Academic literature on the topic 'History of political ideas'
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Journal articles on the topic "History of political ideas"
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Szakolczai, Arpad. "Eric Voegelin's History of Political Ideas." European Journal of Social Theory 4, no. 3 (August 2001): 351–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/13684310122225163.
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Kühnhardt, Ludger. "History of Ideas: What Remains Valid?" Analele Universităţii "Dunărea de Jos" din Galaţi Fascicula XIX Istorie 1 (November 24, 2002): 143–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.35219/history.2002.07.
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History of ideas has produced an impressive amount of theories, concepts and reflections of a lasting nature. The author, Director at the Centre for European Integration Studies (ZEI) in Bonn, has selected some key representatives of the evolution of political philosophy which represent those ideas which are of a nature to impact on today’s search for a new democratic order in Europe. Aristotle, St. Augustin, Machiavelli, Thomas Hobbes, Alexis de Tocqueville and Hannah Arendt have contributed the most lasting thoughts about the nature of politics, the relationship betweenfreedom and authority and the quest for a human order which can balance rights and duties.
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Holder, R. Ward, Marc D. Guerra, Eric Voegelin, David Morse, and William Thompson. "History of Political Ideas: Renaissance and Reformation." Sixteenth Century Journal 30, no. 4 (1999): 1181. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2544699.
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Pitney, John J. "Real political history." Review of Politics 68, no. 2 (May 2006): 343–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670506260133.
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For too many political scientists, “political history” means little more than poll results, aggregate vote totals, and DW-NOMINATE scores. Useful as these data may be for narrow purposes, they miss the complexity of political life. Real political history concerns the interplay of ideas, interests, institutions, and individuals.
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المعلة, جميل, and علي الخرسان. "History of political thought." Kufa Journal of Arts 1, no. 24 (November 23, 2015): 97–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.36317/kaj/2015/v1.i24.6321.
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Greece has reached the height of its greatness and its reputation has spread throughout the world to this day. Every intellectual and philosophical product throughout history has been studied and drank from the wellspring of Greek civilization, as it is the fountain of ideas and the center of global thought to this day. This does not mean that it was not preceded by another civilization. Mesopotamia and the Chinese, Indian and Persian civilization preceded it by many centuries, and Greece took a lot from them, and this was not a defect, but rather a universal norm and a law that governs humanity, as civilizational and cultural exchange and the interaction and integration of ideas are part of this human system within the title of “Integration of Civilizations”.
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Tuchman, Gaye, and Martha Banta. "Imaging American Women: Ideas and Ideals in Cultural History." Contemporary Sociology 17, no. 4 (July 1988): 529. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2072734.
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Hoffheimer, Michael H., and David H. Burton. "Political Ideas of Justice Holmes." Journal of American History 80, no. 2 (September 1993): 720. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2079982.
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PRECUPANU, Monica. "Political Thinkers Present in Nicolae Steinhardt's Journalism." Analele Universităţii "Dunărea de Jos" din Galaţi Fascicula XIX Istorie 20 (June 15, 2022): 193–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.35219/history.2021.11.
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Nicolae Steinhardt was a refined intellectual who asserted himself in the interwar period through his collaboration with journals such as Revista Fundațiilor Regale, Revista Burgheză, Victoria, Libertatea etc. Apart from the topics that prove N. Steinhardt's love of literature and of any aspect related to culture and art, many of his interwar articles reveal a fine analytical sense at the political level. Steinhardt’s anchoring in political life and his concern for understanding political concepts and identifying the features of effective governance are revealed by reading, analysing and exposing the political ideas launched by various thinkers.In the interwar Steinhardtian journalism one finds pertinent radiographs of different political events that changed the course of history, dissections of political ideologies but also critical analyses of the political ideas of important thinkers of different political “colours” and various ethnic origins, such as: Alexis de Tocqueville, Joseph Barthélemy, Lucien Prévost-Paradol, Benjamin Constant, Silvio Trentin, André Suarès, Georges Sorel, Saint-Simon etc. The way of reporting to the works and their theories is intended to be an objective one by pointing out some positive and negative aspects, but in essence they reflect the author's subjectivity and Steinhardt's political conceptions: the distinction between democracy and liberalism, support for constitutional monarchy and people’s freedom, hostility to universal suffrage as a form of mass tyranny, opposition to any form of totalitarianism.
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Eulriet, Irène. "Analysing political ideas and political action." Economy and Society 37, no. 1 (February 2008): 135–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03085140701760916.
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Anderson, Kevin. "Canadian Political History and Ideas: Intersections and Influences." History Compass 12, no. 5 (May 2014): 444–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hic3.12161.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "History of political ideas"
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Oz-Salzberger, Fania. "Scottish political ideas in eighteenth century Germany : the case of Adam Ferguson." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6ef5e5b0-37a4-42b7-a58f-8c1e35cc451c.
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This thesis examines the reception of the works of Adam Ferguson, a major thinker of the Scottish Enlightenment, by a range of German readers in the late eighteenth century. It provides a survey of Ferguson's main political ideas, and argues that many of his prominent German readers did not come to terms with them. The thesis contrasts the political realities and concerns of Ferguson's Scotland with the profoundly different political concerns of his German readers, and their often vague and inaccurate ideas of Scotland, and of the British constitution. Their documented responses to Ferguson's works are brought as evidence for a cumulative and complex case of misreception. The terms in which Ferguson expressed his political ideas can be fruitfully analyzed as a political language, a vocabulary of recognizable and mutually complementing political terms. After a close examination of this particular vocabulary, the thesis proceeds to show in detail how Ferguson's German translators, commentators, reviewers and readers unwittingly dismantled this vocabulary, lost or ignored its republican and activist elements, and sometimes shifted it into other vocabularies which were far removed from the author's political intentions. However, the differences between the individual readers are emphasized, not only with respect to their varied intellectual backgrounds and works, but also touching on their personal profiles as readers and thinkers. The thesis aims especially to highlight three aspects of this Scottish- German encounter: the capacity of Ferguson's texts to be removed from their contexts and misread; the failure of civic humanist ideas to make a serious entry into German political discourse; and the merits of close textual analysis for supporting a type of explanation, which may supplement or counter-balance other explanations, about the limited effect of "imported" political ideas in eighteenth-century German discourse.
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Olmedo-Muñoz, MoÌnica. "Understanding the history of ideas underpinning continuing political oppression in Mexico using the concept of aporetic modernism." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.430703.
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Jackson, Janet Clare Louise. "Royalist politics, religion and ideas in Restoration Scotland, 1660-1689." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1999. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272411.
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Mirecka, Martyna. ""Monarchy as it should be"? : British perceptions of Poland-Lithuania in the long seventeenth century." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6044.
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Early modern Poland-Lithuania figured significantly in the political perceptions of Europeans in the long seventeenth century – not only due to its considerable size and enormous commercial and military resources, but also, and just as importantly, due to its exceptional religious and political situation. This interest in Poland-Lithuania was shared by many Britons. However, a detailed examination of how Britons perceived Poland-Lithuania at that time and how they treated Poland-Lithuania in their political debates has never been undertaken. This thesis utilises a wide range of the previously neglected source material and considers the patterns of transmission of information to determine Britons' awareness of Poland-Lithuania and their employment of the Polish-Lithuanian example in the British political discourse during the seventeenth century. It looks at a variety of geographical and historical information, English and Latin descriptions of Poland-Lithuania's physical topography and boundaries, and its ethnic and cultural make-up presented in histories, atlases and maps, to establish what, where and who Poland-Lithuania was for Britons. Poland-Lithuania's political framework, with its composite structure and unique relationship between the crown and nobility, elicited a spectrum of reactions, and so this thesis evaluates the role that both criticism and praise of Poland-Lithuania played in British constitutional debates. Consequently, the study argues that Britons' perceptions of Poland-Lithuania were characterised by great plasticity. It claims that Britons' impressions of the country were shaped by multiple – real or imagined - borders, whether cultural, economic or political, but also that Britons were affected by the exposure to a uniform, idealised historiography of this country. Crucially, the thesis asserts that references to Poland-Lithuania constituted an ingenious ideological and polemical device that was eagerly used throughout the period by Britons of diverse political sympathies. Moreover, through the examination of the kingdom's geopolitical role, particularly its fluctuating position as a “bulwark of Christendom”, side by side its engagement against Protestants, the thesis challenges the assumption that anti-Catholicism dominated seventeenth-century British perceptions of the world.
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Luo, Yinan. "Ideas in Practice: the Political Economy of Chinese State Intervention During the New Policies Period (1068-1085)." Thesis, Harvard University, 2015. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:14226107.
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I take the New Policies period (1068-1085) to be a critical juncture in Chinese history during which, for the first time, the Chinese state initiated systematic intervention into the market. This period witnessed the failure of plans to shape the collective action of bureaucrats and coordinate market actors through a host of organizing mechanisms. I explain why the policy makers in this historical process failed to incorporate and organize the ideas and interests of social actors, political elites and relevant bureaucracies into the state’s authoritative action.
I argue that this failure was an outcome of the interaction between the political philosophy of the drafters of the New Policies and their historical context. In particular, it was a result of the incapacity of the drafters’ worldview to correctly explain and resolve unexpected problems in the policy environment, including the influence of political philosophies that were in fundamental conflict with the ideas of Wang Anshi, as well as the reaction of political elites to the New Policies, the rationales and behavioral modes of bureaucrats in financial markets and state monopolies, and unpredictable changes in the marketplace that bedeviled bureaucrats.
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Jackson, Myron Moses. "An Interpretation of the Shift from Classical to Modern Natural Law According to Eric Voegelin's History of Political Ideas." OpenSIUC, 2010. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/theses/268.
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In the following work, I present Eric Voegelin's account regarding the tradition of natural law as an intellectual and spiritual phenomenon of Western civilization. The eight-volume History of Political Ideas, published posthumously, gives a compelling account of the shift from classical to modern natural law. Chapter one will set up the parameters of the study and give a summary of the background details surrounding the controversy of Voegelin's History. The second chapter will deal with the account given on the development of natural law from the early church fathers and the Hellenic-Stoic thinkers, up to Thomas Aquinas. Chapter three explores Voegelin's critique of Martin Luther and John Calvin as largely responsible for the dismantling of Aquinas' synthesis and anthropology which is based on a loving friendship (amicitia) between man and God. Reformed theology and the emergence of the nation-state as the sole political unit are the primary factors motivating the quest to establish "new orders" in modern political philosophy. Hugo Grotius, Thomas Hobbes, and John Locke are the focus of chapter four, as Voegelin carries out an analysis of their new modes of natural law, concluding with a grim assessment. Finally, I will briefly comment on integrity of Voegelin's story as a plausible interpretation regarding this rich civilizational heritage.
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Dementavičius, Justinas. "The Concept of “State” in Lithuania: Origins and Development of the Modern Lithuanian Political Thought." Doctoral thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2012. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2012~D_20121227_090225-34226.
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This dissertation seeks to reconstruct the development of the modern Lithuanian political thought. The main object of the analysis for achieving this goal is the concept of the state (Lith. valstybė). It serves as a synthetic concept and helps to interpret the utterances of the important Lithuanian intellectuals about the person, society and polity as such from the standpoint of political theory. Analysis is done by combining three schools of intellectual history: history of ideas, conceptual history and history of the political. The dissertation shows that the genesis of the concept of the state since the beginning of the 19th century and its embedding in the modern political language and thought cannnot be separated from the development of a modern political paradigm. The national awakening at the end of the 19th century also led to the creation of new political concepts, which helped to define the polity as an abstract and sovereign entity. The ideologization of the concept (different usage of it in order to provide the basis for competing ideological projects) enables to distinguish several different attitudes towards the state specific for the Lithuanian political culture. During the Interbellum period it is possible to indicate four main modes to conceptualize the state: organic, nationalistic, democratic-legalistic and Marxist-economistic. After the Second World War Marxist and legalistic conceptualization of the state became the dominant ones in Lithuania, and the... [to full text]Disertacijoje rekonstruojama modernios politinės minties raida Lietuvoje. Pagrindiniu analizės objektu siekiant šio tikslo tampa valstybės sąvoka, kuri sintezuoja ir iš politinės teorijos perspektyvos leidžia interpretuoti ją vartojančių intelektualų prielaidas apie asmens, visuomenės ir pačios politijos (bendriausia sąvoka nusakanti politinę tvarką) prigimtį. Analizė atliekama pasitelkiant ir derinant tris intelektualinės istorijos mokyklas: idėjų istoriją, sąvokų istoriją ir politiškumo istoriją. Disertacijoje parodoma, kad valstybės sąvokos atsiradimas XIX a. pr. ir įsitvirtinimas lietuvių kalboje bei politinėje mintyje yra neatsiejamos nuo modernių politinių paradigmų sklaidos. XIX a. pab. vykęs tautinis atgimimas taip pat skatino lietuviškų politinių sąvokų kūrimą, kurios leistų naujai apibūdinti politiją kaip abstraktų ir suverenų socialinį darinį. Per visą XX a. vykusi sąvokos ideologizacija – skirtingas vartojimas konkuruojantiems ideologiniams projektams pagrįsti – leidžia išskirti keletą Lietuvos visuomenei būdingų santykio su valstybe modelių. Tarpukariu labiausiai išryškėjo organiškas, tautininkiškas, demokratinis-legalistinis ir marksistinis-ekonomistinis valstybės konceptualizavimo būdai. Po II-ojo pasaulinio karo Lietuvoje buvo įtvirtintas marksistinis ir legalistinis valstybės apibrėžimo modelis, kai tuo tarpu išeivijoje buvo plėtojama organiškoji ir įdiegta liberalioji valstybės koncepcija.
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Rosa, Sérgio Paula. "Concepções de poder e política em Erasmo de Rotterdam: o papel de diferentes tradições entre reelaborações e permanências." Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2016. http://repositorio.bc.ufg.br/tede/handle/tede/6653.
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Present and discuss in this paper the positions of the philologist, philosopher, writer and augustinian theologian who lived in the sixteenth century european in relation to questions raised about the issue of good governance, Erasmus of Rotterdam. Although the title of the work suggest a centrality in thought rotterdamês not do here an intellectual history, but we strive to bring a focused discussion on the assumptions of the history of ideas, at which chosen as one of the theses that spans centuries and was played also by Erasmus of Rotterdam, that is, the age-old dispute between the spiritual power and the secular power of the papacy and empire, since the five hundred, will have a regal figure, whose strength and importance has been building for more than two centuries in the principalities , regna and republics. From the effort of reading and interpretation of the Institutio principis christiani work (The Education of a Christian Prince) defend their positions on the question of the origin and role of government and the ruler are due also to a large extent, of their membership in different and conflicting belief systems and traditions. In this sense, we point out that Erasmus receives and disseminates political ideas derived from Aristotelianism, Platonism and the thinkers of the imperial romanism and combined republican with christian morality via the teaching of the "church fathers", then opting for the view that the government of princes It is intended to promote the common good of the citizens living in the principalities, regna or republics. In exercising his adviser of Carlos de Gante, son of Philip I of Castile, and future ruler of the holy roman empire, devotes a treaty speculate with advice to do a good government. In this treatise, Erasmus we prescribe a morality not only christian, but also imbibed the teachings of pagan authors, highlighting the influence of these thinkers not only this work, but throughout his production as "man of knowledge" of his time.
Apresentamos e discutimos nessa dissertação os posicionamentos do filólogo, filósofo, literato e teólogo agostiniano que viveu no século XVI europeu em relação às questões postas em torno questão do bom governo, Erasmo de Rotterdam. Embora o título do trabalho sugira uma centralidade no pensamento do rotterdamês, não fazemos aqui uma história intelectual, mas esforçamo-nos por trazer uma discussão centrada nos pressupostos da história das ideias, oportunidade em que escolhemos como uma das teses que percorreu séculos e foi tocada também por Erasmo de Rotterdam, ou seja, a disputa milenar entre o poder espiritual e o poder secular entre papado e império que, já nos quinhentos, contará com a figura régia, cuja força e importância vem se construindo há mais de dois séculos nos principados, regna e repúblicas. A partir do esforço de leitura e interpretação da obra Institutio principis christiani (A educação de um príncipe cristão) defendemos que seus posicionamentos sobre a questão da origem e função do governo e do governante devem-se também, em larga medida, à sua filiação a diferentes e divergentes sistemas de crenças e tradições. Nesse sentido, apontamos que Erasmo acolhe e divulga teses políticas derivadas do aristotelismo, do platonismo e dos pensadores do romanismo imperial e republicano combinadas com a moralidade cristã via o ensinamento dos “padres da igreja”, optando então pela visão de que o governo dos príncipes se destina à promoção do bem comum dos cidadãos que vivem nos principados, regna ou repúblicas. Ao exercer sua função de conselheiro de Carlos de Gante, filho de Filipe I de Castela, e futuro governante do sacro império romano, dedica-lhe um tratado especular com conselhos para que faça um bom governo. Nesse tratado, vemos Erasmo prescrever uma moralidade não apenas cristã, mas embebida também dos ensinamentos dos autores pagãos, deixando clara a influência desses pensadores não só nessa obra, mas em toda sua produção como “homem de saber” do seu tempo.
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Egan, Anthony. "The National Catholic Federation of Students : a study of political ideas and activities within a Christian student movement, 1960-1987." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/21836.
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Bibliography: pages 191-212.This is a study of the National Catholic Federation of Students (NCFS), an organisation that sought to bring together Catholic students on South African university campuses, examining specifically NCFS' political ideas and activities from 1960 to 1987. The underlying supposition of this thesis is that church history ought to be an integral part of the discipline of history, and that there is a need to write church history from "below" from the perspectives of the "people's church", the church that comprises the religious experience of the majority of its members rather than its hierarchy.
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Fjaagsund, Peter. "Apocalyptic and millennial ideas in D.H.Lawrence : a contextual exploration." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.253775.
Full textBooks on the topic "History of political ideas"
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Eric, Voegelin. History of political ideas. Columbia, Mo: University of Missouri Press, 1997.
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Eric, Voegelin. History of political ideas. Edited by Sandoz Ellis 1931-. Columbia, Mo: University of Missouri Press, 1997.
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1949-, Stokes Geoff, ed. Australian political ideas. Kensington, NSW, Australia: UNSW Press, 1994.
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David, Weigall, and Stirk, Peter M. R., 1954-, eds. An introduction to political ideas. London: Pinter Publishers, 1995.
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Singh, Satya Narayan. Political ideas & institutions under the Mauryas. Patna: Janaki Prakashan, 1992.
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1950-, Gerón Cándido, ed. Ideas políticas. Santo Domingo, R.D: Fundación Joaquín Balaguer, 2008.
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J, Connolly S., ed. Political ideas in eighteenth-century Ireland. Dublin: Four Courts, 2000.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "History of political ideas"
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Shaw, John Stuart. "The Leadership’s Ideas and Aspirations." In The Political History of Eighteenth-Century Scotland, 93–107. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27645-5_6.
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Spellman, W. M. "Conclusion: New Trials for Old Ideas." In A Short History of Western Political Thought, 163–66. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-34378-8_8.
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Matonti, Frédérique. "Plea for a Social History of Political Ideas." In The Routledge Handbook of the History and Sociology of Ideas, 69–84. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003093046-6.
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Coleman, Charly. "From Political Culture to Economic Theology." In The Routledge Handbook of the History and Sociology of Ideas, 172–84. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003093046-13.
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Corral, Wilfrido H. "Vargas Llosa and the History of Ideas." In Vargas Llosa and Latin American Politics, 189–211. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230113596_12.
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Dimova-Cookson, Maria. "Republicanism, Philosophy of Freedom, and the History of Ideas: An Interview with Philip Pettit." In Dialogues with Contemporary Political Theorists, 155–69. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137271297_10.
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Hickman, Louise. "Mixing Politics with the Pulpit: Eternal Immutable Morality and Richard Price’s Political Radicalism." In International Archives of the History of Ideas Archives internationales d'histoire des idées, 159–73. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-22200-0_10.
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Iglésias, Narcís. "Language Policies in Contemporary Catalonia: A History of Linguistic and Political Ideas." In The Rise of Catalan Identity, 79–105. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-18144-4_5.
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Biltoft, C. N. "On a Certain Blindness in Economic Theory: Keynes’s Giraffes and the Ordinary Textuality of Economic Ideas." In New Perspectives on the History of Political Economy, 319–47. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-58247-4_11.
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Laursen, John Christian. "John Upton from Political Liberty to Critical Liberty: The Moral and Political Implications of Ancient and Renaissance Studies in the Enlightenment." In International Archives of the History of Ideas Archives internationales d'histoire des idées, 259–73. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-32604-7_15.
Full textConference papers on the topic "History of political ideas"
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Shabangu, Bongani, and Louis Botha. "DECOLONISING SCHOOL HISTORY EDUCATION THROUGH CULTURAL-HISTORICAL ACTIVITY THEORY (CHAT): FOREGROUNDING INDIGENOUS IDEAS OF HISTORY." In 17th annual International Conference of Education, Research and Innovation, 9307–13. IATED, 2024. https://doi.org/10.21125/iceri.2024.2347.
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Soatova, Gulzoda. "COMMON PATRIOTIC IDEAS IN THE CREATIONS OF BABUR AND JADID." In The Impact of Zahir Ad-Din Muhammad Bobur’s Literary Legacy on the Advancement of Eastern Statehood and Culture. Alisher Navoi' Tashkent state university of Uzbek language and literature, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.52773/bobur.conf.2023.25.09/rxcm4632.
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Our nation has always been proud of its high history and great ancestors. No matter where you go in the world, you will encounter the heritage of our ancestors. Especially in the XV-XVI centuries, the socio-political environment created by Babur in Central Asia and India left a special mark on world civilization. Science, culture, art, and literature flourished in the great kingdom founded by Babur. Zahiriddin Muhammad Babur achieved a great position in sealing the reality of Uzbek classic literature, geography, and history in Timuriza.
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Fedorov, Roman. "CONSTITUTIONAL AND LEGAL IDEA OF THE “SOCIAL STATE” IN THE HISTORY OF LEGAL AND POLITICAL THOUGHT." In Law and law: problems of theory and practice. ru: Publishing Center RIOR, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/02033-3/066-075.
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The article is devoted to the problem of the social state as one of the fundamental constitutional principles of the state structure of modern developed countries. The course of historical development of philosophical and legal thought on this problem is considered. The idea of a close connection between the concept of the social state and the ideas of utopian socialism of Thomas More and Henri Saint-Simon is put forward. Liberals also made a significant contribution to the development of the idea of the social state, they argued that the ratio of equality and freedom is a key problem for the classical liberal doctrine. It is concluded that the emergence of the theory of the social state for objective reasons was inevitable, since it is due to the historical development of society.
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Arutyunyan, M. P. "The methodological idea of a holistic worldview: towards the discourse of self-preservation "Human-dimensional" sociocode of civilization." In Scientific dialogue: Questions of philosophy, sociology, history, political science. ЦНК МОАН, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18411/spc-01-07-2020-03.
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Dovgan, A. O., and N. A. Hryhoruk. "The idea of war is a historical measure of the spiritual culture of society." In GLOBAL SCIENTIFIC TRENDS IN HISTORY, POLITICAL SCIENCE, SOCIOLOGY, AND PHILOSOPHY, 73–75. Baltija Publishing, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/978-9934-26-490-0-17.
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Dovgozvyaga, O. V., and Т. V. Kleshneva. "The history of the development of the idea of people's rule and its implementation in the state-building practice of Ukraine." In GLOBAL SCIENTIFIC TRENDS IN HISTORY, POLITICAL SCIENCE, SOCIOLOGY, AND PHILOSOPHY, 35–38. Baltija Publishing, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/978-9934-26-490-0-8.
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Caldwell, Damon, and Pasquale DePaola. "Architectural History, Version 21.Now." In 108th Annual Meeting Proceedings. ACSA Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.am.108.68.
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Questioning the fossilized approach of historical education, which disconnected the historical narrative from its studio counterpart and fast forwarding to now, this paper attempts to question the current utility of history in architectural education by examining when history cohabitates with what is a predominantly a studio-based structure. More specifically, this paper analyzes a particular and methodologically integrative way of teaching architectural history so that its pedagogy, outcomes, and expectations are complementary with those of the design studios. Every design involves historical/theoretical investigations, and architecture can be understood as a practice of concepts and ideas; that practice may precede history as often as history precedes practice. Within this framework, history assumes the role of “repertoire” for applied knowledge, where the analysis of particular buildings does not depend on mnemonic tasks, but centers around cultural and social ideas as well as predisposing constructional techniques. This approach emphasizes specific natures of architectural production: composition (i.e. sequencing, ordering systems, geometry, etc.), tectonics (materiality, structure, assemblies), and culture (politics, science, zeitgeist, etc.), which are also analyzed in specific course assignments. Design studios reinforce history’s usefulness by direct analyses of historical precedents, which are not understood as a mere collection of stylistic artifacts, but rather as conceptual, tectonic, and organizing machines.
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Xinting, Liang. "The Trajectory of Collective Life: The Ideal and Practice of New Village in Tianjin, 1920s-1950s." In The 38th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. online: SAHANZ, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55939/a4026pt85d.
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Originated from New Village Ideal in Japan, New Village was introduced to China in the early 1920s and became a byword for social reform program. Many residential designs or projects whose name includes the term “Village” or “New Village” had been completed in China since that time. This paper uses the Textual Criticism method to sort out the introduction and translation of New Village Ideal theory in China, and to compare the physical space, life organization and concepts of the New Village practices in ROC with in early PRC of Tianjin. It is found that the term “New Village” continued to be used across several historical periods, showing very similar spatial images. But the construction and usage of New Village and the meaning of collective life changed somewhat under different political positions and social circumstances: New Village gradually became an urban collective residential area which only bore the living function since it was introduced into modern China. The goal of its practice changed from building an equal autonomy to building a new field of power operation, a new discourse of social improvement and a new way for profit-seeking capital. With the change of state regime, the construction had entered a climax stage. New Village then became the symbol of the rising political and social status of the working class, and the link between the change of urban nature and spatial development. Socialism collective life and the temporal and spatial separation or combination between production and live constructed the collective conscience and identity of residents. The above findings highlight the independence of architecture history from general history, help to examine the complexity of China’s localization New Village practice and the uniqueness of Tianjin’s urban history, and provide new ideas for the study of China’s modern urban housing development from the perspective of changes in daily life organization.
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Hanff Jr., William A. "A Media Archeology of Education Innovation History and Pandemics." In 2nd Annual Faculty Senate Research Conference: Higher Education During Pandemics. AIJR Publisher, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21467/proceedings.135.6.
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How do we as researchers and educators discern how past institutions of higher education responded to pandemics and other social stresses, and what practices we can adopt from them? Combining Jussi Parikka’s ideas of media archeology with the radical post-colonialism of Nonwestern Educational Traditions by Timothy Reagan, this research explores specific artifacts of western and nonwestern systems of education innovation at specific periods in history, how these institutions responded to crises and pandemics, and what this suggests to our contemporary post-literate networked system of higher education. The emerging field of Media Archeology suggests a literature review mash-up and remix to find under-represented historical ideas around pedagogy and higher education. The impacts of these education innovations are seen through the artifacts such as ‘open plan’ school architecture, educational broadcasting, and proto-internet distance learning classes. Each of these dyads of a western tradition of higher education contrasted with a non-western or resistance tradition of higher education has left artifacts and practices that have been able to escape intentional destruction or cultural appropriation into current western hegemonies. By standing outside the constraints and politics of corporate narratives, these artifacts can point the way toward reviving educational systems based on techniques and technologies that can address the systematic problems with higher education. This study of media, sociology, education, and history seeks to suggest workable practices for a post-COVID world, that resists hegemonic practices and corporatization of education and addresses new challenges in the future.
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Vicini, Fabio. "GÜLEN’S RETHINKING OF ISLAMIC PATTERN AND ITS SOCIO-POLITICAL EFFECTS." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/gbfn9600.
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Over recent decades Islamic traditions have emerged in new forms in different parts of the Muslim world, interacting differently with secular and neo-liberal patterns of thought and action. In Turkey Fethullah Gülen’s community has been a powerful player in the national debate about the place of Islam in individual and collective life. Through emphasis on the im- portance of ‘secular education’ and a commitment to the defence of both democratic princi- ples and international human rights, Gülen has diffused a new and appealing version of how a ‘good Muslim’ should act in contemporary society. In particular he has defended the role of Islam in the formation of individuals as ethically-responsible moral subjects, a project that overlaps significantly with the ‘secular’ one of forming responsible citizens. Concomitantly, he has shifted the Sufi emphasis on self-discipline/self-denial towards an active, socially- oriented service of others – a form of religious effort that implies a strongly ‘secular’ faith in the human ability to make this world better. This paper looks at the lives of some members of the community to show how this pattern of conduct has affected them. They say that teaching and learning ‘secular’ scientific subjects, combined with total dedication to the project of the movement, constitute, for them, ways to accomplish Islamic deeds and come closer to God. This leads to a consideration of how such a rethinking of Islamic activism has influenced po- litical and sociological transition in Turkey, and a discussion of the potential contribution of the movement towards the development of a more human society in contemporary Europe. From the 1920s onwards, in the context offered by the decline and collapse of the Ottoman Empire, Islamic thinkers, associations and social movements have proliferated their efforts in order to suggest ways to live a good “Muslim life” under newly emerging conditions. Prior to this period, different generations of Muslim Reformers had already argued the compat- ibility of Islam with reason and “modernity”, claiming for the need to renew Islamic tradition recurring to ijtihad. Yet until the end of the XIX century, traditional educational systems, public forms of Islam and models of government had not been dismissed. Only with the dismantlement of the Empire and the constitution of national governments in its different regions, Islamic intellectuals had to face the problem of arranging new patterns of action for Muslim people. With the establishment of multiple nation-states in the so-called Middle East, Islamic intel- lectuals had to cope with secular conceptions about the subject and its place and space for action in society. They had to come to terms with the definitive affirmation of secularism and the consequent process of reconfiguration of local sensibilities, forms of social organisation, and modes of action. As a consequence of these processes, Islamic thinkers started to place emphasis over believers’ individual choice and responsibility both in maintaining an Islamic conduct daily and in realising the values of Islamic society. While under the Ottoman rule to be part of the Islamic ummah was considered an implicit consequence of being a subject of the empire. Not many scientific works have looked at contemporary forms of Islam from this perspective. Usually Islamic instances are considered the outcome of an enduring and unchanging tradition, which try to reproduce itself in opposition to outer-imposed secular practices. Rarely present-day forms of Islamic reasoning and practice have been considered as the result of a process of adjustment to new styles of governance under the modern state. Instead, I argue that new Islamic patterns of action depend on a history of practical and conceptual revision they undertake under different and locally specific versions of secularism. From this perspective I will deal with the specific case of Fethullah Gülen, the head of one of the most famous and influent “renewalist” Islamic movements of contemporary Turkey. From the 1980s this Islamic leader has been able to weave a powerful network of invisible social ties from which he gets both economic and cultural capital. Yet what interests me most in this paper, is that with his open-minded and moderate arguments, Gülen has inspired many people in Turkey to live Islam in a new way. Recurring to ijtihad and drawing from secular epistemology specific ideas about moral agency, he has proposed to a wide public a very at- tractive path for being “good Muslims” in their daily conduct. After an introductive explanation of the movement’s project and of the ideas on which it is based, my aim will be to focus on such a pattern of action. Particular attention will be dedi- cated to Gülen’s conception of a “good Muslim” as a morally-guided agent, because such a conception reveals underneath secular ideas on both responsibility and moral agency. These considerations will constitute the basis from which we can look at the transformation of Islam – and more generally of “the religion” – in the contemporary world. Then a part will be dedicated to defining the specificity of Gülen’s proposal, which will be compared with that of other Islamic revivalist movements in other contexts. Some common point between them will merge from this comparison. Both indeed use the concept of respon- sibility in order to push subjects to actively engage in reviving Islam. Yet, on the other hand, I will show how Gülen’s followers distinguish themselves by the fact their commitment pos- sesses a socially-oriented and reformist character. Finally I will consider the proximity of Gülen’s conceptualisation of moral agency with that the modern state has organised around the idea of “civic virtues”. I argue Gülen’s recall for taking responsibility of social moral decline is a way of charging his followers with a similar burden the modern state has charged its citizens. Thus I suggest the Islamic leader’s pro- posal can be seen as the tentative of supporting the modernity project by defining a new and specific space to Islam and religion into it. This proposal opens the possibility of new and interesting forms of interconnection between secular ideas of modernity and the so-called “Islamic” ones. At the same time I think it sheds a new light over contemporary “renewalist” movements, which can be considered a concrete proposal about how to realise, in a different background, modern forms of governance by reconsidering their moral basis.
Reports on the topic "History of political ideas"
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Ihsan, Yilmaz, and Raja Ali M. Saleem. The nexus of religious populism and digital authoritarianism in Pakistan. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0016.
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Pakistan has a turbulent political history. In the seven decades since its creation, the country has faced four military-led dictatorships and another two decades under indirect military rule. Given this political trend, authoritarianism is not a novel phenomenon in the country. Digital authoritarianism, however, is a relatively new domain of oppression. This paper looks at how a political party in power and the “establishment” (military elite and its civilian collaborators) have been increasing the control of digital mediums as well as weaponizing space. This dual control and usage allow for growing digital authoritarianism. Using the case study of Imran Khan’s government (2018-2022) and its collaboration with the military establishment in enforcing digital authoritarianism, this article uses four levels of an assessment of internet governance in Pakistan (whole network level, sub-network level, proxy level, and user level). In addition, the role of Khan’s political party’s Islamist populist outlook in contributing to authoritarianism is also discussed. A lot of censorship happens around ideas of protecting Islam and Pakistan’s Muslim identity. The review also finds that the establishment uses not only religion but also ultra-nationalism and fears of foreign attacks, primarily by “Hindu” India, as means to closely surveil and curb the rights of citizens which it deems not worthy of trust. Our results find that Pakistan’s digital space is highly oppressive where ideas of religion, ontological insecurity, and nationalism are weaponized to legitimize the state’s growing authoritarianism.
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Tyson, Paul. Sovereignty and Biosecurity: Can we prevent ius from disappearing into dominium? Mέta | Centre for Postcapitalist Civilisation, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/mwp3en.
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Drawing on Milbank and Agamben, a politico-juridical anthropology matrix can be drawn describing the relations between ius and bios (justice and political life) on the one hand and dominium and zoe (private power and ‘bare life’) on the other hand. Mapping movements in the basic configurations of this matrix over the long sweep of Western cultural history enable us to see where we are currently situated in relation to the nexus between politico-juridical authority (sovereignty) and the emergency use of executive State powers in the context of biosecurity. The argument presented is that pre-19th century understandings of ius and bios presupposed transcendent categories of Justice and the Common Good that were not naturalistically defined. The very recent idea of a purely naturalistic naturalism has made distinctions between bios and zoe un-locatable and civic ius is now disappearing into a strangely ‘private’ total power (dominium) over the bodies of citizens, as exercised by the State. The very meaning of politico-juridical authority and the sovereignty of the State is undergoing radical change when viewed from a long perspective. This paper suggests that the ancient distinction between power and authority is becoming meaningless, and that this loss erodes the ideas of justice and political life in the Western tradition. Early modern capitalism still retained at least the theory of a Providential moral order, but since the late 19th century, morality has become fully naturalized and secularized, such that what moral categories Classical economics had have been radically instrumentalized since. In the postcapitalist neoliberal world order, no high horizon of just power –no spiritual conception of sovereignty– remains. The paper argues that the reduction of authority to power, which flows from the absence of any traditional conception of sovereignty, is happening with particular ease in Australia, and that in Australia it is only the Indigenous attempt to have their prior sovereignty –as a spiritual reality– recognized that is pushing back against the collapse of political authority into mere executive power.
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Buchanan, Riley, Daniel Elias, Darren Holden, Daniel Baldino, Martin Drum, and Richard P. Hamilton. The archive hunter: The life and work of Leslie R. Marchant. The University of Notre Dame Australia, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32613/reports/2021.2.
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Professor Leslie R. Marchant was a Western Australian historian of international renown. Richly educated as a child in political philosophy and critical reason, Marchant’s understandings of western political philosophies were deepened in World War Two when serving with an international crew of the merchant navy. After the war’s end, Marchant was appointed as a Protector of Aborigines in Western Australia’s Depart of Native Affairs. His passionate belief in Enlightenment ideals, including the equality of all people, was challenged by his experiences as a Protector. Leaving that role, he commenced his studies at The University of Western Australia where, in 1952, his Honours thesis made an early case that genocide had been committed in the administration of Aboriginal people in Western Australia. In the years that followed, Marchant became an early researcher of modern China and its relationship with the West, and won respect for his archival research of French maritime history in the Asia-Pacific. This work, including the publication of France Australe in 1982, was later recognised with the award of a French knighthood, the Chevalier d’Ordre National du Mèrite, and his election as a fellow to the Royal Geographical Society. In this festschrift, scholars from The University of Notre Dame Australia appraise Marchant’s work in such areas as Aboriginal history and policy, Westminster traditions, political philosophy, Australia and China and French maritime history.
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Tymoshyk, Mykola. LONDON MAGAZINE «LIBERATION WAY» AND ITS PLACE IN THE HISTORY OF UKRAINIAN JOURNALISM ABROAD. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.49.11057.
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One of the leading Western Ukrainian diaspora journals – London «Liberation Way», founded in January 1949, has become the subject of the study for the first time in journalism. Archival documents and materials of the Ukrainian Publishing Union in London and the British National Library (British Library) were also observed. The peculiarities of the magazine’s formation and the specifics of the editorial policy, founders and publishers are clarified. A group of OUN members who survived Hitler’s concentration camps and ended up in Great Britain after the end of World War II initiated the foundation of the magazine. Until April 1951, including issue 42, the Board of Foreign Parts of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists were the publishers of the magazine. From 1951 to the beginning of 2000 it was a socio-political monthly of the Ukrainian Publishing Union. From the mid-60’s of the twentieth century – a socio-political and scientific-literary monthly. In analyzing the programmatic principles of the magazine, the most acute issues of the Ukrainian national liberation movement, which have long separated the forces of Ukrainian emigration and from which the founders and publishers of the magazine from the beginning had clearly defined positions, namely: ideology of Ukrainian nationalism, the idea of unity of Ukraine and Ukrainians, internal inter-party struggle among Ukrainian emigrants have been singled out. The review and systematization of the thematic palette of the magazine’s publications makes it possible to distinguish the following main semantic accents: the formation of the nationalist movement in exile; historical Ukrainian themes; the situation in sub-Soviet Ukraine; the problem of the unity of Ukrainians in the Western diaspora; mission and tasks of Ukrainian emigration in the context of its responsibilities to the Motherland. It also particularizes the peculiarities of the formation of the author’s assets of the magazine and its place in the history of Ukrainian national journalism.
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Mukand, Sharun, and Dani Rodrik. The Political Economy of Ideas: On Ideas Versus Interests in Policymaking. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, March 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w24467.
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HEFNER, Robert. IHSAN ETHICS AND POLITICAL REVITALIZATION Appreciating Muqtedar Khan’s Islam and Good Governance. IIIT, October 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47816/01.001.20.
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Ours is an age of pervasive political turbulence, and the scale of the challenge requires new thinking on politics as well as public ethics for our world. In Western countries, the specter of Islamophobia, alt-right populism, along with racialized violence has shaken public confidence in long-secure assumptions rooted in democracy, diversity, and citizenship. The tragic denouement of so many of the Arab uprisings together with the ascendance of apocalyptic extremists like Daesh and Boko Haram have caused an even greater sense of alarm in large parts of the Muslim-majority world. It is against this backdrop that M.A. Muqtedar Khan has written a book of breathtaking range and ethical beauty. The author explores the history and sociology of the Muslim world, both classic and contemporary. He does so, however, not merely to chronicle the phases of its development, but to explore just why the message of compassion, mercy, and ethical beauty so prominent in the Quran and Sunna of the Prophet came over time to be displaced by a narrow legalism that emphasized jurisprudence, punishment, and social control. In the modern era, Western Orientalists and Islamists alike have pushed the juridification and interpretive reification of Islamic ethical traditions even further. Each group has asserted that the essence of Islam lies in jurisprudence (fiqh), and both have tended to imagine this legal heritage on the model of Western positive law, according to which law is authorized, codified, and enforced by a leviathan state. “Reification of Shariah and equating of Islam and Shariah has a rather emaciating effect on Islam,” Khan rightly argues. It leads its proponents to overlook “the depth and heights of Islamic faith, mysticism, philosophy or even emotions such as divine love (Muhabba)” (13). As the sociologist of Islamic law, Sami Zubaida, has similarly observed, in all these developments one sees evidence, not of a traditionalist reassertion of Muslim values, but a “triumph of Western models” of religion and state (Zubaida 2003:135). To counteract these impoverishing trends, Khan presents a far-reaching analysis that “seeks to move away from the now failed vision of Islamic states without demanding radical secularization” (2). He does so by positioning himself squarely within the ethical and mystical legacy of the Qur’an and traditions of the Prophet. As the book’s title makes clear, the key to this effort of religious recovery is “the cosmology of Ihsan and the worldview of Al-Tasawwuf, the science of Islamic mysticism” (1-2). For Islamist activists whose models of Islam have more to do with contemporary identity politics than a deep reading of Islamic traditions, Khan’s foregrounding of Ihsan may seem unfamiliar or baffling. But one of the many achievements of this book is the skill with which it plumbs the depth of scripture, classical commentaries, and tasawwuf practices to recover and confirm the ethic that lies at their heart. “The Quran promises that God is with those who do beautiful things,” the author reminds us (Khan 2019:1). The concept of Ihsan appears 191 times in 175 verses in the Quran (110). The concept is given its richest elaboration, Khan explains, in the famous hadith of the Angel Gabriel. This tradition recounts that when Gabriel appeared before the Prophet he asked, “What is Ihsan?” Both Gabriel’s question and the Prophet’s response make clear that Ihsan is an ideal at the center of the Qur’an and Sunna of the Prophet, and that it enjoins “perfection, goodness, to better, to do beautiful things and to do righteous deeds” (3). It is this cosmological ethic that Khan argues must be restored and implemented “to develop a political philosophy … that emphasizes love over law” (2). In its expansive exploration of Islamic ethics and civilization, Khan’s Islam and Good Governance will remind some readers of the late Shahab Ahmed’s remarkable book, What is Islam? The Importance of Being Islamic (Ahmed 2016). Both are works of impressive range and spiritual depth. But whereas Ahmed stood in the humanities wing of Islamic studies, Khan is an intellectual polymath who moves easily across the Islamic sciences, social theory, and comparative politics. He brings the full weight of his effort to conclusion with policy recommendations for how “to combine Sufism with political theory” (6), and to do so in a way that recommends specific “Islamic principles that encourage good governance, and politics in pursuit of goodness” (8).
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Kost, Stepan, and Tetiana Slotiuk. THE UKRAINIAN QUESTION ON THE PAGES OF THE JOURNAL “SPRAWY NARODOWOŚCIOWE” (1931-1935). Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2024.54-55.12155.
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The article explores Polish-Ukrainian relations, in particular, the Ukrainian question, on the pages of the journal “Sprawy Narodowośсiowe” during 1931-1935. The authors emphasize that the millennia-long history of Polish-Ukrainian relations contains many complex, contradictory, and sometimes tragic pages. The situation of the Ukrainian national minority in interwar Poland, particularly in the first half of the 1930s, was challenging. The article proves that the editorial board of the “Sprawy Narodowośсiowe” journal (which was the governing body of the institute researching national issues, established in 1921, and first published in 1927) was examining the theoretical aspects of the national question in Poland during the first half of the 1930s and carefully analyzing the lives of national minorities, including Ukrainian minority. The heading “Ukrainians” in the “National minorities in Poland” category was the largest in terms of content. This indicates that the journal’s editorial board considered the resolution of the Ukrainian question to be a priority. The editors informatively and prudently informed readers about the activities of Ukrainian political parties (except for the underground Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists) and the most important public organizations. The article proves that the magazine generally advocated the idea of Polish-Ukrainian understanding, but remained loyal to Polish state interests. The magazine aimed to study the sentiments of Ukrainian society and identify the trends in the development of these sentiments. The article also substantiates that the journal was not a government mouthpiece since the national policy did not demonstrate a desire to fairly address the national issue. Key words: Polish-Ukrainian relations, history of interwar Poland, history of Ukraine, national issue, journal «Sprawy Narodowościowe».
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Lyzanchuk, Vasyl. STUDENTS EVALUATE THE TEACHING OF THE ACADEMIC SUBJECT. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2024.54-55.12159.
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The article reveals and characterizes the methodological features of teaching the discipline «Intellectual and Psychological Foundations of Mass Media Functioning» on the third year of the Faculty of Journalism at Ivan Franko National University of Lviv. The focus is on the principles, functions, and standards of journalistic creativity during the full-scale war of the Russian Federation against Ukraine. As the Russian genocidal, terrorist, and ecocidal war has posed acute challenges to the education and upbringing of student youth. A young person is called not only to acquire knowledge but to receive them simultaneously with comprehensive national, civic, and moral-spiritual upbringing. Teaching and educating students, the future journalists, on Ukrainian-centric, nation-building principles ensure a sense of unity between current socio-political processes and historical past, and open an intellectual window to Ukraine’s future. The teaching of the course ‘Intellectual-Psychological Foundations of Mass Media Functioning’ (lectures and practical classes, creative written assignments) is grounded in the philosophy of national education and upbringing, aimed at shaping a citizen-patriot and a knight, as only such a citizen is capable of selfless service to their own people, heroic struggle for freedom, and the united Ukrainian national state. The article presents student creative works, the aim of which is to develop historical national memory in students, promote the ideals of spiritual unity and integrity of Ukrainian identity, nurture the life-sustaining values of the Ukrainian language and culture, perpetuate the symbols of statehood, and strengthen the moral dignity and greatness of Ukrainian heroism. A methodology for assessing students’ pedagogical-professional competence and the fairness of teachers who deliver lectures and conduct practical classes has been summarized. The survey questions allow students to express their attitudes towards the content, methods, and forms of the educational process, which involves the application of experience from European and American countries, but the main emphasis is on the application of Ukrainian ethnopedagogy. Its defining ideas are democracy, populism, and patriotism, enriched with a distinct nation-building potential, which instills among students a unique culture of genuine Ukrainian history, the Ukrainian language and literature, national culture, and high journalistic professionalism. Key words: educator, student, journalism, education, patriotism, competence, national consciousness, Russian-Ukrainian war, professionalism.
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Heinz Schönbach, Karsten. Hitler and the German Coal Industrialists: Passing the Keys to A Kingdom. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, October 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp230.
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Ever since the publication of Henry Turner’s German Big Business and the Rise of Hitler, most historians in both Germany and the United States have dismissed the idea that support from German major industry played a key role in bringing Hitler to power.. This consensus is wrong, as I have shown in a series of works that began with my doctoral dissertation at the Free University of Berlin and now extends to more than ten different works, including two books. These works rely extensively on archival resources that were either inaccessible or only selectively open to earlier re-searchers. This paper analyzes in detail one of the most crucial episodes in Hitler’s rise to pow-er – one that previous historians, particularly Turner, have profoundly misjudged thanks in part at least to the shortcomings in the documentary sources available to them. This is the history of the political relations between Hitler, the NSDAP leader-ship, and the German "coal industrialists" in the period from 1926 to 1933 and the key role these firms played in supporting and financing the eventual Nazi triumph.
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Sünker, Heinz. PALESTINE – ISRAEL – GERMANY History and Politics in Moving Contradictions. Association Inter-University Centre Dubrovnik, October 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.53099/ntkd4311.
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The relationship between the Zionist movement, which resulted in the founding of the state of Israel in 1948, and native Arabs in Palestine is conflictual and contradictory and has been so since before the current war in Gaza and Hamas’s attack on Israel. This research report brings together several texts authored by critical Israeli, Palestinian and international intellectuals. These texts analyse the historical and current relationship between Palestine, Zionism, and Israel from the last third of the 19th century onward, on the one hand, and the special involvement of Germany in this constellation as a result of the Shoah, on the other. Some of these texts make a historical argument that the Shoah provided additional impetus to the Zionist nation-state idea and the international support for it. Nevertheless, Germany has a responsibility not only towards a democratic Israel, but also towards a democratic Palestinian state (particularly given the problem of the “victim of the victim”). These texts raise a valuable series of points, not least in this regard. The analysis will, however, remain incomplete until it is demonstrated why a Palestinian state was not also founded in 1948 (what were the interests on what sides, including the reactionary Arab states?). It is argued that for peace to be viable, critical intellectuals and emancipatory movements on both sides need to commit to a two-state solution supported by an international alliance.