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1

Mulcahy, A. "Policing History." British Journal of Criminology 40, no. 1 (2000): 68–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/bjc/40.1.68.

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2

Brown, Robert A. "POLICING IN AMERICAN HISTORY." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 16, no. 1 (2019): 189–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x19000171.

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AbstractThis article examines the historical evolution of policing in America with a focus on race. Specifically, it is argued that racial bias has deep roots in American policing, and reforms in policing and American society have not eliminated the detrimental experiences of Blacks who encounter the police. Historical information and contemporary empirical research indicate that, even when legal and other factors are equal, Blacks continue to experience the coercive and lethal aspects of policing relative to their non-Black counterparts.
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3

Roger, Colin. "Policing: A Short History." Crime Prevention and Community Safety 4, no. 4 (2002): 75–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.cpcs.8140173.

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4

Liang, B. "Chinese Policing: History and Reform." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 39, no. 2 (2010): 213–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094306110361589bbb.

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5

Xu, Feng. "Policing Chinese Politics: A History." Canadian Journal of Political Science 39, no. 2 (2006): 454–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423906389986.

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Policing Chinese Politics: A History, Michael Dutton, Durham: Duke University Press, pp. xiii, 411.This book is an empirically rich illumination of Carl Schmitt's notion that “the political” rests ultimately on a friend/enemy distinction. It depicts “the birth, life and death cycle” of this ever-shifting dynamic in modern Chinese history (303–4), through the lens of the coupling of the political with policing. The result is a tale that must enhance the reputation of this already-respected political scientist.
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6

McCormick, Barrett. "Policing Chinese Politics: A History." Perspectives on Politics 5, no. 03 (2007): 656. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592707071976.

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7

Benton, Mark. "Communicating Reform: Testing an Apology for Police History as a Supplement to a Policy Communication." American Review of Public Administration 52, no. 1 (2021): 46–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02750740211048887.

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Policing in the United States has a racist history, with negative implications for its legitimacy among African Americans today. Legitimacy is important for policing's effective operations. Community policing may improve policing's legitimacy but is difficult to implement with fidelity and does not address history. An apology for policing's racist history may work as a legitimizing supplement to community policing. On the other hand, an apology may be interpreted as words without changes in practices. Using a survey vignette experiment on Amazon's Mechanical Turk to sample African Americans, this research tests the legitimizing effect of a supplemental apology for historical police racism during a community policing policy announcement. Statistical findings suggest that supplementing the communication with an apology imparted little to no additional legitimacy on policing among respondents. Qualitative data suggested a rationale: Apologies need not indicate future equitable behavior or policy implementation, with implementation itself seeming crucial for police legitimacy improvements.
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8

Wilson, Dean. "Policing poverty." Australian Historical Studies 36, no. 125 (2005): 97–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10314610508682913.

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9

Morris, Robert M. "Rawlings, Philip, Policing: A Short History." Crime, Histoire & Sociétés 6, no. 1 (2002): 135–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/chs.256.

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10

Johnson, Brian R. "Book Review: Policing: A Short History." Police Quarterly 5, no. 3 (2002): 409–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/109861102129198219.

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11

Schnurbush, Kim E. "Policing in Milwaukee: a strategic history." Police Practice and Research 17, no. 6 (2016): 599–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15614263.2016.1221525.

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12

Jabbar, Naheem. "Policing native pleasures: a colonial history." British Journal of Sociology 63, no. 4 (2012): 704–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-4446.2012.01433.x.

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13

Rawlings, Philip. "The idea of policing: A history." Policing and Society 5, no. 2 (1995): 129–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10439463.1995.9964718.

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14

Beaujon, Danielle. "Policing Colonial Migrants." French Historical Studies 42, no. 4 (2019): 655–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-7689212.

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Abstract In 1923 the Parisian Municipal Council created a special police unit to control North Africans in Paris, known as the Brigade Nord-Africaine (BNA). During its twenty-year tenure, the BNA controlled the North Africans they policed through intimation and violence, but also through personal knowledge of the community. The BNA's harsh tactics had to be balanced by its officers' admitted reliance on North Africans for information. This article explores both the uniquely discriminatory and colonial nature of the BNA and the nuanced, intimate relationships that developed between the officers and the North African community. A repatriation of colonial control, the BNA reified the difference of those it policed, uniquely targeting North Africans but also offering a space of possible agency for them in interwar Paris. The BNA gives us insight into policing in the 1930s, demonstrating the acceptability of targeted policing but also showing the limits of coercive power. En 1923, le Conseil municipal de Paris créa une brigade destinée à contrôler les Nord-Africains domiciliés à Paris : la Brigade nord-africaine (BNA). Pendant ses vingt années d'existence, la BNA employa non seulement l'intimidation et la violence, mais aussi des tactiques reposant sur une connaissance intime de la communauté, pour contrôler celle-ci. Le travail de la BNA exigeait un équilibre entre la répression et une entente avec la communauté nord-africaine qui fournissait des renseignements essentiels aux officiers. Cet article examine d'une part la nature discriminatoire et coloniale de la BNA et d'autre part, les rapports intimes et nuancés qui se tissèrent entre la brigade et les Nord-Africains. Rapatriant à Paris des formes de contrôle coloniales, la BNA contribua à réifier la différence des Nord-Africains qu'elle surveillait tout en leur offrant une certaine capacité d'action limitée. Etudier la BNA permet d'élucider les préjugés des policiers de l'époque, tout comme les limites de leur pouvoir coercitif.
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15

Marquis, Greg. "The History of Policing in the Maritime Provinces." Articles 19, no. 2 (2013): 84–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1017677ar.

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This article is an overview of the development of policing in the Maritime provinces and a commentary on the potential of such research to augment our understanding of the urban past. Police records, it is argued, are important social indicators which can reveal more than crime or fear of crime in a community. The article discusses police records and statistics; 19th century urban policing; early 20th century themes such as technology and Prohibition; the role of the Provincial police and Royal Canadian Mounted Police in the region; police and labour and police organizations. It concludes that researchers should be sensitive to both 'hard' and 'soft' police policies and pay special attention to the police service role.
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16

Kalman, Samuel. "Policing the French Empire." Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques 46, no. 2 (2020): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/hrrh.2020.460201.

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Commenting on the colonial setting in its twilight during the Algerian War of Independence, Frantz Fanon famously observed: “Le travail du colon est de rendre impossible jusqu’aux rêves de liberté du colonisé. Le travail du colonisé est d’imaginer toutes les combinaisons éventuelles pour anéantir le colon (the task of the colonizer is to make impossible even the dreams of liberty of the colonized. The task of the colonized is to conceive of every possible strategy to wipe out the colonizer).”
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17

Jaffe, James. "Policing the Factory: Theft, Private Policing and the Law in Modern England." Social History 39, no. 2 (2014): 277–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2014.896534.

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18

Wilson, Dean. "Predictive Policing Management: A Brief History of Patrol Automation." New Formations 98, no. 98 (2019): 139–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/newf:98.09.2019.

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Predictive policing has attracted considerably scholarly attention. Extending the promise of being able to interdict crime prior to its commission, it seemingly promised forms of anticipatory policing that had previously existed only in the realms of science fiction. The aesthetic futurism that attended predictive policing did, however, obscure the important historical vectors from which it emerged. The adulation of technology as a tool for achieving efficiencies in policing was evident from the 1920s in the United States, reaching sustained momentum in the 1960s as the methods of Systems Analysis were applied to policing. Underpinning these efforts resided an imaginary of automated patrol facilitated by computerised command and control systems. The desire to automate police work has extended into the present, and is evident in an emergent platform policing – cloud-based technological architectures that increasingly enfold police work. Policing is consequently datafied, commodified and integrated into the circuits of contemporary digital capitalism.
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19

Mühlhahn, Klaus. "Policing Chinese Politics: A History. Michael Dutton." China Journal 57 (January 2007): 144–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/tcj.57.20066245.

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20

Zhang, Yan. "Policing in Hong Kong: history and reform." Police Practice and Research 18, no. 1 (2016): 100–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15614263.2016.1250512.

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21

Prenzler, Tim. "Policing in Hong Kong: history and reform." Policing and Society 28, no. 3 (2017): 379–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10439463.2017.1344422.

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22

Dirlik, Arif. "Book Review: Policing Chinese Politics: A History." China Information 20, no. 2 (2006): 324–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0920203x06068386.

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23

Odeyemi, Temitayo Isaac, and A. Sat Obiyan. "Digital policing technologies and democratic policing." International Journal of Police Science & Management 20, no. 2 (2018): 97–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461355718763448.

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The police are expected to perform functions critical to relations between the government and citizens in democratic societies. However, in Nigeria, the reality is that the police organisation suffers limitations that undermine effective and democratic policing. Although the Nigeria Police Force has a long and chequered history, its services are dogged by challenges including adversarial police–citizen relations and mutual suspicion and police misconduct. To address these problems and enhance policing, the Nigeria Police Force has deployed digital technologies through a Complaint Response Unit [later renamed the Public Complaint Rapid Response Unit (PCRRU)]. The PCRRU allows the public to connect with the police through dedicated phone numbers for calls and SMS, and a round-the-clock presence on Twitter, Facebook, WhatsApp, Blackberry Messenger and a mobile application. Although this initiative often draws attention and commendation, it also raises doubts about sustenance and utility value. Drawing on David Easton’s input–output nexus as a theoretical underpinning on the one hand, and data sourced through expert opinion interviews and web measurement on the other hand, this article investigates how these digital policing technologies, through the PCRRU, enhance efforts at mutually rewarding police–citizen relations and police accountability, as requisites of democratic policing, in Nigeria. The findings expand discussion on the dimensions of Nigeria’s police–citizen relations and the potentials of technology in promoting positive outcomes. The findings also suggest means through which police managers can optimise technology in ways that aid strategic efforts at improving public security.
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24

Nielsen, Christian Axboe. "Policing Yugoslavism." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 23, no. 1 (2009): 34–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325408326789.

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From its proclamation on 6 January 1929 to the assassination of King Aleksandar on 9 October 1934, his dictatorship systematically strove to indoctrinate the diverse Yugoslav population into a rejection of their previous identities in favor of a unitary Yugoslav national identity. Through a combination of massive new legislation and zealous use of the state's repressive organs, the regime's agents monitored and coerced the entire population of the country. Extensive archival documentation permits a depiction of the effects of the regime on ordinary Yugoslav citizens, hitherto almost completely neglected in histories focusing on political and social elites. Ultimately, King Aleksandar's Yugoslav project, unique in Yugoslav history, resulted more in the construction of an elaborate police state and arguably severely damaged the long-term prospects for a voluntarily held unitary Yugoslav identity.
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25

Li, Lillian M., and Frederic Wakeman. "Policing Shanghai, 1927-1937." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 28, no. 1 (1997): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/206228.

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26

Smyth, Jim. "Policing Ireland." Capital & Class 23, no. 3 (1999): 101–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030981689906900107.

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27

MARINELLI, MAURIZIO. "Policing Chinese Politics: A History By Michael Dutton." History 92, no. 307 (2007): 373–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229x.2007.401_7.x.

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28

Bruner, Justin P. "POLICING EPISTEMIC COMMUNITIES." Episteme 10, no. 4 (2013): 403–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/epi.2013.34.

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AbstractI examine how particular social arrangements and incentive structures encourage the honest reporting of experimental results and minimize fraudulent scientific work. In particular I investigate how epistemic communities can achieve this goal by promoting members to police the community. Using some basic tools from game theory, I explore a simple model in which scientists both conduct research and have the option of investigating the findings of their peers. I find that this system of peer policing can in many cases ensure high levels of honesty.
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29

Kuhn, Philip A., and Frederic Wakeman. "Policing Shanghai 1927-1938." American Historical Review 101, no. 3 (1996): 895. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2169544.

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30

Richter, Donald, and Philip Thurmond Smith. "Policing Victorian London: Political Policing, Public Order, and the London Metropolitan Police." American Historical Review 92, no. 5 (1987): 1211. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1868539.

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31

Scoggins, Suzanne E. "Policing Modern China." China Law and Society Review 3, no. 2 (2018): 79–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25427466-00302001.

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The study of policing in China is a small but growing subfield with critical insights for law and society scholars. This article examines the fundamentals of policing, tracing the organization’s history and institutional basics before turning to a review of the emerging literature. Scholars have made headway analyzing topics like policing practices, social control, public relations, and police perspectives, but there is still much work to be done. Partly because research on the police faces methodological challenges, the literature is uneven, leaving gaps in our knowledge about key issues such as police corruption, regional variation, and the relationship between police and private security groups. By outlining what we do and do not know about policing in China, this article parses the field’s best answers to questions of how police officers and the Public Security Bureau enforce state mandates and respond to challenges on the ground.
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32

Waldrep, Christopher. "National Policing, Lynching, and Constitutional Change." Journal of Southern History 74, no. 3 (2008): 589. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27650230.

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33

Ball, Larry D., and William R. Hunt. "Distant Justice: Policing the Alaskan Frontier." Western Historical Quarterly 19, no. 3 (1988): 346. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/968266.

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34

Bailey, Victor, and Carolyn Steedman. "Policing the Victorian Community." Economic History Review 38, no. 4 (1985): 651. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2597209.

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35

Blom-Cooper, Louis. "Policing parades." Index on Censorship 26, no. 4 (1997): 35–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064229708536175.

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36

Ben-Ishai, Ofra. "The Missing Policing." Israel Studies Review 35, no. 2 (2020): 9–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2020.350203.

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The Israeli army’s policing since 1967 has raised public awareness of the suffering of the Palestinian population, thereby implicating it as a key player in the Israeli political debate. This article discusses how policing has been presented in the leading military journals Ma’arakhot and Bein HaKtavim from 1967 to 2018. It argues that this coverage has served to mitigate the controversy by avoiding the explicit term ‘policing’ and replacing it with euphemisms that construct it differently in three distinct periods. In particular, since early in the twenty-first century, these journals have suggested alternative terms, which provide policing with hybrid military connotations that respond to pressure from both nationalist and liberal groups. New terms such as ‘the war between the wars’ promote broad public acceptance of the intractable nature of the conflict and legitimize the need to use violence.
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37

Pat, O'Mally, and Darren Palmer. "Post-Keynesian policing." Economy and Society 25, no. 2 (1996): 137–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03085149600000007.

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38

Peak, Ken. "Policing and Crime in Indian Country: History, Issues, Challenges." Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice 10, no. 2 (1994): 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/104398629401000202.

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39

Holtzman, Benjamin. "A History of Private Policing in the United States." Journal of American History 106, no. 4 (2020): 1105–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaz784.

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40

Kania, Richard R. E. "A Brief History of a Venerable Paradigm in Policing." Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice 20, no. 1 (2004): 80–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1043986203262311.

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41

Wunder, John R., and William R. Hunt. "Distant Justice: Policing the Alaska Frontier." American Journal of Legal History 33, no. 4 (1989): 367. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/845287.

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42

Lender, Mark Edward, and Harry M. Ward. "George Washington's Enforcers: Policing the Continental Army." Journal of Southern History 73, no. 4 (2007): 879. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27649579.

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43

Nielson, Jonathan M., and William R. Hunt. "Distant Justice: Policing the Alaskan Frontier." Journal of American History 75, no. 2 (1988): 632. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1887940.

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44

Lemov, Rebecca. "An Episode in the History of PreCrime." Historical Studies in the Natural Sciences 48, no. 5 (2018): 637–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/hsns.2018.48.5.637.

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This article traces the rise of “predictive” attitudes to crime prevention. After a brief summary of the current spread of predictive policing based on person-centered and place-centered mathematical models, an episode in the scientific study of future crime is examined. At UCLA between 1969 and 1973, a well-funded “violence center” occasioned great hopes that the quotient of human “dangerousness”—potential violence against other humans—could be quantified and thereby controlled. At the core of the center, under the direction of interrogation expert and psychiatrist Louis Jolyon West, was a project to gather unprecedented amounts of behavioral data and centrally store it to identify emergent crime. Protesters correctly seized on the violence center as a potential site of racially targeted experimentation in psychosurgery and an example of iatrogenic science. Yet the eventual spectacular failure of the center belies an ultimate success: its data-driven vision itself predicted the Philip K. Dick–style PreCrime policing now emerging. The UCLA violence center thus offers an alternative genealogy to predictive policing. This essay is part of a special issue entitled Histories of Data and the Database edited by Soraya de Chadarevian and Theodore M. Porter.
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45

van de Riet, Manon, Wim Bernasco, and Peter van der Laan. "Between Protection and Repression: A Short History of Juvenile Policing in the Netherlands." International Journal of Police Science & Management 9, no. 3 (2007): 214–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1350/ijps.2007.9.3.214.

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The police in the Netherlands have traditionally been characterised by restraint when dealing with cases involving minors. However, this policy of minimal intervention appears to be waning in recent years. This shift from welfare to justice seems to be in line with the developments in other European countries. This article comments on this development by framing it in the long-term history of juvenile policing in the Netherlands. It describes the founding and development of the Juvenile Police as an organisation, and sketches the parallel changes in juvenile policing that occurred during the twentieth century. The organisation of juvenile policing has changed considerably over time with a visible tendency away from welfare oriented policing. As such, restraint and minimal intervention may no longer characterise the way Dutch police handle juvenile offenders.
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46

Millan, Matteo. "‘The Public Force of the Private State’ – Strikebreaking and Visions of Subversion in Liberal Italy (1880s to 1914)." European History Quarterly 49, no. 4 (2019): 625–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691419864500.

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From the end of the nineteenth century onwards, Italy witnessed a significant increase in labour conflicts, trade unionism and social protests, all of which shook the foundations of the liberal state. Following the failure of the authorities’ attempts to deal with mass protests, efforts were made under the governments of Giovanni Giolitti to adopt new policing policies that embraced state neutrality in social conflicts and the deployment at the same time of substantial police forces to prevent the escalation of conflict and bloodshed. The success of these policies is highly questionable and there were major differences in this respect between northern and southern Italy, and between rural and industrial areas. Nevertheless, these policies contributed to the fear of abandonment and desire for revenge felt by significant sections of the propertied classes, and the issue of strikebreaking was at the centre of the controversy. Focusing on the Po Valley, this article first presents a broad overview of the political situation in Italy with emphasis on policing policies and work replacement, then analyses the various forms of legal and illegal private strike-breaker protection organizations that took on clear subversive aims. Drawing on newspapers and archival records, the article highlights the overlap between private and public law enforcement and the combination of coercion and consensus in the Italian countryside. The long-term consequences of the unresolved issue of strikebreaking and private policing help explain the rise of Fascism after the Great War.
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47

Griffith, Aaron. "‘Policing Is a Profession of the Heart’: Evangelicalism and Modern American Policing." Religions 12, no. 3 (2021): 194. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12030194.

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Though several powerful explorations of modern evangelical influence in American politics and culture have appeared in recent years (many of which illumine the seeming complications of evangelical influence in the Trump era), there is more work that needs to be done on the matter of evangelical understandings of and influence in American law enforcement. This article explores evangelical interest and influence in modern American policing. Drawing upon complementary interpretations of the “antistatist statist” nature of modern evangelicalism and the carceral state, this article offers a short history of modern evangelical understandings of law enforcement and an exploration of contemporary evangelical ministry to police officers. It argues that, in their entries into debates about law enforcement’s purpose in American life, evangelicals frame policing as both a divinely sanctioned activity and a site of sentimental engagement. Both frames expand the power and reach of policing, limiting evangelicals’ abilities to see and correct problems within the profession.
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48

Thompson, Vanessa E. "Policing Blackness in Europe." European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online 19, no. 1 (2022): 27–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116117_003.

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Abstract Last year’s global black uprisings which followed the killing of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, and Tony McDade sparked the largest anti-racist movement in the midst of a global pandemic, not only in the US but also in various other parts of the global African diaspora. In Europe, thousands of people protested and mobilized for black lives and against racist policing. The protests demonstrated that racist policing is not limited to the US. Quite the contrary, protesters and vulnerable communities were emphasizing that policing unfolds as a violent and murderous condition in their various respective contexts, too. Engaging with the geographies of policing in three countries in continental Europe, namely Germany, France and Switzerland, and by drawing on ethnographic research on policing blackness and activist interventions in these three contexts, this article discusses modalities of policing blackness in continental Europe and shows that the recent mobilizations for black lives have a history in these respective contexts too. Interventions and forms of resistances put forward by anti-racist initiatives are also discussed.
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49

Braga, Anthony A., Rod K. Brunson, and Kevin M. Drakulich. "Race, Place, and Effective Policing." Annual Review of Sociology 45, no. 1 (2019): 535–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-soc-073018-022541.

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The police need public support and cooperation to be effective in controlling crime and holding offenders accountable. In many disadvantaged communities of color, poor relationships between the police and residents undermine effective policing. Weak police–minority community relationships are rooted in a long history of discriminatory practices and contemporary proactive policing strategies that are overly aggressive and associated with racial disparities. There are no simple solutions to address the complex rift between the police and the minority communities that they serve. The available evidence suggests that there are policies and practices that could improve police–minority community relations and enhance police effectiveness. Police departments should conduct more sophisticated analysis of crime problems to ensure that crime-control programs are not indiscriminate and unfocused, engage residents in their crime reduction efforts by revitalizing community policing, ensure procedurally just police contacts with citizens, and implement problem-solving strategies to prevent crimes beyond surveillance and enforcement actions.
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50

Levy, Yagil. "Who Controls the Israeli Policing Army?" Israel Studies Review 35, no. 2 (2020): 58–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2020.350205.

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Since the 2000s, a fundamental structural change has led to the development of two armies within the IDF. In co-existence with the ‘official’ army, a ‘policing’ force has emerged in the West Bank. Ostensibly subordinated to political authority, it has evolved into a quasi-militia force, enacting policies that often deviate from the official line. The question of who controls this policing army is central to this article. I argue that this policing army, unlike the official army, is controlled by a matrix rather than a hierarchical structure. Characterized by a web of mostly extra-military mechanisms, it is embedded within the civilian communities of the Jewish settlers, and this embeddedness shapes the form of control by creating several control mechanisms. Therefore, this policing army is only partially controlled by the official echelon of command.
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