diversas mudanças e melhoramentos materiais, entretanto, o comportamento da população, principalmente as classes mais pobres não apresentou grandes mudanças. Portanto, acreditamos que a Guarda Cívica se constituiu em um dos projetos instituídos para o Recife no século XIX, na tentativa de combater a criminalidade e disciplinar a população, já que as praças da instituição deveriam se portar civilizados, polidos e corteses com todos, apresentando a nova maneira de se comportar no ambiente urbano. Em nossa análise sobre esse aparato policial, utilizando como base fontes policiais e a imprensa, enfatizaremos sua atuação no combate as práticas criminosas e delitos, mostrando que em muitos momentos a instituição se distanciou completamente de seu projeto civilizador.
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Davison, N. "Bradford Non-Lethal Weapons Research Project (BNLWRP). Occasional Paper No. 1. The Early History of ¿Non-Lethal¿ Weapons." University of Bradford, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/3994.
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yes<br>This paper explores the early history of ¿non-lethal¿1 weapons development
covering the period from the 1960¿s, when several diverse weapons were first
grouped together in one category and described as ¿non-lethal¿ by law
enforcement end-users and policymakers, until 1989, just before the hugely
increased interest in the field that developed during the 1990¿s amongst both
police and military organisations. It describes the origins and emergence of
new weapons, examining this process with reference to technological
advances, wider socio-political context, legal developments, and evolution of
associated institutional structures. Developments in both the policing and
military spheres are considered as well as the interconnections between
them. Necessarily this paper focuses on events in the US2, in part because it
led the way in this field but also because sources of information on US
activities are more readily available.3.
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Tillyer, Rob. "Social Conditioning of Police Officers: Exploring the interactive effects of driver demographics on traffic stop outcomes." Cincinnati, Ohio : University of Cincinnati, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view.cgi?acc_num=ucin1222898894.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Cincinnati, 2008.<br>Advisor: Robin Engel. Title from electronic thesis title page (viewed Feb.25, 2009). Keywords: Policing; Racial Profiling; Social Conditioning Model. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references.
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Savoie, Jo-Ann Helen. "Skills women bring to the position of chief of police." ScholarWorks, 2015. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/1933.
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Organizational leaders are unaware of the gender-specific leadership skillsets women possess to increase organizational effectiveness and how to address potential barriers for assuring these skillsets are recognized as effective. Of the estimated 69,000 police officers serving in Canada, approximately 14,000 are women. Of those 14,000, only 10% hold a senior rank, and less than 3% hold the position of Chief of Police. Technology speed, globalized crime, and shrinking budgets have created a need for a new style of leader in policing, and increasing the representation of women may address this need. This multiple case study used the concept of doing gender and transformational leadership for its conceptual framework, and was designed to identify the skillsets that women bring to the chief of police position to increase the effectiveness of recruiting and promotional boards' decision process. Data were gathered from government resources, newspaper articles, and information provided by 13 female participants who had held the position of Chief of Police in Canada. Coding and analyzing the responses showed 3 underlying themes that the participants considered mandatory for the position of chief of police: higher education, political and business acumen, and effective interpersonal skills. Higher education improves critical and creative thinking, while enhancing analytical skills and improved understanding of self. Political and business acumen is important for women, as their voices are often marginalized in community dialogue, and effective interpersonal skills. The implications for positive social change include promoting awareness of the skillsets women can develop while maximizing existing resource talent.
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Haidinger, Brendan. "THE NAPOLEONIC EMPIRE AND THE MAKING OF A MODERN PUBLIC: POLICING, POLITICS, AND PARADES IN NINETEENTH-CENTURY HAMBURG, 1806-1830." VCU Scholars Compass, 2013. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/3111.
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Despite the attention historians have given to the Revolutionary and Napoleonic eras in Central Europe, few works have sought to understand these events' reverberations throughout the nineteenth century in a local or regional context. Taking the northern German city of Hamburg as its focal point, this study investigates the change in the urban political culture affected by eight years of Napoleonic occupation. In the process of replacing Hamburg's sprawling and archaic government with one characterized by Gallic centralization and rigor, the French introduced a new style of politics that relied on consistent, public, and martial presentations of its authority. This public presence was heightened not only by the implementation of modern policing techniques, but also by a series of choreographed, ideologically-charged public spectacles whose effectiveness relied on a clever manipulation and politicization of urban space.
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Kenck-Crispin, Douglas Jon. "Charles A. Moose: Race, Community Policing, and Portland's First African American Police Chief." PDXScholar, 2017. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3412.
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In 1993, Charles Moose became Portland, Oregon's first black police chief. A nationally recognized student of the developing theories of community policing, Chief Moose's promotion was also hoped to help strengthen the diversity of the Portland Police Bureau. Ultimately, Portlanders were unable to look past Moose's public outbursts and demeanor and recognize his accomplishments. As a city, they missed an opportunity.
This thesis uses transcripts of speeches and policy papers to present some political history to the reader, but also letters to the mayor's office, letters to the editor and the like to consider the social history of 1990's Portland. Some specific touchpoints of Moose's administration are considered, including when he and his wife Sandy moved to the King Neighborhood, the Daniel Binns birthday party and the resulting march on Moose's home, his outburst at the City Council, and other examples of his legendary anger. Moose's role in gentrification, and the policies he created for the Portland Police Bureau to lead that charge will not be ignored. All the while, the context of Oregon's racist heritage is forefront in this paper.
By 1999, Charles Moose had left the bureau and accepted a job in Maryland. He was selected for many of the accomplishments that the Portland public had criticized him for. Ultimately, this study will show that Portland missed an opportunity to discuss how they wanted to be policed, and what philosophies they wanted their enforcers to personify.
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Lar, Jimam Timchang [Verfasser], and Achim von [Akademischer Betreuer] Oppen. "Vigilantism, State, and Society in Plateau State, Nigeria : A History of Plural Policing ; (1950 to the present) / Jimam Timchang Lar. Betreuer: Achim von Oppen." Bayreuth : Universität Bayreuth, 2016. http://d-nb.info/1099428491/34.
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Rigg, Kevin. "From 'pounding the pavement' to 'pushing the pedal' : a constable's perspective of the detraditionalisation of policing in a small county borough police force, 1947-1968." Thesis, Teesside University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10149/301646.
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Published academic research on the social history of small county borough police forces during the post-war period, in England and Wales, is virtually non-existent. Yet these forces represented a third of the police establishment. Moreover, the period saw the most radical transformation of police practices since the formation of the police. A social characteristic of the period was an increase in individualism and a rejection of traditional authority that occurred in tandem with changes to the economy and a boom in consumerism and technology. Such modification in the way society operated is termed as ‘detraditionalisation’. For the first time this research answers the question, ‘what was the experience of a constable in a small county borough police force whilst facing the change process brought about by detraditionalisation in society, and changes intrinsic to the police, in the period 1947-1968’. Using oral history methods to create unique primary data from the testimony of 36 former constables employed in a small county borough police force in the north east of England, this thesis captures their viewpoint of the recruiting process, training and socialisation. It chronicles their recollection of day-to-day duty and captures their experience of significant changes in working practices. It provides a constable’s perspective; a ‘bottom up’ approach. The problem of recruiting experienced at a national level was not universal. Indoctrination and socialisation of constables into a strong occupational culture nurtured ‘easing’ activities and ensured a strict hierarchy within peer groups, and the organisation. The job offered limited scope to express individualism. Foot patrol consisted of mundane repetitive duty within an organisation requiring strict conformity where new recruits often struggled to ‘fit in’. The introduction of technology and new patrol systems, such as personal radio communication, greater mobility and the unit beat system, increased the demands made of the police rather than reducing them. Generational differences in attitudes and opinions of constables were most apparent at times of change. However, transformations to policing methods together with amalgamation into a larger force led to improved man-management, enhanced career prospects and greater standardisation in procedures. The working conditions of a small conservative institution, resistant to changing its traditional approach to constables, stifled individualism and enforced conformism. This added to the difficulties of policing a society in the process of modernisation, and in a state of flux. Technology and amalgamation however, paved the way for greater individualism. Detraditionalisation within constables was not a concept welcomed in the small county borough police force.
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Dahlgren, Johanna. "Kvinnor i polistjänst : Föreningen Kamraterna, Svenska polisförbundet och kvinnors inträde i polisyrket 1957-1971 /." Umeå : Institutionen för historiska studier, Umeå universitet, Print& Media), 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-1142.
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KADLECK, COLLEEN. "POLICE UNIONS: AN EMPIRICAL EXAMINATION." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2001. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin997187643.
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Horn, Glynell R. Jr. "A History of Distrust: How Knowing the Law Impacts African American Males' Perceptions of Police Encounters." Antioch University / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=antioch1626786154971696.
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Grover, Amy. "The Ku Klux Klan in Orange County, Florida Post World War II and their Policing of the White Segment of the Population." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2006. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1225.
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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.<br>Bachelors<br>Arts and Sciences<br>History
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Davison, N. "Bradford Non-Lethal Weapons Research Project (BNLWRP). Occasional Paper No. 3. The Contemporary Development of ¿Non-Lethal¿ Weapons." University of Bradford, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/3996.
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yes<br>This is the third in a series of Occasional Papers published by the Bradford
Non-Lethal Weapons Research Project. It addresses the contemporary
development of anti-personnel ¿non-lethal¿1 weapons, covering the period
from 2000 to 2006 inclusive2 and focusing on the research and development
programmes of the US Department of Defense and Department of Justice.
Following Occasional Paper No. 1, The Early History of "Non-Lethal"
Weapons,3 and Occasional Paper No. 2, The Development of ¿Non-Lethal¿
Weapons During the 1990¿s,4 this paper completes our analysis of the overall
development of ¿non-lethal¿ weapons from their inception up to the present
day.
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Roach, Lawrence T. "The origins and impact of the function of crime investigation and detection in the British police service." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2004. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/7632.
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In this thesis the process by which crime investigation, detection and prosecution became an integral function of the British police service is analysed through an examination of public records, contemporary papers and documents, and by reference to the literature on policing. The impact of the adoption of that function on the role, organisation and management of modem British policing is then assessed. It is established that at its foundation by Robert Peel's Metropolitan Police Act of 1829, the British professional police service was intended to be a purely preventive and protective body of uniformed patrolling constables. The function of crime investigation, detection and criminal prosecution was then subsequently added to its responsibilities by government using administrative rather than any democratic or legislative means, thus creating the present dual crime prevention and crime detection role of the police. Major recurrentp roblemse xperiencedb y the modemB ritish police servicea re identified as arising from that change in its original functions and purposes, and proposals for action to resolve them are set out.
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Fernandez, Delia M. "From Spanish-Speaking to Latino: Mexicans and Puerto Ricans in West Michigan, 1924-1978." The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1437439370.
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Wright, Miriam Carol. "Newfoundland and Canada : the evolution of fisheries development policies, 1940-1966 /." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp05/nq23114.pdf.
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Prieur, Florent Marcel. "Dompter une ville en colère : Genèse, conception et mise en œuvre de la police d’État de Lyon 1800-1870." Thesis, Lyon 2, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LYO20076.
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La loi du 19 juin 1851 qui étatise la police de Lyon marque une rupture majeure dans l’histoire du maintien de l’ordre en France. Depuis la Révolution française, les maires ont en effet été chargés de la police dans toutes les communes françaises, Paris exceptée. À partir de 1851, Lyon fait donc figure d’exception. Parce qu’elle s’est signalée par ses colères récurrentes depuis la fin du XVIIIe siècle, qu’elle est considérée comme la capitale du sud-est de la France et que sa population apparaît unanimement comme rétive à toute forme de domination, elle passe pour une cité rebelle. Dans le contexte d’un « Printemps des peuples » marqué par les soulèvements réguliers des partisans de la République démocratique et sociale, en juin 1848 puis en juin 1849, Lyon devient aux yeux des autorités, le quartier général de tous ceux qui veulent renverser l’ordre social en France voire en Europe. Or, durant cette période, la police lyonnaise donne chaque jour les preuves d’une défaillance complète face à la criminalité et à la délinquance, malgré une réorganisation générale tentée à l’automne 1848. En réaction, le pouvoir parisien place progressivement Lyon « hors du droit commun ». La ville et ses faubourgs sont d’abord privés de leurs gardes nationales en juillet 1848, lesquelles ne seront jamais réorganisées, à la différence des autres municipalités, car elles sont perçues, entre Rhône et Saône, comme peu sûres, faibles face à l’émeute et promptes à se retourner contre l’armée et la police. Le 15 juin 1849, une nouvelle insurrection éclate à Lyon. Réprimée par l’armée, elle enclenche la réforme générale de l’organisation administrative et policière de la ville et des faubourgs. Dans l’immédiat, Lyon et les cinq départements de la 6e division militaire sont placés et maintenus en état de siège. Tentée une première fois à l’automne 1849, la réforme aboutit avec la loi du 19 juin 1851. Désormais, Lyon jouit d’une police étatisée, aux mains d’un préfet du Rhône devenu préfet de police, agissant dans une nouvelle entité administrative, l’agglomération lyonnaise, qui regroupe une douzaine de communes et faubourgs. Le décret du 24 mars 1852 fait aboutir cette réforme, en supprimant le maire et en attribuant ses fonctions au préfet, en annexant les communes suburbaines et en divisant la ville en cinq arrondissements. Sur le plan policier, les services sont réorganisés jusqu’en 1854, sur la base des modèles parisien, londonien et genevois. La police d’État lyonnaise traverse le Second Empire et devient le modèle à partir duquel les polices des préfectures de plus de 40 000 habitants sont étatisées en 1855. Cette pérennité de la police d’État ne doit pourtant pas dissimuler une contestation permanente de son existence au cours des années 1860, au Corps législatif puis au Conseil général du Rhône. Les élus républicains demandent en effet la restitution à Lyon d’une municipalité élue, prélude au retour de la ville dans le « droit commun » sur le plan policier. Progressivement, la surveillance politique de l’agglomération s’avère difficile à assurer et les effectifs policiers apparaissent insuffisants. C’est néanmoins la défaite de Sedan qui aura raison de la police d’État. La République proclamée, la municipalité lyonnaise tout juste recomposée reprend immédiatement la direction du maintien de l’ordre le 4 septembre 1870<br>The law of 19th June 1851 which establishes state control over the police of Lyon marks a major break in the history of urban policing in France. Since the French Revolution, mayors were in charged of the police in all the French municipalities, Paris excepted. From 1851, Lyon thus became an exception. Because it differenced itself by its recurring revolts since the end of the XVIIIth century, because it is considered as the capital of the southeast-part of France and because its population appeared unanimously as refusing any kind of domination, it was considered as a rebel city. During the "people’s spring" marked by the regular uprisings of the partisans of the democratic and social Republic, in June, 1848 then in June, 1849, Lyon became for the authorities, the headquarters of all those who wanted to turn upside down social order in France and even in Europe. Yet, during this period, the police of Lyon gave daily proofs of a total failure to fight criminality, in spite of a general reorganization tempted in autumn 1848.In reaction, the Parisian power gradually put Lyon "outside the common law". The city and its suburbs were firstly deprived of their national guards in July 1848, unlike the other municipalities, because its guards were perceived, between the Rhône and the Saône, as weak in front of riots and quick to turn around against the army and the police. On June 15th 1849, a new uprising burst in Lyon. Repressed by the army, it engaged the general reform of the administrative and police organization of the city and the suburbs. Lyon and the five departments of the 6th military division had immediately been are placed and maintained under state of siege. Firstly tried in autumn 1849, the reform succeeded with the law of 19th June 1851. From then on, Lyon had a state-controlled police, in the hands of the prefect of the Rhône who became a prefect of police, acting in a new administrative entity, the Lyon agglomeration, which included a dozen municipalities and suburbs. The decree of March 24th, 1852 made this reform succeed, by suppressing the mayor and by attributing its functions to the prefect, by annexing the suburban municipalities and by dividing the city into five districts. On the police plan, services were reorganized until 1854, on the basis of the models of Paris, London and Geneva.The State police of Lyon crossed the Second Empire and became the model from which the polices of the prefectures of more than 40 000 inhabitants passed under state control in 1855. Nevertheless, the State police is contested during the 1860s, in the Legislative Corps and the General Council of the Rhône. The republican asked for the restoration of an elected municipality in Lyon, seen as the first step of the return of the city in the police "common law". Gradually, political surveillance of the urban space became increasingly difficult, and the police staff seemed insufficient. Nevertheless, it was the defeat of Sedan that would mark the end of the State police. Once the Republic had been proclaimed, the municipality of Lyon just recomposed took back immediately the direction of the police on September 4th, 1870
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Wang, Lingling. "CEO employment history and risk-taking in firm policies." unrestricted, 2009. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-04292009-150418/.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Georgia State University, 2009.<br>Title from file title page. Harley E. Ryan, committee chair; Conrad Ciccotello, Omesh Kini, Jayant Kale, committee members. Description based on contents viewed July 1, 2009. Includes bibliographical references (p. 72-74).
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Simpson, Steve. "History, Context, and Policies of a Learning Object Repository." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/20541.
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Learning object repositories, a form of digital libraries, are robust systems that provide educators new ways to search for educational resources, collaborate with peers, and provide instruction to students in unique and varied ways. This study examines a learning object repository created by a large suburban school district to increase teaching information and encourage collaboration among teachers. Despite investing nearly $2 million to develop the software and seed the repository with materials, data suggest that teacher use falls below set goals. This document explores five years of site traffic, user engagement, social interaction, asset growth, as well as the authoring of instructional materials as a means to evaluate the repository. The results of the study may inform the policy decisions of educational organizations when considering digital learning environments.
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Thompson, Kathleen. "The history of the adoption myth, adoption policies in Saskatchewan." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ39159.pdf.
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Wang, Lingling. "CEO Risk Taking and Firm Policies: Evidence from CEO Employment History." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2009. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/finance_diss/15.
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I propose that CEO employment history is an observable characteristic that reveals the CEO’s unobservable risk-taking preferences. I hypothesize that CEOs that change employers more frequently (mobile CEOs) have a propensity to bear risk and implement riskier firm policies. Using a sample of S&P 1500 CEOs, I find that firms are more likely to hire mobile CEOs when the firm’s prior risk is high, firm-specific human capital is less important, the prior CEO turnover is forced, the prior CEO has a shorter tenure and the board is smaller and has fewer insiders. Mobile CEOs increase financial leverage, invest more in advertising and less in capital expenditures, and increase firm-specific risk. Mobile CEOs invest more (less) in R&D in homogenous (heterogeneous) industries where firm-specific knowledge is less (more) important in making investment decisions. Shareholders react positively to appointments of CEOs who change employers more frequently. I find no difference in long-run accounting performance for CEOs with different employment histories. Firms’ annual stock returns and sales growth are higher for CEOs who change employers more frequently. The cost of debt increases after the firm appoints a mobile CEO. These findings suggest that lower CEO risk aversion and the potential risk-shifting from shareholders to bondholders are sources of shareholder value increases. In sum, my findings provide evidence that CEO employment history is an observable characteristic that reveals the risk-taking preference of the CEO.