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Oz-Salzberger, Fania. "Scottish political ideas in eighteenth century Germany : the case of Adam Ferguson." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6ef5e5b0-37a4-42b7-a58f-8c1e35cc451c.
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This thesis examines the reception of the works of Adam Ferguson, a major thinker of the Scottish Enlightenment, by a range of German readers in the late eighteenth century. It provides a survey of Ferguson's main political ideas, and argues that many of his prominent German readers did not come to terms with them. The thesis contrasts the political realities and concerns of Ferguson's Scotland with the profoundly different political concerns of his German readers, and their often vague and inaccurate ideas of Scotland, and of the British constitution. Their documented responses to Ferguson's works are brought as evidence for a cumulative and complex case of misreception. The terms in which Ferguson expressed his political ideas can be fruitfully analyzed as a political language, a vocabulary of recognizable and mutually complementing political terms. After a close examination of this particular vocabulary, the thesis proceeds to show in detail how Ferguson's German translators, commentators, reviewers and readers unwittingly dismantled this vocabulary, lost or ignored its republican and activist elements, and sometimes shifted it into other vocabularies which were far removed from the author's political intentions. However, the differences between the individual readers are emphasized, not only with respect to their varied intellectual backgrounds and works, but also touching on their personal profiles as readers and thinkers. The thesis aims especially to highlight three aspects of this Scottish- German encounter: the capacity of Ferguson's texts to be removed from their contexts and misread; the failure of civic humanist ideas to make a serious entry into German political discourse; and the merits of close textual analysis for supporting a type of explanation, which may supplement or counter-balance other explanations, about the limited effect of "imported" political ideas in eighteenth-century German discourse.
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Olmedo-Muñoz, MoÌnica. "Understanding the history of ideas underpinning continuing political oppression in Mexico using the concept of aporetic modernism." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.430703.
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Jackson, Janet Clare Louise. "Royalist politics, religion and ideas in Restoration Scotland, 1660-1689." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1999. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272411.
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Mirecka, Martyna. ""Monarchy as it should be"? : British perceptions of Poland-Lithuania in the long seventeenth century." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6044.
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Early modern Poland-Lithuania figured significantly in the political perceptions of Europeans in the long seventeenth century – not only due to its considerable size and enormous commercial and military resources, but also, and just as importantly, due to its exceptional religious and political situation. This interest in Poland-Lithuania was shared by many Britons. However, a detailed examination of how Britons perceived Poland-Lithuania at that time and how they treated Poland-Lithuania in their political debates has never been undertaken. This thesis utilises a wide range of the previously neglected source material and considers the patterns of transmission of information to determine Britons' awareness of Poland-Lithuania and their employment of the Polish-Lithuanian example in the British political discourse during the seventeenth century. It looks at a variety of geographical and historical information, English and Latin descriptions of Poland-Lithuania's physical topography and boundaries, and its ethnic and cultural make-up presented in histories, atlases and maps, to establish what, where and who Poland-Lithuania was for Britons. Poland-Lithuania's political framework, with its composite structure and unique relationship between the crown and nobility, elicited a spectrum of reactions, and so this thesis evaluates the role that both criticism and praise of Poland-Lithuania played in British constitutional debates. Consequently, the study argues that Britons' perceptions of Poland-Lithuania were characterised by great plasticity. It claims that Britons' impressions of the country were shaped by multiple – real or imagined - borders, whether cultural, economic or political, but also that Britons were affected by the exposure to a uniform, idealised historiography of this country. Crucially, the thesis asserts that references to Poland-Lithuania constituted an ingenious ideological and polemical device that was eagerly used throughout the period by Britons of diverse political sympathies. Moreover, through the examination of the kingdom's geopolitical role, particularly its fluctuating position as a “bulwark of Christendom”, side by side its engagement against Protestants, the thesis challenges the assumption that anti-Catholicism dominated seventeenth-century British perceptions of the world.
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Luo, Yinan. "Ideas in Practice: the Political Economy of Chinese State Intervention During the New Policies Period (1068-1085)." Thesis, Harvard University, 2015. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:14226107.
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I take the New Policies period (1068-1085) to be a critical juncture in Chinese history during which, for the first time, the Chinese state initiated systematic intervention into the market. This period witnessed the failure of plans to shape the collective action of bureaucrats and coordinate market actors through a host of organizing mechanisms. I explain why the policy makers in this historical process failed to incorporate and organize the ideas and interests of social actors, political elites and relevant bureaucracies into the state’s authoritative action.
I argue that this failure was an outcome of the interaction between the political philosophy of the drafters of the New Policies and their historical context. In particular, it was a result of the incapacity of the drafters’ worldview to correctly explain and resolve unexpected problems in the policy environment, including the influence of political philosophies that were in fundamental conflict with the ideas of Wang Anshi, as well as the reaction of political elites to the New Policies, the rationales and behavioral modes of bureaucrats in financial markets and state monopolies, and unpredictable changes in the marketplace that bedeviled bureaucrats.
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Jackson, Myron Moses. "An Interpretation of the Shift from Classical to Modern Natural Law According to Eric Voegelin's History of Political Ideas." OpenSIUC, 2010. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/theses/268.
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In the following work, I present Eric Voegelin's account regarding the tradition of natural law as an intellectual and spiritual phenomenon of Western civilization. The eight-volume History of Political Ideas, published posthumously, gives a compelling account of the shift from classical to modern natural law. Chapter one will set up the parameters of the study and give a summary of the background details surrounding the controversy of Voegelin's History. The second chapter will deal with the account given on the development of natural law from the early church fathers and the Hellenic-Stoic thinkers, up to Thomas Aquinas. Chapter three explores Voegelin's critique of Martin Luther and John Calvin as largely responsible for the dismantling of Aquinas' synthesis and anthropology which is based on a loving friendship (amicitia) between man and God. Reformed theology and the emergence of the nation-state as the sole political unit are the primary factors motivating the quest to establish "new orders" in modern political philosophy. Hugo Grotius, Thomas Hobbes, and John Locke are the focus of chapter four, as Voegelin carries out an analysis of their new modes of natural law, concluding with a grim assessment. Finally, I will briefly comment on integrity of Voegelin's story as a plausible interpretation regarding this rich civilizational heritage.
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Dementavičius, Justinas. "The Concept of “State” in Lithuania: Origins and Development of the Modern Lithuanian Political Thought." Doctoral thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2012. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2012~D_20121227_090225-34226.
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This dissertation seeks to reconstruct the development of the modern Lithuanian political thought. The main object of the analysis for achieving this goal is the concept of the state (Lith. valstybė). It serves as a synthetic concept and helps to interpret the utterances of the important Lithuanian intellectuals about the person, society and polity as such from the standpoint of political theory. Analysis is done by combining three schools of intellectual history: history of ideas, conceptual history and history of the political. The dissertation shows that the genesis of the concept of the state since the beginning of the 19th century and its embedding in the modern political language and thought cannnot be separated from the development of a modern political paradigm. The national awakening at the end of the 19th century also led to the creation of new political concepts, which helped to define the polity as an abstract and sovereign entity. The ideologization of the concept (different usage of it in order to provide the basis for competing ideological projects) enables to distinguish several different attitudes towards the state specific for the Lithuanian political culture. During the Interbellum period it is possible to indicate four main modes to conceptualize the state: organic, nationalistic, democratic-legalistic and Marxist-economistic. After the Second World War Marxist and legalistic conceptualization of the state became the dominant ones in Lithuania, and the... [to full text]Disertacijoje rekonstruojama modernios politinės minties raida Lietuvoje. Pagrindiniu analizės objektu siekiant šio tikslo tampa valstybės sąvoka, kuri sintezuoja ir iš politinės teorijos perspektyvos leidžia interpretuoti ją vartojančių intelektualų prielaidas apie asmens, visuomenės ir pačios politijos (bendriausia sąvoka nusakanti politinę tvarką) prigimtį. Analizė atliekama pasitelkiant ir derinant tris intelektualinės istorijos mokyklas: idėjų istoriją, sąvokų istoriją ir politiškumo istoriją. Disertacijoje parodoma, kad valstybės sąvokos atsiradimas XIX a. pr. ir įsitvirtinimas lietuvių kalboje bei politinėje mintyje yra neatsiejamos nuo modernių politinių paradigmų sklaidos. XIX a. pab. vykęs tautinis atgimimas taip pat skatino lietuviškų politinių sąvokų kūrimą, kurios leistų naujai apibūdinti politiją kaip abstraktų ir suverenų socialinį darinį. Per visą XX a. vykusi sąvokos ideologizacija – skirtingas vartojimas konkuruojantiems ideologiniams projektams pagrįsti – leidžia išskirti keletą Lietuvos visuomenei būdingų santykio su valstybe modelių. Tarpukariu labiausiai išryškėjo organiškas, tautininkiškas, demokratinis-legalistinis ir marksistinis-ekonomistinis valstybės konceptualizavimo būdai. Po II-ojo pasaulinio karo Lietuvoje buvo įtvirtintas marksistinis ir legalistinis valstybės apibrėžimo modelis, kai tuo tarpu išeivijoje buvo plėtojama organiškoji ir įdiegta liberalioji valstybės koncepcija.
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Rosa, Sérgio Paula. "Concepções de poder e política em Erasmo de Rotterdam: o papel de diferentes tradições entre reelaborações e permanências." Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2016. http://repositorio.bc.ufg.br/tede/handle/tede/6653.
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Present and discuss in this paper the positions of the philologist, philosopher, writer and augustinian theologian who lived in the sixteenth century european in relation to questions raised about the issue of good governance, Erasmus of Rotterdam. Although the title of the work suggest a centrality in thought rotterdamês not do here an intellectual history, but we strive to bring a focused discussion on the assumptions of the history of ideas, at which chosen as one of the theses that spans centuries and was played also by Erasmus of Rotterdam, that is, the age-old dispute between the spiritual power and the secular power of the papacy and empire, since the five hundred, will have a regal figure, whose strength and importance has been building for more than two centuries in the principalities , regna and republics. From the effort of reading and interpretation of the Institutio principis christiani work (The Education of a Christian Prince) defend their positions on the question of the origin and role of government and the ruler are due also to a large extent, of their membership in different and conflicting belief systems and traditions. In this sense, we point out that Erasmus receives and disseminates political ideas derived from Aristotelianism, Platonism and the thinkers of the imperial romanism and combined republican with christian morality via the teaching of the "church fathers", then opting for the view that the government of princes It is intended to promote the common good of the citizens living in the principalities, regna or republics. In exercising his adviser of Carlos de Gante, son of Philip I of Castile, and future ruler of the holy roman empire, devotes a treaty speculate with advice to do a good government. In this treatise, Erasmus we prescribe a morality not only christian, but also imbibed the teachings of pagan authors, highlighting the influence of these thinkers not only this work, but throughout his production as "man of knowledge" of his time.
Apresentamos e discutimos nessa dissertação os posicionamentos do filólogo, filósofo, literato e teólogo agostiniano que viveu no século XVI europeu em relação às questões postas em torno questão do bom governo, Erasmo de Rotterdam. Embora o título do trabalho sugira uma centralidade no pensamento do rotterdamês, não fazemos aqui uma história intelectual, mas esforçamo-nos por trazer uma discussão centrada nos pressupostos da história das ideias, oportunidade em que escolhemos como uma das teses que percorreu séculos e foi tocada também por Erasmo de Rotterdam, ou seja, a disputa milenar entre o poder espiritual e o poder secular entre papado e império que, já nos quinhentos, contará com a figura régia, cuja força e importância vem se construindo há mais de dois séculos nos principados, regna e repúblicas. A partir do esforço de leitura e interpretação da obra Institutio principis christiani (A educação de um príncipe cristão) defendemos que seus posicionamentos sobre a questão da origem e função do governo e do governante devem-se também, em larga medida, à sua filiação a diferentes e divergentes sistemas de crenças e tradições. Nesse sentido, apontamos que Erasmo acolhe e divulga teses políticas derivadas do aristotelismo, do platonismo e dos pensadores do romanismo imperial e republicano combinadas com a moralidade cristã via o ensinamento dos “padres da igreja”, optando então pela visão de que o governo dos príncipes se destina à promoção do bem comum dos cidadãos que vivem nos principados, regna ou repúblicas. Ao exercer sua função de conselheiro de Carlos de Gante, filho de Filipe I de Castela, e futuro governante do sacro império romano, dedica-lhe um tratado especular com conselhos para que faça um bom governo. Nesse tratado, vemos Erasmo prescrever uma moralidade não apenas cristã, mas embebida também dos ensinamentos dos autores pagãos, deixando clara a influência desses pensadores não só nessa obra, mas em toda sua produção como “homem de saber” do seu tempo.
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Egan, Anthony. "The National Catholic Federation of Students : a study of political ideas and activities within a Christian student movement, 1960-1987." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/21836.
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Bibliography: pages 191-212.This is a study of the National Catholic Federation of Students (NCFS), an organisation that sought to bring together Catholic students on South African university campuses, examining specifically NCFS' political ideas and activities from 1960 to 1987. The underlying supposition of this thesis is that church history ought to be an integral part of the discipline of history, and that there is a need to write church history from "below" from the perspectives of the "people's church", the church that comprises the religious experience of the majority of its members rather than its hierarchy.
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Fjaagsund, Peter. "Apocalyptic and millennial ideas in D.H.Lawrence : a contextual exploration." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.253775.
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BALUNOVIC, Filip. "The cognitive background of activism : exploring ideas behind counter-hegemonic discourses in Belgrade, Zagreb and Sarajevo." Doctoral thesis, Scuola Normale Superiore, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11384/90433.
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The central topic of this work is the relationship between critical knowledge and the counter-hegemonic activist struggles in Belgrade, Sarajevo and Zagreb. While looking at the “cognitive background” of activism, both non-theoretical and theoretical knowledge is taken into account. The accent is nonetheless on the theoretical knowledge. Critical ideas, on the other hand, have been inspiring social and political actions for centuries. The question of the nature of this relationship, including the mechanisms of diffusion, concrete sources and reasoning behind it, has thus far remained under - researched. Which type of knowledge is considered to be “movement relevant” today? Where does it come from, through which channels and which social, structural and organizational factors influence its consolidation and operationalization within social movement collectives? All these questions are addressed through a research conducted in a specific context of the post-socialist former Yugoslavia.
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Blohmé, Erik. "Nordic Fascism : Investigating the Political Project Behind Bollhusmötet." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-444542.
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This thesis investigates the political project behind the infamous tennis hall meeting, commonly referred to as Bollhusmötet, that took place in February of 1939 in Uppsala, Sweden. Gathering in the local tennis hall, the members of the Uppsala Student Union decided to send a resolution to the Swedish king protesting the reception of Jewish refugees into Sweden in the wake of the 1938 November Pogrom. The protest was widely influential, spurring similar resolutions at other universities and arguably influencing Swedish refugee policy on a national level. The event itself was orchestrated by a group of nationalist students as part of a political project aiming to establish a Nordic power bloc with Sweden as the central power. This political milieu rejected the geopolitics of both England and Germany to promote a specific form of Nordic fascism. Antisemitism was a central part of their ideology, both regarding short- and long-term goals, and antisemitism was also the ultimate motive behind the tennis hall meeting. The architects of these events joined the mainstream conservative milieu in 1940 as part of a strategy to abolish the Swedish political system from within and restructure the Swedish state according to a fascist model bearing many similarities to national socialism.
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Coohill, Joseph. "Ideas of the Liberal Party : perceptions, agendas, and Liberal politics in the House of Commons 1832-1852." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.285422.
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Barber, Alex. "The voice of the people, no voice of God' : A political, religious and social history of the transmission of ideas in England, 1960-1715." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.529035.
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Dementavičius, Justinas. "Valstybės samprata Lietuvoje: modernios lietuviškos politinės minties ištakos ir raida." Doctoral thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2012. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2012~D_20121227_090210-20571.
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Disertacijoje rekonstruojama modernios politinės minties raida Lietuvoje. Pagrindiniu analizės objektu siekiant šio tikslo tampa valstybės sąvoka, kuri sintezuoja ir iš politinės teorijos perspektyvos leidžia interpretuoti ją vartojančių intelektualų prielaidas apie asmens, visuomenės ir pačios politijos (bendriausia sąvoka nusakanti politinę tvarką) prigimtį. Analizė atliekama pasitelkiant ir derinant tris intelektualinės istorijos mokyklas: idėjų istoriją, sąvokų istoriją ir politiškumo istoriją. Disertacijoje parodoma, kad valstybės sąvokos atsiradimas XIX a. pr. ir įsitvirtinimas lietuvių kalboje bei politinėje mintyje yra neatsiejamos nuo modernių politinių paradigmų sklaidos. XIX a. pab. vykęs tautinis atgimimas taip pat skatino lietuviškų politinių sąvokų kūrimą, kurios leistų naujai apibūdinti politiją kaip abstraktų ir suverenų socialinį darinį. Per visą XX a. vykusi sąvokos ideologizacija – skirtingas vartojimas konkuruojantiems ideologiniams projektams pagrįsti – leidžia išskirti keletą Lietuvos visuomenei būdingų santykio su valstybe modelių. Tarpukariu labiausiai išryškėjo organiškas, tautininkiškas, demokratinis-legalistinis ir marksistinis-ekonomistinis valstybės konceptualizavimo būdai. Po II-ojo pasaulinio karo Lietuvoje buvo įtvirtintas marksistinis ir legalistinis valstybės apibrėžimo modelis, kai tuo tarpu išeivijoje buvo plėtojama organiškoji ir įdiegta liberalioji valstybės koncepcija.This dissertation seeks to reconstruct the development of the modern Lithuanian political thought. The main object of the analysis for achieving this goal is the concept of the state (Lith. valstybė). It serves as a synthetic concept and helps to interpret the utterances of the important Lithuanian intellectuals about the person, society and polity as such from the standpoint of political theory. Analysis is done by combining three schools of intellectual history: history of ideas, conceptual history and history of the political. The dissertation shows that the genesis of the concept of the state since the beginning of the 19th century and its embedding in the modern political language and thought cannnot be separated from the development of a modern political paradigm. The national awakening at the end of the 19th century also led to the creation of new political concepts, which helped to define the polity as an abstract and sovereign entity. The ideologization of the concept (different usage of it in order to provide the basis for competing ideological projects) enables to distinguish several different attitudes towards the state specific for the Lithuanian political culture. During the Interbellum period it is possible to indicate four main modes to conceptualize the state: organic, nationalistic, democratic-legalistic and Marxist-economistic. After the Second World War Marxist and legalistic conceptualization of the state became the dominant ones in Lithuania, and the... [to full text]
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Barnett, Lisa. "The political idea of freedom : a critical history of some post-war accounts." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/30708.
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This thesis presents a critical history of some recent philosophical efforts to clarify the political idea of freedom. These efforts have produced an increasingly complex and inward-looking important to step back and assess how much these analyses have achieved. This will pave the way for discussing how much can be achieved by their 'analytical' approach; an approach which entails analysing the political idea of freedom independently of a wider political theory. 'Analytical' accounts of freedom are usually presented as if they are careful and detached analyses of the concept of freedom that informs and underpins Western political thought and practice. Closer inspection, however, suggests that they are informed by a wider set of moral and metaphysical assumptions that are not always explicated and examined. As a result, these accounts turn out to be more limited and les rigorous than they first appear. In particular, they are often only relevant to a narrow set of concerns and preoccupations, and they frequently reflect the ideological preferences of the philosopher. This suggests that these accounts are far less philosophically interesting than is often supposed. This thesis executes a critique of these accounts in two ways. Firstly, it deploys a standard of philosophical adequacy to assess critically the argumentative rigour of these accounts and, secondly, it uses past conceptions of philosophy and politics to illuminate their conceptual limitations. We will find that these accounts fail to clarify a distinctively political kind of freedom because their proponents have not thought critically about the nature of their inquiry. This shortcoming will be illustrated by examining some of the most important and influential accounts of the post-war period.
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Sanchez, Michelle Chaplin. "Providence: from pronoia to immanent affirmation in John Calvin's Institutes of 1559." Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11672.
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Over the twentieth century and into the present, theorists of secularization and political theology have explored ways that theological arguments have shaped the social, ethical, economic, and political imaginaries of the modern West. In many of these studies, the doctrine of providence has come under scrutiny alongside related theological debates over of the nature of divine sovereignty, glory, the will, and the significance of immanent life in relation to divine transcendence. While it is often taken for granted that the Calvinist branch of Protestant reform likewise had a decisive impact on the shape of the modern West, there has been no extended treatment of Calvin's writing on providence, or related doctrines, which engages these arguments about secularization.
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Shimizu, Shu. "The battle of economic ideas : a critical analysis of financial crisis management discourse in the UK, 2007-8." Thesis, University of Essex, 2016. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/16259/.
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This thesis contributes to our understanding of the financial crisis as it played itself out in the UK. The onset of the crisis provoked multiple diagnoses and interpretations of the crisis. Pre-dominant economic understandings of the crisis minimised its significance, suggesting that the natural operation of market mechanisms would enable the economic system to self-correct spontaneously and rapidly. As the economic situation worsened, however, other interpretations gained ground. From this perspective, the crisis was an event that exposed the limits of the highly financialised status of our economy, presenting policy makers with the opportunity to roll back the financialisation. The eventual non-realisation of this financial ‘roll-back’ is the starting point of many studies, and my thesis can be said to contribute to this literature in a modest way. Its main focus is the battle of economic ideas in elite policy-making circles in the UK. What is often missing from critical narratives of the crisis period is a detailed account of the dynamic interplay of competing interpretations of the crisis at crucial conjunctural moments by key agencies and figures animating the crisis drama in the UK context. These battles are ‘battles of ideas’ in the sense that they refer to competing characterisations of the unfolding events, as well as competing policy and regulatory proposals designed to manage the crisis, rooted in competing economic doctrines, espoused by different actors occupying hegemonic positions of the UK elite finance and media establishment. Although these battles were often fought with great intensity and urgency, there was an internal complexity to the dynamic of these battles that often gets glossed over in accounts of this period. I suggest that ‘reactivating’ this period in detail and with nuance is helpful in showing not only the manner in which ‘neoliberal finance’ has managed to survive the crisis largely intact despite the general expectation of its end but also in pointing to the challenges faced by those who wish its end. Three key conjunctural moments are chosen as the focus of my empirical analysis: the Great Crunch in the Summer of 2007, the Run on the Rock in the Autumn of 2007, and the Lehman Shock in the Autumn of 2008. I articulate a novel theoretical approach and research strategy, drawing on poststructuralist discourse theories. I deploy this approach in a close and systematic analysis of UK elite narratives on economic management, my corpus comprising the discourse produced by official political and economic institutions and agents, including professional economists, as well as narratives found in the broadsheet press more generally. Qualitative interpretative techniques are used to probe the justifications informing a range of bailout and regulatory policy proposals, in order to characterize in a unique and original manner the discursive battles at each one of the conjunctures. My empirical investigation reveals how the battle of economic ideas played itself out politically and ideologically in such a way as to leave neoliberal finance largely unperturbed. While anti-interventionist and interventionist proposals were frequently thematised and debated, these exchanges did not end up challenging the neoliberal finance character of our economy. Moreover, while my findings reveal a clear shift of emphasis in the centre of gravity of elite policy debates when moving from the Great Crunch to the Rock Run (the focus shifting from bailouts to regulation), the legal reforms announced following the Lehman Shock were understood to be largely temporary measures designed to calm and stabilise the markets rather than challenge neoliberal finance. More radical proposals were not taken seriously in the mainstream policy making community, and I argue that this is in part due to the hegemonic sway of neoliberal finance within this context. In order to contribute to the broader question of why neoliberal finance survived the crisis, it is essential to have a clear picture of how the detail and dynamics of the battle of ideas in the early period of the crisis unfolded, including a clear picture of the main actors, the discursive coalitions within which they operated, and the economic doctrines they appealed to when debating the scale of the crisis and the state management of the crisis. It is at this level that my thesis contributes to an overall account of the ‘non-death’ of neoliberal finance.
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Dyson, Jessica. "Staging legal authority : ideas of law in Caroline drama." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/366.
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This thesis seeks to place drama of the Caroline commercial theatre in its contemporary political and legal context; particularly, it addresses the ways in which the struggle for supremacy between the royal prerogative, common law and local custom is constructed and negotiated in plays of the period. It argues that as the reign of Charles I progresses, the divine right and absolute power of the monarchy on stage begins to lose its authority, as playwrights, particularly Massinger and Brome, present a decline from divinity into the presentation of an arbitrary man who seeks to impose and increase his authority by enforcing obedience to selfish and wilful actions and demands. This decline from divinity, I argue, allows for the rise of a competing legitimate legal authority in the form of common law. Engaging with the contemporary discourse of custom, reason and law which pervades legal tracts of the period such as Coke’s Institutes and Reports and Davies’ ‘Preface Dedicatory’ to Le Primer Report des Cases & Matters en Ley resolues & adiudges en les Courts del Roy en Ireland, drama by Brome, Jonson, Massinger and Shirley presents arbitrary absolutism as madness, and adherence to customary common law as reason which restores order. In this climate, the drama suggests, royal manipulation of the law for personal ends, of which Charles I was often accused, destabilises law and legal authority. This destabilisation of legal authority is examined in a broader context in plays set in areas outwith London, geographically distant from central authority. The thesis places these plays in the context of Charles I’s attempts to centralise local law enforcement through such publications as the Book of Orders. When maintaining order in the provinces came into conflict with central legislation, the local officials exercised what Keith Wrightson describes as ‘two concepts of order’, turning a blind eye to certain activities when strict enforcement of law would create rather than dissolve local tensions. In both attempting to insist on unity between the centre and the provinces through tighter control of local officials, and dividing the centre from the provinces in the dissolution of Parliament, Charles’s government was, the plays suggest, in danger not only of destabilising and decentralising legal authority but of fragmenting it. This thesis argues that drama provides a medium whereby the politico-legal debates of the period may be presented to, and debated by, a wider audience than the more technical contemporary legal arguments, and, during Charles I’s personal rule, the theatre became a public forum for debate when Parliament was unavailable.
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Silva, Luis Felipe Carnevalli da. "Do “neoliberalismo” ao “neodesenvolvimentismo” : as representações sobre agenda macroeconômica do governo lula (2003 - 2010) /." Franca, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/190770.
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Orientador: Marcos Sorrilha PinheiroResumo: Desde o início do mandato do ex-presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva várias propostas de interpretação de suas políticas vieram à luz, entretanto, no que corresponde às políticas macroeconômicas, dois pontos de vista são fundamentais, para compreender o Partido dos Trabalhadores sob uma perspectiva histórica. À priori surgiram análises que davam um foco maior acerca das políticas que, para alguns autores, eram neoliberais, todavia, com o apogeu destas críticas surgiram respostas que orbitavam sob o prisma de uma negação deste “neoliberalismo” nas políticas petista, reação que gerou a designação do partido como sendo neodesenvolvimentista. Fato é que a caracterização do PT tal qual desprendida de preceitos neoliberais, como uma das hipóteses desse trabalho, surgiu como uma tentativa de desvincular a legenda de qualquer coisa que ia contra suas bandeiras históricas. Logo compreender o papel exercido pelos atores que cunharam no PT a ideia de um partido que se afasta dos ideais do “neoliberalismo”é depreender como frentes intelectuais operaram a construção de uma visão sobre a legenda, legitimando-a diante de questões históricas que a precederam.
Abstract: Since the beginning of former president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva’s mandate, several interpretation proposals of his politics emerged, however, on what concerns the macroeconomics politics, two points of view are fundamental for understanding the “Partido dos Trabalhadores” under a historic perspective. First came to issue several analysis focusing politics which some authors considered “neoliberal”s, although with it’s rise came replications that orbited the abnegation of the “neoliberal”ism on the party’s politics, generating a designation of the party as neo-developmentalist. As a matter of fact, the characterization of PT as one disconnected from “neoliberal”s precepts, such as one of the hypothesis presented in this paper, emerged from an attempt of unlink the party from its historic ensign. Therefore, comprehend how the PT’s founding actors constructed an idea of a party far from the “neoliberal”s ideals is mandatory for understanding how a mass of intellectuals built the way the party was percepted, besides it's history.
Mestre
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De, Thy Ludovic. "L’écriture des lois constitutionnelles de 1875 : La fondation de l’ordre constitutionnel de la IIIe République." Thesis, Bourgogne Franche-Comté, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017UBFCF004/document.
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Sturza, Eliana Rosa. "Linguas de fronteira e politica de linguas : uma hitoria das ideias linguisticas." [s.n.], 2006. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/270606.
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Orientador: Eduardo Roberto Junqueira GuimarãesTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem
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Resumo: A obra Dialecto Fronterizo en el Norte del Uruguay (1965), de José Pedro Rona, funda um discurso sobre as línguas praticadas na fronteira do Brasil com o Uruguai. A história das idéias lingüísticas sobre as línguas de fronteira se constitui nos discursos acadêmicos sobre o cruzamento das línguas portuguesa e espanhola nas zonas de fronteira. O espaço de enunciação fronteiriço se define como um espaço no qual se enunciam dizeres sobre as línguas. Esses dizeres têm sentidos políticos que determinam uma distribuição para as línguas, atribuindo-lhes uma hierarquia. Mas, no conjunto das línguas de fronteira, incluem-se práticas lingüísticas que resultam do cruzamento entre as línguas dominantes na fronteira, o português e o espanhol. Desse modo, as designações, tomadas neste trabalho como categoria de análise, significam politicamente, porque uma vez nomeadas, as práticas do cruzamento entram também no quadro das línguas de fronteira. Nessa fronteira é a língua portuguesa e os dialetos de base portuguesa que determinam uma política de línguas
Abstract: The work Dialecto Fronterizo en el Norte del Uruguay (1965), written by José Pedro Rona, generates a discourse concerning the languages spoken on the border between Brazil and Uruguay. The history of the linguistic ideas with regard to the borderline languages is constituted in the academic discourses related to the interplay between the Portuguese and the Spanish languages within the borderland. The borderline space of enunciation is defined as a space where utterances are enunciated about the languages. Those utterances present political meaning and determine an allocation to the languages while, at the same time, they confer hierarchy to them. Yet, considering the languages of the borderline as a whole, linguistic practices which result from the interplay between the dominant borderline languages - Portuguese and Spanish - are included. Thus, the descriptions taken into account in this work as categories of analysis, display a political meaning, that is to say, once they are denominated, the practices of that interplay also become part of the framework of the borderline languages. In such a geographic border, the Portuguese language and the dialects of Portuguese influence, are the ones which determine a politics of languages
Resumen: La obra Dialecto Fronterizo en el Norte del Uruguay (1965), de José Pedro Rona, dio origen a un discurso sobre las lenguas habladas en la frontera de Brasil con Uruguay. La historia de las ideas lingüísticas sobre las lenguas de frontera se constituye en los discursos académicos sobre el contacto entre las lenguas portuguesa y castellana en las zonas de frontera. El espacio de enunciación fronterizo está definido como un espacio en donde se enuncia lo que se dice sobre las lenguas. Todo ello adquiere sentidos políticos que determinan la distribución de las lenguas, y les atribuye un carácter jerárquico. Pero en la totalidad de las lenguas de frontera se incluyen otras prácticas lingüísticas resultantes del contacto entre las lenguas dominantes en la frontera, el castellano y el portugués. De esa manera, las designaciones ¿ tomadas en este estudio como categorías de análisis ¿ adquieren significados que juegan un papel político: al nombrárselas, tales prácticas pasan a enmarcarse en el ámbito de las lenguas de frontera. En dicha frontera es la lengua portuguesa y los dialectos de base portuguesa que determinan una política de lenguas
Doutorado
Doutor em Linguística
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Foulser, Nicholas E. "The influence of 'Lollardy' and reformist ideas on English legislation, c.1376-c.1422." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/13641.
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This thesis explores the potential influence of 'Lollardy' and reformist ideas on English legislation in the period c.1376 to c.1422. It focuses on a comparison between the ideas expressed in a variety of Wycliffite works, most especially the tracts that were reportedly presented to parliament, and the ideas contained within parliamentary legislative activity. The aim of the thesis is to shed light on the extent to which the political community shared the ideas expressed in 'heterodox' works and the extent to which the debate over 'Lollardy' informed the debates over other issues within parliament. It begins with an introductory section which explores the nature of 'Lollardy', the potential of the parliamentary and statute rolls as sources for the impact of reformist ideas, and an examination of what can be gleaned from other sources as regards the attitudes of the political community to reform. It then moves on to explore legislative activity on a variety of issues including papal provisions, vagrancy, appropriation, non-residence and pluralism, hospitals and fraternal recruitment practices - on a primarily chapter by chapter basis, exploring the ideas and arguments as they developed chronologically and mapping these, as far as possible, against the known chronology of 'Lollardy'. It also makes comparisons between the petitions and the government's response, in order to determine the dynamics of 'Lollardy's' influence. Did the commons have an underlying programme of reform? If so, did this programme bear any relationship to the programme of reform advocated by the Wycliffites and the protagonists of disendowment? How committed were the commons to the ideas they espoused? Did the Church accept a level of parliamentary interference to stave off the threat of 'Lollardy'? What was the government's attitude to reform? These are some of the central questions of this thesis.
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Larkins, Jeremy. "The idea of the territorial state : discourses of political space in Renaissance Italy." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2617/.
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This thesis, presented as a theoretical contribution to the discipline of International Relations, describes the intellectual origins of the idea of the territorial state. The idea of the territorial state has a privileged place in International Relations for it is an integral element of Realism, the discipline's dominant intellectual tradition. Realism assumes that the primary actors in the modern international system are states, as identified by their exercise of sovereignty over a delimited space or territory. In Realist history, the territorial state and the modern territorial international order emerged together, twin products of seventeenth century political theory and practice, as signified by political settlement of the Peace of Westphalia in 1648. This thesis challenges the Realist narrative of the idea of the territorial state on two counts: methodologically and historically. First, it rejects the view that it is possible to account for the idea of the territorial state exclusively in terms of political practice and knowledge. It argues that the Realist idea of the territorial state needs to be understood as one expression of a much broader and more complex matrix of narratives - social, political, philosophical and cultural - about man's capacity to know, represent and order the spaces of modernity. Second, the thesis rejects the Realist history that dates the emergence of the territorial state to the seventeenth century. An alternative chronology is put forward that dates the origins of the idea of the territorial state to fifteenth and sixteenth century Renaissance Italy. The thesis argues that the first signs of the idea of the territorial state can be identified in various Renaissance spatial discourses: political, cosmological, artistic and cartographic. These spatial discourses and the practices they led to established the templates for thinking about and representing space in modernity, including those underlying the articulation of the idea of the modern territorial state.
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Lowry, Daniel William. "The life and times of Ethel Tawse Jollie : a case study of the transference and adaptation of British social and political ideas of the Edwardian era to a colonial society." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001854.
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This is an appraisal of the career of Ethel Tawse Jollie (1876-1950), the first woman parliamentarian in Southern Rhodesia, and the British Empire overseas, prolific writer and leading intellectual of her political generation who played a key role in the achievement of responsible government in Southern Rhodesia in 1923. As the founder and principal organiser of the Responsible Government Association she imported from Britain a singular political philosophy which made a lasting impression on Rhodesia's political character and social identity. She was an influential figure in British imperialist circles and in the women's suffrage controversy. No other Rhodesian politician had achieved such prominence in the metropole, or possessed such a thoroughly formed, comprehensive ideology, and the propaganda skills necessary to give it effect. The study traces the formation of her ideas within the intellectual milieu of pre-1914 Britain and - through her - its subsequent adaptation in Rhodesia; how, through her marriage to Archibald Colquhoun - explorer, writer and Cecil Rhodes's first Administrator of Mashonaland - she became steeped in the ideology of the Edwardian Radical Right - that reaction to imperial decline denoted by the slogan 'National Efficiency'. By 1915. when she arrived in Rhodesia, she had come to believe that by 1915, when she arrived in Rhodesia, she had come to believe that the salvation of the Empire lay in its 'patriotic' periphery where it was possible to create new societies on Radical Right principles. Both in and out of parliament she gave to Rhodesian public policy and identity a distinct Radical Right hue, which she further enhanced by her involvement in various extra parliamentary pressure groups. It is a life and times study and considerable use is made of contemporary ballads and novels in the belief that immersion in the atmosphere of the period is particularly useful in an intellectual biography of this kind. Comparisons are also made with other British peripheries notably Ulster, Canada and New Zealand. The study challenges the traditional view of Rhodesia as a neo-Victorian intellectual backwater; seeing it rather as a society which continued to import selectively ideas from elsewhere in the Empire. It should interest Commonwealth and - because of its central character - women's historians.
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Germane, Marina. "The history of the idea of Latvians as a civic nation, 1850-1940." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2013. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/4382/.
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This thesis challenges the customary approach of studying the latent ethnic conflict in Latvia exclusively through the prism of post-Soviet studies, looking for the causes of societal disaccord in Latvia’s recent past as a Soviet Socialist Republic, when numerous traumas were induced on the eponymous nation, from the deportations of 1940 which robbed the nation of its intelligentsia, to Russification policies that threatened the very existence of the Latvian language and culture, and to mass labour immigration that radically changed the country’s demography and ethnic composition. While recognising that this approach has its own merits, this thesis focuses on another important factor contributing to the present ethnic discord, namely the historical development of the idea of the Latvian nation, especially vis-à-vis ethnic minorities, who have always been present in significant numbers on Latvian territory through the course of modern history. More often than not, the interwar period of Latvian independence and nation-building is discarded by political scientists as bearing purely symbolic meaning and having no real impact on the present. This thesis challenges this widespread assumption and argues that, on the contrary, both the genesis of the idea of the Latvian nation and its interwar experience of statehood are vital to understanding the present-day dynamics. My thesis encompasses the period of Latvian history from the mid-19th century, when Latvians’ national awakening began, to 1940, when the country lost its independence as a result of Soviet annexation. The aim of this thesis is three-fold: first, to challenge the widespread (and historically inaccurate) assumption prevalent in modern Latvia that the idea of the civic nation is something intrinsically alien and unsuitable, imposed on Latvia from above; secondly, to examine the long-forgotten original contributions made to the concept of civic nationalism, and to the whole universalist-particularist dilemma, by Latvian thinkers at the beginning of the 20th century, and to place them in the wider framework of European interwar history and nationalism studies; thirdly, to identify the key issues in majority-minority relations that contributed to the eventual deterioration of minority rights in Latvia prior to World War Two, and, to a certain extent, to the demise of parliamentarian democracy in 1934. These issues (divided into three principal clusters: citizenship, language, and education) are then compared to the remarkably similar challenges faced by Latvian society since 1991.
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Schull, Joseph. "Russian political culture and the revolutionary intelligentsia : the stateless ideal in the ideology of the populist movement." Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=65974.
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Hashemi, S. Ahmad. "The question of freedom within the horizon of the Iranian Constitutional Movement (1906-1921)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:74388230-d9c6-4c17-850b-bdbceaa0848b.
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The present DPhil research attempts to develop an appropriate method for the historiography of ideas by taking into consideration cultural, linguistic and socio-political limitations and obstacles to free thinking in a predominantly closed society like Qajar Iran. By applying such a method the study then investigates the history of the idea of freedom in Iran during one of the most important periods in the evolution of this concept. The research method is grounded in a hermeneutical interpretation of Collingwood's logic of question and answer. It also employs MacCallum's meta-theoretical frame of analysis which states that freedom is always of something (an agent or agents), from something (conditions), to do something (actions). Using this methodological framework, the research shows how most locutions about freedom uttered in the last century of the Qajar period were formed within the horizon of the question of decline and were somehow related to remedy such situations. It then explores how late Qajar interpretations of the three variables of freedom manifest themselves in the socio-political life of early 20th century Iran. During the first constitutional period (August 1906-June 1908), the major concern of the first majlis was to establish the rule of law. In legislating the constitution and its supplement, the majority of the majlis believed that the main obstacle to freedom was arbitrary rule. Therefore, they endeavoured to restrain the government’s illegal and arbitrary interferences in the people's freedom. However, they did not develop a rational criterion for identifying legitimate and justifiable legal interferences. During the second constitutional period (July 1909– February 1921), the main concern of the second majlis was to restrain chaos and to strengthen the central government in order to put an end to domestic insecurity and foreign threats. To rectify such a situation, the majlis empowered the government to interfere even in the freedoms guaranteed by the constitution. As a result, the situation began to turn from chaos towards arbitrary rule. The research also argues that in most of their interpretations of the aim of freedom, constitutionalists considered an action permissible only if it was compatible with public interest as well as the material and spiritual progress of individuals and society. Theoretically, the aim of freedom could not have been the doing of an action that harmed another person or violated his/her freedom. Furthermore, 'the right to be wrong,' even if it harmed no one, was never defended. Nonetheless, in practice, freedom turned into chaos and licence in both the first and in the second constitutional periods. Finally, this study investigates how the Iranian pioneers of the freedom-seeking movement responded to the question of the eligibility of the agent of freedom, and the question of the equality of agents in having freedom. Iranian society was taking its first steps in experiencing the rule of law and had a long way to go to rectify its discriminatory culture and to establish equal rights. In such conditions, accepting a set of equal fundamental rights for all Iranians should be considered a great achievement for the constitutional movement.
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Korek, Janusz. "Paradoksy paryskiej "Kultury" : ewolucja myśli politycznej w latach 1947-1980." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Slaviska institutionen, 1998. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-62281.
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The aim of the dissertation is to analyze the political conceptions of the monthly "Kultura" in the period since its creation until 1980. The magazine, which started coming out in 1947 in Italy, was created by expatriate Poles, who after the Yalta Agreements chose to stay in the West. The editorial board soon moved to France where on the outskirts of Paris in the small town of Maisons-Laffitte the monthly journal has been edited ever since. Thanks to the original profile of the magazine and its political philosophy it has managed to group around itself numerous outstanding Polish writers and commentators, both those active in the emigré communities and those living in Poland. Also Western authors as well as writers and commentators from other countries in Central and Eastern Europe published their texts on the magazine's pages. In spite of "Kultura's" illustrious successes and unique accomplishments, earlier research on its history has not moved beyond its initial stage. In publications devoted to the phenomenon of "Kultura" we may encounter contradictory ideological qualifications and opinions on the magazine's political profile. This is a consequence of the fact that there is painful lack of source materials and dissertations analyzing the accomplishments of "Kultura" from a long term perspective. This dissertation aims to fill out this gap by analyzing a period of over thirty years in the history of the periodical. An attempt is made to divide this history into periods on the basis of ideological and political criteria. A further aim is to define the style of political thinking dominant in the materials published in the periodical and to characterize it against the background of earlier political debates in prewar Poland. The adopted diachronic perspective and the wide spectrum of analyzed phenomena provide the basis for an assessment of which conceptions and ideological elements and values were constantly present in the political platform of the editors and which made only a temporary appearance in connection with the political sympathies of the periodical or the changing circumstances on the world scene. It should be added that this is the first dissertation on the subject to cover truly comprehensive research material and to analyze the political trends in "Kultura" from a long-term perspective. The main thesis of the dissertation may be formulated as follows: "Kultura" succeeded in forging such conceptions and theories and in chosing such political options whose adequacy has found confirmation in the postwar developments both in Poland and on the international scene. This was possible, inter alia, because the magazine managed to rise above the limitations of traditional Polish ideological and political trends and worked out on its pages a new style of political thinking. "Kultura" is thus understood for the purposes of this dissertation as a periodical, a political centre and a school of political thought.
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Satsuma, Shinsuke. "Ideas about the economic advantages of colonial maritime war and their impact on British politics and naval policy, 1701-1729." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/104516.
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In early modern England (after 1707, Britain), there was an argument that war at sea, especially war in Spanish America, was an ideal means of warfare for England. This argument, whose origin can be traced back to the glorious memory of Elizabethan maritime war, revived at the beginning of the War of the Spanish Succession. This thesis examines this pro-maritime war argument, by focusing on its connection with its supposed economic advantages, and investigates its impact on British politics and naval policy during the war, and changes after the war. It reveals that this argument received support from politicians of different political stances because of its alleged economic advantages; colonial maritime war was expected to damage enemy financial resources while enriching Britain, and help to recover the Spanish American market where French merchants were making a rapid advance. At the same time, it makes clear that different political affiliations of the supporters created two types of pro-maritime arguments with different political functions. The thesis also shows that the supporters of colonial maritime war in the government as well as in the opposition tried to implement pro-maritime war policy by naval operations such as capture of Spanish silver fleets and colonial expeditions, and by legislation such as the American Act of 1708. However, their attempts were frustrated by diplomatic considerations, incapacity of naval administration, and by conflicting interests between several groups concerned in the West Indian colonies and Spanish American trade. After the South Sea expedition planned by the South Sea Company in 1712 did not materialise due to similar difficulties, the government focused on protection of the Spanish American trade, and refrained from taking aggressive action against Spanish colonies partly because of considerations for the interests of the company which started the Asiento trade. On the other hand, by the late 1720s the opposition, which championed the interests of private merchants, gradually came to advocate pro-maritime war policy, which eventually led up to propaganda campaigns against the Walpole ministry in the period of the War of Jenkins’s Ear.
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Maatouk, Mohamad. "A critical study of Antun Sa'adeh and his impact on politics : the history of ideas and literature in the Middle East." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.342370.
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Bujadoux, Jean-Félix de. "Rationalisation du parlementarisme en France (XIXe-XXIe siècles)." Thesis, Paris 2, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA020028.
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Le concept de la rationalisation du parlementarisme a été dégagé par Boris Mirkine-Guetzévitch en 1928 à partir de son étude des Constitutions adoptées dans les nouveaux pays européens issus du Traité de Versailles. Il renvoie à une démarche de codification écrite des pratiques et des usages régissant les rapports entre le pouvoir exécutif et les assemblées dans un régime parlementaire, afin de les aménager selon une finalité déterminée.En France, à l’instar d’autres pays européens durant la même période, cette démarche a été poursuivie par les constituants en 1946, puis en 1958. Toutefois, l’idée de rationaliser le parlementarisme en fonction d’une représentation donnée du régime parlementaire a dans notre pays des origines bien antérieures, remontant même au XIXe siècle, à la généralisation du recours à cette technique après la Première, puis la Seconde Guerre mondiale au sein des démocraties parlementaires européennes. En outre, les approches de l’idée de rationalisation, au travers des différents corpus forgés par les acteurs politiques et les publicistes, apparaissent plus denses et nombreuses dans le débat constitutionnel français au point que l’on puisse évoquer des rationalisations du parlementarisme en France et distinguer, dans une classification générale, trois catégories – camérale, gouvernementale et arbitrale – de rationalisation du parlementarisme. Ces trois catégories ont pu être mises en œuvre, alternativement ou cumulativement, en France à la fin de la IIIe, puis sous les IVe et Ve République avec des effets contrastés sur le fonctionnement des institutions. Aujourd’hui, la rationalisation du parlementarisme demeure un des piliers structurants du régime parlementaire françaisThe concept of the rationalization of parliamentarism was cleared by Boris Mirkine-Guetzévitch in 1928 from his study of the Constitutions adopted in the new European countries from the Treaty of Versailles. It refers to a process of written codification of the practices and usages governing the relationship between the executive power and the assemblies in a parliamentary system, in order to adapt them to a specific purpose.In France, like other European countries during the same period, this process was pursued by the constituents in 1946 and again in 1958. However, the idea of rationalizing parliamentarism according to a given representation of the regime in our country, our parliamentary origins go back much as far back as the nineteenth century to the widespread use of this technique after the First and Second World Wars in European parliamentary democracies.In addition, the approaches of the idea of rationalization, through the different corpora forged by the political actors and the publicists, appear more dense and numerous in the French constitutional debate to the point that one can evoke rationalizations of parliamentarism in France. and distinguish, in a general classification, three categories - cameral, governmental and arbitral - of rationalization of parliamentarism. These three categories could be implemented, alternately or cumulatively, in France at the end of the third, then under the Fourth and Fifth Republic with contrasting effects on the functioning of institutions. Today, the rationalization of parliamentarism remains one of the structuring pillars of the French parliamentary system
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Lång, Henrik. "Drömmen om det ouppnåeliga : anarkistiska tankelinjer hos Hinke Bergegren, Gustaf Henriksson-Holmberg och Einar Håkansson." Doctoral thesis, Umeå University, Historical Studies, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-1365.
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The main purpose of this thesis is to analyze the political thought of Hinke Bergegren (1861-1936), Gustaf Henriksson-Holmberg (1864-1929) and Einar Håkansson (1883-1907), by focusing particularly on their articulation of anarchist ideas. The disseration follows these three Swedish left-wing thinkers closely, while specifically tracing ideological patterns in their published material, public discussions, speeches and other political activities. The study attempts to combine the perspective of intellectual biography with a contextualising approach on ideological analysis. Bergegren, Henriksson-Holmberg and Håkansson stand as illuminating examples of how anarchist ideas could take form at the advent of the twentieth century in Sweden. They were all connected to the working class movement, and participated actively in the public debate about anarchism and its various aspects. This larger political and cultural context is also presented, and put in relation to Bergegren's, Henriksson-Holmberg's and Håkanssons' actions and ideas. Thereby, the study examines certain lines of thought connected to the anarchist ideology, and at the same time find traits in the history of libertarian socialism in Sweden, as reflected in the ideas embraced by the three aforementioned historical actors. From the start Henrik "Hinke" Bergegren - the agitator, writer and journalist who is the principal character in the dissertations first major part - was highly controversial within the social democratic movement. From the early 1890's and up to his final exclusion from the Social Democratic Party in 1908, he was constantly being accused of leading and informal anarchist subdivision, which recommended acts of terror and strived for a social revolution. However, this study confronts and modifies that notion. It concludes that Hinke Bergegren's ideological position during the 1890's cannot be equaled to a clear anarchist conviction; rather, he criticized the party's strong focus on parliamentary tactics from a revolutionary socialist viewpoint. Einar Håkansson, on the other hand, based his critique of authorities, military power, parliamentary governance and private property upon anarchist principles. In several poems and short stories, Håkansson stated his anti-authoritarianism. He was also an early advocate for anarcho-syndicalism. Gustaf Henriksson-Holmberg, the anarchist theoretician, was always anxious to emphasize the importance of avoiding all forms of large-scale political and economical solutions. This position, along with a deep-rooted individualism and a willingness to integrate social theory and political propaganda, characterized Holmberg's political thought from the 1890's and onward. His antipathy against brutal revolutionary tendencies was as solid as his critique of ideological dogmatism. In conclusion, the anarchist lines of thought articulated by the three principal characters in the thesis intersects at several points. They all agreed that private property and capitalism must be abolished and replaced by voluntary forms of cooperation. Furthermore, they expressed a similar disbelief in parliamentary tactics, the military and party bureaucracy.
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Andrieu, Elodie. "Le choix du régime politique dans les temps modernes : Machiavel et sa postérité (XVIE-XVIIIE siècles)." Thesis, Aix-Marseille 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011AIX32094.
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Les récentes révolutions du « Printemps des pays arabes » attestent de la vivacité de l’idéal démocratique. Or ce régime est caractéristique d’une manière philosophique de penser le droit et les institutions. En effet, il se conforme mieux que nul autre à l’essence de l’Homme. Alors, malgré le succès des méthodes quantitatives en sciences humaines et l’autonomie désormais incontestée de la science du politique, nos temps contemporains seraient les héritiers d’une vision métaphysique plutôt que scientifique de la matière politique. Pourtant, la thèse explore l’histoire de la première « science des institutions » qui naît et se développe dans les Temps Modernes. Courant méconnu au cœur de l’histoire des institutions, ses tenants sont pourtant des figures incontournables et emblématiques de la pensée politique moderne, qu’il s’agisse de Machiavel, Hobbes, Montesquieu ou encore Hume. La thèse dévoile alors l’ambitieux projet de ces penseurs : proposer des institutions adaptées à la variété des mœurs, des histoires et des sociétés qu’ils étudient. Le choix du régime politique se doit d’être à la fois respectueux de l’humain et adapté à la variété des populations existantes. Dès lors l’universel et le particulier se rejoignent pour servir la première « science » de la Modernité. La thèse serpente les siècles et le continent européen. Au bout de son périple, une rencontre surprenante : celle de philosophes fascinés par les découvertes de ces premiers scientifiques du politique. De cette rencontre devait naître un nouveau régime politique, différent de son homologue athénien : la Démocratie moderneThe recent revolutions of the « Arab Spring » attest of the vivacity of the democratic ideal. Yet, this regime is characterised by a philosophical questioning on law and on institutions. In fact, it fits better than any other regime the essence of mankind. So despite the success of quantitative methods and the now undisputed autonomy of political sciences, modern times inherited a metaphysical point of view rather than a scientific way to address political questioning. However, the thesis explores the history of the first “science of institutions” that was born and developed in Modernity. Unknown current in the history of institutions, its proponents are paradoxically emblematic figures of modern political thinking, such as Machiavelli, Hobbes, Montesquieu or even Hume. The thesis unveils their ambitious project: to propose institutions adapted to the variety of the customs, behaviours, histories of the societies they study. The choice of the political regime should be respectful of human nature and at the same time adapted to the variety of the existing people. Therefore, the universal and the specific merge in order to serve the first real science of the modern era. The thesis research progresses through Europe from the XVIth to the XVIIIth centuries. At the end of its journey: a surprising encounter: the meeting of philosophers fascinated by the discoveries of these first political scientists. This encounter bore a new type of political regime, different from its Athenian counterpart: modern Democracy
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Martínez-Cava, Aguilar Julio. "Gorros frigios en la Guerra Fría. El socialismo republicano de E. P. Thompson." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/670368.
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La tradición socialista fue heredera y continuadora del republicanismo democrático moderno. E. P. Thompson, como historiador e intelectual comunista, reivindicó de forma precursora los valores jacobinos e ilustrados frente a las ortodoxias intelectuales de la Guerra Fría que dividieron Europa. Al hacerlo, construyó un socialismo democrático, inspirado en la historia británica y en el internacionalismo de los Frentes Populares, que nutriría el activismo de la New Left y del movimiento pacifista. Crear una cultura política democrática, frenar la influencia de la riqueza y aumentar y dar un nuevo sentido a los derechos democráticos fueron los objetivos de este socialismo jacobino.The socialist tradition inherited and continued the values of modern democratic republicanism. E. P. Thompson, as a historian and communist intellectual, broke new ground in vindicating Jacobin and Enlightenment values against the intellectual orthodoxies of the Cold War that divided Europe. In doing so, he built a democratic socialism, inspired by British history and the internationalism of the Popular Fronts, which would nourish the activism of the New Left and the peace movement. Creating a democratic political culture, curbing the influence of wealth, and broadening and giving new meaning to democratic rights were the goals of this Jacobin socialism.
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Payne, Briana. "Oral History of Bonton and Ideal Neighborhoods in Dallas, Texas." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2015. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc848166/.
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The Bonton and Ideal neighborhoods in Dallas Texas, developed in the early 1900s, experienced physical and social decay throughout the 1980s. Neighborhood organizations and resident activism were vital to the rebirth of the community in the 1990s. Current revitalization efforts taking place there have been a source of contention as the neighborhood continues to overcome inequalities created by decades of racialized city planning initiatives. This thesis focuses on how the structuring structure of whiteness has historically affected, and continues to affect, the neighborhoods of Ideal and Bonton, as well as acts to identify how black residents have navigated their landscape and increased their collective capital through neighborhood activism.
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Fajon, Yan-Erick. "Les représentations du juge criminel dans la pensée politique française (1748-1791)." Thesis, Université Côte d'Azur (ComUE), 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019AZUR0021/document.
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Cette thèse sur la fin de l’Ancien Régime s’ étend de 148 à 1791. Ce travail de recherche est une exploration de la figure judiciaire et de ses représentations savantes et populaires sur la période donnée. Ainsi Les philosophes du XVIIIème siècle contribue largement grâce à leurs théories politiques à un renouveau théorique des représentations judiciaires. Ce renouveau s’accompagne également d’une fécondité littéraire dans le genre utopique. Ceci est bien la preuve que la question pénale est une question politique à la veille de la Révolution Française. Ce travail de renouveau judiciaire se poursuit avec l’Assemblée Nationale Constituante entre 1789 et 1791. Il se poursuit sous un angle pratique. C’est probablement ici que se situe la rupture entre les députés constituants et les philosophes des Lumières. Les premiers vont mettre en place un système judiciaire où seule la logique existe. Ce système est motivé par une haine du juge pénal du XVIIIème siècle. Les second, les philosophes, critiquaient le juge dans un souci d’exigence de liberté. Ils sont à ce titre le prolongement de l’humanisme et les précurseurs du libéralismeThis thesis on the end of the Ancien Régime extends from 1748 to 1791. This research work is an exploration of the judicial figure and its scholarly and popular representations on the given period. Thus the philosophers of the eighteenth century contributes largely through their political theories to a theoretical renewal of judicial representations. This renewal is also accompanied by literary fecundity in the utopian genre. This is proof that the criminal question is a political question on the eve of the French Revolution.This work of judicial renewal continues with the National Constituent Assembly between 1789 and 1791. It continues in a practical angle. It is probably here that lies the break between the constituent deputies and the Enlightenment philosophers. The former will put in place a judicial system where only logic exists. This system is motivated by a hatred of the 18th century criminal court. The second, the philosophers, criticized the judge for the sake of the need for freedom. They are in this respect the extension of humanism and the precursors of liberalism
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Märak, Leffler Björn. "Bildandet av Konstnärernas riksorganisation : Konstnärlig representation och sakkunskap 1936-1946." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för idé- och lärdomshistoria, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-411916.
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In an effort to understand the formation of the artist’s role in society from the perspective of the artists in relation to the founding of the State Art Council (Statens konstråd) during the period 1936-1946, this thesis studies the formation process and central problems of the Swedish Artists’ Association (Konstnärernas riksorganisation, K.R.O.). Using the analytical concept of representation as a base for the methodological framework, the thesis explores material including meeting protocols, letters, transcribed debates and the union members’ journal Medlemsbladet, as well as several Swedish daily newspapers. While the role and importance of K.R.O. in the 1930s and 1940s have been treated parenthetically in most prior historical writing regarding the relationship between artists and the welfare state, this thesis argues that the first decade of K.R.O’s history can shed light on important themes in the historiography. It argues also that several common assumptions about the organization need to be reconsidered, including the notion that K.R.O. was constituted with the primary task of proposing candidates for the State Art Council. The need for an artists’ union had existed prior to the formation of the State Art Council, and K.R.O. should be regarded in light of a longer history of attempts to organise artists on a national level. These prior experiences informed the artists’ considerations about how representation, in the political sense of the concept, should and could be achieved for the organisation’s claims to legitimacy towards the state and the Swedish artists. Likewise, the legitimacy of the state’s initiative hinged on the success of the organization’s claims to representativity. By analysing two central problems connected to the state’s and other actors’ involvement in the Swedish cultural life and social reformist claims - wartime taxation of artworks and the system of art exhibitions - this thesis argues that the commitment and enthusiasm regarding the changed structures within Swedish cultural life, which usually is ascribed to the artists during the period, has been inordinate. Whereas the state’s new involvement and the formation of K.R.O. can be seen as initiating the process of professionalizing the occupation of artist, the experiences of other actors not heeding their claims of expert knowledge during the organization’s first ten years highlighted the need for the artists to advance their social position.
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Sadler, Mélanie. "Juan Bautista Alberdi : un discours entre culture juridictionnelle et culture étatique." Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015BOR30030/document.
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Étatique.Cette thèse se propose d’étudier la pensée d’Alberdi et de démontrer qu’elle est, fondamentalement, une pensée de la complexité des catégories fondée sur la conscience du caractère hybride de l’ordre sociopolitique qui lui est contemporain. Alberdi est héritier de deux cultures, une culture traditionnelle d’Ancien Régime et une culture révolutionnaire dont le langage s’est également imposé avec l’Indépendance. La grande question qui se pose à lui est celle de l’ordre à redonner au corps social qui a perdu la légitimité de l’ordre transcendant d’Ancien Régime. L’historiographie traditionnelle a souvent récupéré la figure et les discours du publiciste pour en faire l’éminent précurseur ou représentant de diverses tendances, parfois contradictoires, et notamment, pour l’ériger en figure de proue de la « modernité », du libéralisme contemporain ou encore de l’« État argentin » contemporain. Alberdi est au contraire, encore pleinement imprégné de la culture juridique traditionnelle et il cherche à adapter les langages dont il dispose à la réalité qui est la sienne, dans un aller-retour constant entre réalité et discours, puisque l’une modèle les autres et vice versa. Des catégories comme celles d’« individu », « Liberté », « administration » se sont imposées avec la Révolution, mais le publiciste les resémantise en fonction de son contexte, encore traversé de dynamiques très traditionnelles. L’individu, ainsi, recoupera globalement la catégorie excluante du « vecino ». L’« administration » apparaîtra souvent sous sa plume dans son sens ancien d’« administration de justice » et non pas dans son sens moderne. Par ailleurs, la « modernité » du Tucuman est toute relative puisqu’il laisse un rôle fondamental aux sources de droit traditionnelles et ne s’inscrit dans un volontarisme juridique qu’occasionnellement, et avec précaution. Jouant sur plusieurs échelles, il parle le langage de la modernité politique au niveau national et celui du droit traditionnel au niveau local lequel demeure le socle de stabilité du corps social. Ma thèse est que ce socle traditionnel d’une part, et les catégorie de « commerce » (prise dans sa polysémie) et d’économie politique d’autre part, seront les deux instruments fondamentaux permettant à l’auteur de repenser le lien, de créer une société à partir du corps social traditionnel. Loin de considérer l’ordre au seul niveau national, sa démarche s’inscrit en outre dans une perspective internationale : ce n’est que par l’échange pacifié entre nations que l’on pourra clore le cycle des révolutions atlantiques et retrouver un ordre ; celui-ci sera immanent certes, mais il devra nécessairement transcender le cadre de la nationThis thesis points to study Alberdi’s thought and to demonstrate that it’s fundamentally a thought of the complexity of the categories founded on the hybrid character of the order which is contemporary to him. Alberdi inherited the legacy of two cultures, the traditional culture of Ancien Régime and a revolutionary culture whose language also imposed itself with the independance. The major question for Alberdi is which order to give back to the social body since it lost the legitimacy of the Ancien Régime’s transcendent order. The traditional historiography often pick up Alberdi’s figure and speeches to convert him in the eminent precursor or representative of distinct tendencies, sometimes contradictories, and especially to promote him as the « modernity »’s, the contemporary liberalism’s and the contemporary Argentinian State’s figurehead. Quite the contrary, Alberdi is still rather immerged in the traditional legal culture, and he tries to adapt the availables languages to his reality, in permanent backs and forths between reality and speeches since the first models the seconds and viceversa. Some categories like « individual », « Liberty », « administration » imposed themselves with the Revolution but the publicist gives them another significations (je ne sais pas comment traduire “resémantiser”?) according to his context considerably penetrated with traditional dynamics. The « individual », so, intersects the excluding category of the « vecino » overall. In the same way, Alberdi preferentially uses the term of « administration » in its old meaning of « justice’s administration », not in its modern acceptation. Besides, the publicist’s « modernity » is to be reconsiderated seeing as he leaves a fundamental role to the traditional legal sources and doesn’t fall into legal voluntarism but occasionally and cautiously. He actually plays on different scales : he speaks the political modernity’s language on the national scale and the traditional legal’s one on the local level (local level which remains the stability base of the social body). My thesis is that this traditional base on one hand and the categories of « trade » (understood in his polysemic acceptations) and « political economics » on the other hand will be the two fundamental instruments which enable the autor to rethink the link, to create a society based on the traditional social body. Far from considerating the order on the very national level, his approach also fits into an international perspective : the pacified exchanges between the nations would be the only way to end the atlantic revolutions’s cycle and to recover an order : this order will admittedly be immanent, but it necessarily will transcend the national frame
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der, Weduwen Arthur. "Selling the republican ideal : state communication in the Dutch Golden Age." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/16612.
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This study seeks to describe the public communication practices of the authorities in the Dutch Golden Age. It is a study of 'state communication': the manner in which the authorities sought to inform their citizens, publicise their laws, and engage publicly in quarrels with their political opponents. These communication strategies underpinned the political stability of the seventeenth-century Dutch Republic. Concerned about their decorous appearance, the regents who ruled the country always understated the extent to which they relied on the consent of their citizens. The regents shared a republican ideal which dismissed the agency of popular consent; but this was an ideal, like so many ideals in the Dutch Republic, which existed in art and literature, but was not practised in daily life. The practicalities of governance demanded that the regents of the Dutch Republic adopt a sophisticated system of communication. The authorities employed town criers and bailiffs to speed through town and country to repeat proclamations; they instructed ministers to proclaim official prayer days at church; and they ensured that everywhere, on walls, doors, pillars and public boards, one could find the texts of ordinances, notices and announcements issued by the authorities. In the seventeenth-century Dutch Republic, politics was not the prerogative of the few. That this was due to the determined efforts of the authorities has never been appreciated. Far from withholding political information, the regents were finely attuned to the benefit of involving their citizens in the affairs of state. The Dutch public was exposed to a wealth of political literature, much of it published by the state. The widespread availability of government publications also exposed the law to prying, critical eyes; and it paved the way to make the state, and the bewildering wealth of legislation it communicated, more accountable.
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Baloch, Bilal Ali. "Crisis, credibility, and corruption : how ideas and institutions shape government behaviour in India." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a017adea-7dc4-45a2-9246-4df6adcabb9b.
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Anti-corruption movements play a vital role in democratic development. From the American Gilded Age to global demonstrations in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis, these movements seek to combat malfeasance in government and improve accountability. While this collective action remains a constant, how government elites perceive and respond to such agitation, varies. My dissertation tackles this puzzle head-on: Why do some democratic governments respond more tolerantly than others to anti-corruption movements? To answer this research question, I examine variation across time in two cases within the worldâs largest democracy: India. I compare the Congress Party government's suppressive response to the Jayaprakash Narayan movement in 1975, and the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance governmentâs tolerant response to the India Against Corruption movement in 2012. For developing democracies such as India, comparativist scholarship gives primacy to external, material interests â such as votes and rents â as proximately shaping government behavior. Although these logics explain elite decision-making around elections and the predictability of pork barrel politics, they fall short in explaining government conduct during credibility crises, such as when facing nationwide anti-corruption movements. In such instances of high political uncertainty, I argue, it is the absence or presence of an ideological checks and balance mechanism among decision-making elites in government that shapes suppression or tolerance respectively. This mechanism is produced from the interaction between structure (multi-party coalition) and agency (divergent cognitive frames in positions of authority). In this dissertation, elites analyze the anti-corruption movement and form policy prescriptions based on their frames around social and economic development as well as their concepts of the nation. My research consists of over 110 individual interviews with state elites, including the Prime Minister, cabinet ministers, party leaders, and senior bureaucrats among other officials for the contemporary case; and a broad compilation of private letters, diplomatic cables and reports, and speeches collected from three national archives for the historical study. To my knowledge this is the first data-driven study of Indian politics that precisely demonstrates how ideology acts as a constraint on government behavior in a credibility crisis. On a broader level, my findings contribute to the recently renewed debate in political science as to why democracies sometimes behave illiberally.
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Vachet, Claire. "Le droit saisi par l'anarchisme. Étude du discours des militants libertaires (1870-1926)." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020BORD0241.
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Entre 1870 et 1926, la critique que les anarchistes formulent à l’égard de l’État embrasse celle du droit, et les thèmes qu’ils abordent dans ce domaine sont vastes. Du rejet du contrat social, à celui de la loi, en passant par l’histoire du droit et de l’État, le droit étatique est, pour eux, un ennemi désigné. Les militants pensent alors l’anarchie en contradiction avec ce dernier. L’architecture normative de l’ordre libertaire qu’ils appellent de leurs vœux confère une large place à l’association libre des individus et au consentement de chacun à la norme. Or, elle repose aussi en grande partie sur des fondements naturalistes : leurs références aux sciences naturelles, conjuguées avec les sciences sociales alors naissantes, conduisent les militants à justifier l’anarchie à l’appui des vérités scientifiques admises à leur époque. Les allusions à la nature, au droit naturel et à la morale font de l’ordre libertaire un édifice fortement normatif qui pourrait le rapprocher du droit étatique auquel pourtant il s’oppose. L’étude du discours sur le droit des militants anarchistes pendant la période 1870-1926, à travers le dépouillement des ouvrages et de la presse de propagande, permet de mettre en lumière cette ambivalence. Bien que les juristes résument souvent l’anarchisme à la propagande par le fait, et le réduisent à l’anomie, l’historiographie récente de la pensée juridique tend à affirmer le contraire. Cette thèse démontre ainsi la présence complexe, à la fois implicite et explicite, du droit dans la pensée libertaireBetween 1870 and 1926, anarchists criticism of the state includes criticism of law, and the themes they tackled in this area are vast. From the rejection of the social contract, to the rejection of the law, to the history of law and state, state law is, for them an enemy. Anarchists then think anarchy is in contradiction with it. The normative architecture of the anarchist society gives a large place to the free association of individuals and to the consent of each individual to the norm. However, it also relies on naturalist foundations : the reference to the natural sciences, combined with social sciences, leads militants to justify anarchy in support of the scientific truths accepted in their time. The reference to nature, natural law and morality made the anarchist society a normative order that could bring it closer to state law, which it opposed. The study of the discourse on law of anarchists during 1870 to 1926, through the study of the literature and the propaganda press, highlights this ambivalence. Although jurists often sum up anarchism as “propagande par le fait”, and reduce it to anomie, the recent historiography of legal thought tends to assert the opposite. This thesis demonstrates the complexity of the presence, both implicit and explicit, of law in anarchist thought
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Truchot, Hélène. "Le droit constitutionnel de René Capitant." Thesis, Bourgogne Franche-Comté, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018UBFCF011.
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René Capitant (1901-1970), professeur de droit public, résistant, député et ministre gaulliste, lègue une œuvre constitutionnelle qui n’a jamais fait l’objet d’une analyse juridique exhaustive. Souvent critiques et parfois précurseurs, ses écrits doctrinaux et politiques présentent un intérêt qui réside autant dans les développements théoriques questionnant l’origine du droit positif à travers sa réception par les consciences individuelles que dans les aspects pratiques portant sur l’évolution des régimes français. Par une approche dynamique du droit constitutionnel où s’entremêlent histoire constitutionnelle, pratiques institutionnelles et doctrines philosophiques et politiques, le droit constitutionnel de René Capitant invite à dépasser les textes pour s’interroger sur la légitimité constitutionnelle de la démocratie françaiseRené Capitant (1901-1970) was professor of public law, involved in the Resistance movement during the Second World War, deputy, and Gaullist minister. He bequeaths a constitutional work that has never been subjected to exhaustive legal analysis. Often critical and sometimes precursor, his doctrinal and political writings are of interest as much in the theoretical developments questioning the origin of positive law through its reception by individual consciences as in the practical aspects of the evolution of French regimes. Through a dynamic approach to constitutional law in which constitutional history, institutional practices and philosophical and political doctrines intermingle, René Capitant's constitutional law invites us to go beyond the texts to question the constitutional legitimacy of French democracy
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Silva, Júnior José Antonio Ferreira da 1987. "Retórica americana : temas e ideias político-culturais em Casa de las Américas (1965-1976)." [s.n.], 2014. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279654.
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Orientador: José Alves de Freitas NetoDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-25T13:47:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 SilvaJunior_JoseAntonioFerreirada_M.pdf: 1700054 bytes, checksum: 09c1830a8d95d190c305110e85ba4e6b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014
Resumo: Este trabalho procura levantar e mapear discussões e debates político-culturais da segunda metade do século XX em Cuba, nas primeiras décadas da Revolução Cubana. A difusão de periódicos e impressos contribuiu para uma circulação diferenciada de ideias e discursos, envolvendo sujeitos históricos em diferentes dinâmicas entre o político e o cultural. Os intelectuais encontraram nesse tipo de meio de comunicação um espaço de expressão e engajamento com o processo revolucionário. A revista cubana Casa de las Américas se constituiu como centro de uma rede intelectual, a partir da qual se construiu e se difundiu um discurso revolucionário. Nossa proposta é partir desta revista, como objeto e fonte histórica, para aproximarmo-nos das ideias e noções conformadas entre intelectuais relacionados com o imaginário esquerdista da América Latina nos anos 1960 e 1970. Um dos nossos temas principais é a conformação de discursos identitários na revista. Defendemos que as identidades construídas discursivamente por Casa fazem parte da concepção que a própria revista tinha sobre sua atuação no processo revolucionário. Também, a questão em torno do papel do letrado é aqui analisada por nós. A publicação deu suporte para a formação de um discurso que valorizou e favoreceu uma estética e uma concepção de intelectual específicas para cumprir o que era visto como revolucionário. Devido à importância e à vigência que Casa estabelece para José Martí (1853-1895), as formas de discussão e apropriação da vida e obra deste letrado cubano figuram também em nossa argumentação, destacando mecanismos discursivos e formas de apropriação da história de Cuba. Dessa forma, passando por alguns temas político-culturais da revista, pretendemos abordar a história da esquerda latino-americana e da conformação de seu imaginário
Abstract: This work discusses and analyses the political and cultural debates during the first decades of the Cuban Revolution in the second half of the 20th century. In this context the dissemination of printed journals had contributed for the exchange of ideas and discourses, allowing the historical subjects to be immersed in a variety of political and cultural dynamics. Intellectuals found a space for expression and engagement with the revolutionary process in this type of media. The Cuban cultural journal Casa de las Américas was the center of an intellectual network from which the revolutionary discourse was built and spread. With the analysis of this journal we intend to get closer to the ideas and concepts that were being created and used by the Latin American leftist intellectuals of the 1960s and 1970s. One of our main themes is the conformation of identity discourses in the journal Casa de las Américas. The importance of the figure of the intellectual is another focused subject. We argue that the identities constructed discursively by this cultural journal are part of the design that the magazine itself had on its performance in the revolutionary process. The publication gave support to the formation of a discourse that valued and promoted a specific aesthetic and conception of intellectual which would fulfill what was seen as revolutionary. The important role that was reserved for José Martí (1853-1895) in Casa justifies our analysis of how his life and works were discussed and presented in the journal, emphasizing the discursive mechanisms and the different forms of appropriation of Cuban history. Thus, with the analysis of some political and cultural themes from Casa we intend to study the history of Latin-American left and the conformation of its imaginary
Mestrado
Politica, Memoria e Cidade
Mestre em História
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Le, Dévédec Nicolas. "La société de l'amélioration : le renversement de la perfectibilité humaine, de l'humanisme des Lumières à l'humain augmenté." Thesis, Rennes 1, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013REN1G028.
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Du dopage sportif à l’usage de psychotropes pour accroître les capacités intellectuelles ou mieux contrôler les émotions, du recours aux nouvelles technologies reproductives permettant une maîtrise croissante des naissances, au développement d’une médecine anti-âge qui oeuvre à l’effacement de toute trace du vieillissement, jamais il n’a été autant question d’améliorer l’être humain et ses performances par le biais des avancées technoscientifiques et biomédicales contemporaines. Cette étude interroge cette aspiration à un humain augmenté à la lumière de l’idéal humaniste et politique de la perfectibilité humaine systématisé par les philosophes des Lumières au 18ème siècle, en particulier dans l’oeuvre et la pensée de Jean-Jacques Rousseau. À la différence du modèle politique et humaniste de la perfectibilité, qui valorise l’amélioration de la condition humaine dans et par la société, au coeur de l’imaginaire démocratique moderne, la société de l’amélioration contemporaine paraît, elle, promouvoir un modèle de perfectibilité dépolitisé, axé sur l’adaptabilité technoscientifique de l’être humain et la transformation de la vie en elle-même. À travers une excursion au sein l’histoire de la pensée sociale, l’objectif de cette étude est de comprendre comment un tel renversement et une telle dépolitisation de la perfectibilité ont pu avoir lieu. De Jean-Jacques Rousseau à Karl Marx, de Auguste Comte à Francis Galton, despenseurs postmodernes au mouvement transhumaniste, cette thèse offre une généalogie synthétique de la société de l’amélioration dans laquelle nous entrons, seule à même d’éclairer de manière critique des transformations sociales et technoscientifiques trop souvent présentées sous le masque de l’inéluctabilitéWhether we speak of doping in sport, the use of psychoactive drugs to improve man’s intellectual performance or better check his emotions, new reproductive technologies allowing more efficient birth control, or anti-aging medicine to erase the effects of time, there is no denying that enhancing humans through the use of technoscientific and biomedical means has grown more pervasive in our contemporary societies. This study questions today’s quest for human enhancement under the light of the humanist and political ideal of perfectibility defined by 18th century Enlightenment philosophers, particularly in the work and thought of Jean-Jacques Rousseau. In contrast to the humanist andpolitical model of perfectibility, which promotes the improvement of the human condition by and through society, at the core of the democratic ideal, today’s enhancement society seems to champion a depoliticized model of perfectibility focused on human technoscientific adaptability and the transformation of life itself.Offering a journey through the history of social thought, the objective of this study is to understand how such a reversal and depoliticization of the concept of perfectibility may have been possible. From Jean-Jacques Rousseau to Karl Marx, Auguste Comte and Francis Galton, from postmodern thinkers to the transhumanist movement, this thesis presents a synthetic genealogy of the enhancement society we are entering, which allows for a critical analysis of socialand technoscientific transformations that have too often been presented behind the mask of ineluctability
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Ishaq, Muhammad. "Socio-political impacts of the contemporary religious movements in AJK Pakistan : an empirical study on competing visions of an ideal Islamic society." Thesis, University of Gloucestershire, 2016. http://eprints.glos.ac.uk/5717/.
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The aim of this study was to explore the emergence of the three main religious movements in AJK Pakistan and empirically investigate how they utilise social and public spaces to achieve their vision for this society. These groups are recognized as Islamic revivalist movements; therefore, the study aims to explore and understand how religiously motivated values function as social visions to shape or transform a society. As AJK society is largely based on the biraderi or caste system, it is important to explore how the above mentioned religious groups, reconcile their religious ideals to address a socially-segregated society. The role of religion, or more specifically, Islam and Islamic activism, is examined by applying sociological methods; the socio-religious and socio-political activities of the Islamic movements are analysed within the paradigms of the Social Movement theory. The study focusses on three main research questions, (i) the emergence of the Islamic movements, (ii) how they utilise or mobilise resources and (iii) how the movements disseminate their values and message into society. Aside from contemporary India and Pakistan, Kashmir has its own very long history of religion, politics, and independence as a kingdom. It consists of a Buddhist kingdom, a Brahman caste structured society, and a Sufi-oriented Muslim state, while the image of post-colonial Kashmir is totally different, which is divided, governed by foreign rules, and holds differing religious and secular ideologies. There are many active Islamic movements who are working in the name of revivalism, or reform, and who aim to bring changes to the society to make an ideal Islamic society according to their own perceived visions. The focus of this study was upon the three social-religious movements that are seeking to bring changes to the AJK society. Jamat-e-Islami (JI) is a well-known Islamic revivalist movement in the subcontinent; which has more than six chapters in six South-Asian countries. The movement uses many strategies to achieve its social, political and religious goals. In AJK, it is actively using different networks, such as education, health, welfare and politics. Minhaj-ul-Qur’an (MQ) is a comparatively new movement, however, the strategies and methods it deploys are quite like those of the JI Movement, but differ in its application of ideology, vision and rhetoric. Khanqah-e-Fatihiya, or Hadhrat Sahib of Gulhar Sharif (GS), is an apolitical movement that has evolved from within AJK. This movement represents the popular Sufi forms of Islam prevalent within AJK society. However, over the last 30 years, its substantial changes demonstrate elements of an internal revival within the AJK tasawwuf sects, which also emphasise ‘economic and religious emancipation’. The study highlights how these movements adopt different tactics to promote their ideologies through a variety of means, hence, how socio-religious and socio-political strategies are operating in a society which is mainly based on the caste system. As an exploratory, qualitative and ethnographic study, the research is based on three case studies centred on the above mentioned Islamic movements. The study concluded that all three movements had different goals and focus in AJK, for example, JI uses a state-centric approach, MQ mainly concentrates on society, whereas, the Sufi tariqa is an individual-centric movement. All three movements utilise an individual movement structure and apply differing methods to convey their message, in AJK.
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Cheramie, Vincent Pierre. "Transnational Terrorism and the African Union: From Ideal Aspirations to Harsh Realities in Somalia and Mali." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2017. https://scholarworks.uno.edu/honors_theses/97.
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This paper will question why the African Union has been unsuccessful in confronting the rising issue of transnational terrorism. It looks at the history of both the Organization of African Unity and the African Union and examines the measures the two organizations have taken in preventing and combating terrorism. The particular history of African States and their relation to the term “terrorism” is discussed in this section. In this light, I analyze the African Union’s peacekeeping missions in both Somalia and Mali to determine why they have failed to stop the spread of transnational terrorism. In conclusion, I will discuss the reasons why I the African Union has struggled in dealing with transnational terrorism.
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Dauphin, Thibaut. "Le comparatisme politique dans l'oeuvre de Voltaire." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020BORD0290.
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Ni la science politique, ni l’histoire du comparatisme ne se sont jamais véritablement saisies de l’œuvre politique de Voltaire. Or l’examen des textes, attentif au contexte du siècle où ils sont produits, peut permettre de dégager une nouvelle perspective sur sa dimension politique et comparative. Égrenées dans de très nombreux ouvrages, souvent dans des opuscules qui ont cessé de nous être familiers, les théories de l’auteur de l’Essai sur les mœurs et l’esprit des nations rivalisent et discutent avec celles de l’Esprit des lois et du Contrat social, mais sont aujourd’hui négligées. L’esprit de l’œuvre voltairienne est animé par une philosophie de l’action qui nourrit un examen rigoureux, quoiqu’obscurci par la lancinante question religieuse, des principaux faits politiques de l’histoire. Ce comparatisme historique, à peu près inédit par son ambition et ses dimensions, participe à l’édification d’une philosophie de l’histoire – la première du genre – qui constitue la grille de lecture voltairienne du politique. Sous les auspices de la comparaison, le corps de l’œuvre dessine alors les contours d’un « bon gouvernement » éclairé par la raison et la religion naturelle d’une part, et réglé par les droits naturels et la suprématie de la loi d’autre part. Inspiré des États de l’Europe et de l’Asie et mêlant les trois formes classiques de régime, ce modèle mixte matérialise le système politique de VoltaireNeither political science nor the history of comparatism has ever really grasped Voltaire's political work. However, an examination of the texts, attentive to the context of the century in which they were produced, can bring a new perspective on its political and comparative dimension. The theories of the author of the Essai sur les moeurs et l'esprit des nations, found in numerous works, often in pamphlets that have ceased to be familiar to us, compete and discuss with those of De l’esprit des lois and Du Contrat social, but are today neglected. The spirit of the Voltairian work is driven by a Philosophy of action, which conveys a rigorous examination, of the main political facts of history, albeit obscured by the haunting theme of religion. This historical comparatism, almost unprecedented by its ambition and dimensions, leads to the construction of a Philosophy of history - the first of its kind - which constitutes the Voltairian reading grid of politics. Through comparison, the body of the work then outlines a "good government" enlightened by Reason and natural religion on the one hand, regulated by natural rights and the supremacy of the law on the other. Inspired by European and Asian countries, blending the three classical forms of regime, this mixed model materialises Voltaire's political system
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Eklöf, Jenny. "Gene technology at stake : Swedish governmental commissions on the border of science and politics." Doctoral thesis, Umeå University, Historical Studies, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-1424.
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This thesis examines the Swedish political response to the challenges posed by gene technology, seen through the prism of governmental commissions. It discerns and analyses continuities and changes in the Swedish political conception of gene technology, over the course of two decades, 1980–2000. This is done by thematically following ideas of “risks” and “ethics” as they are represented in the inner workings and reception of three governmental commissions. The Gene-Ethics Commission (1981–1984), the Gene Technology Commission (1990–1992) and the Biotechnology Commission (1997–2000) form the empirical focal points of this analysis. The first two provided preparatory policy proposals that preceded the implementation of the Swedish gene technology laws of 1991 and 1994. The last one aimed at presenting a comprehensive Swedish biotechnology policy for the new millennium.
The study takes into account the role of governmental commissions as arenas where science and politics intersect in Swedish political life, and illuminates how this type of “boundary organisation”, placed on the border of science and politics, impinges on the understanding of the gene technology issue. The commissions have looked into the limits, dangers, possibilities and future applications of gene technology. They have been appointed to deal with the problematic task of distinguishing between what is routine and untested practices, realistic prediction and “science fiction”, what are unique problems and what are problems substantially similar to older ones, what constitutes a responsible approach as opposed to misconduct and what it means to let things “get out of hand” in contrast to being “in control”. Throughout a period of twenty years, media reports have continued to frame the challenges posed by gene technology as a task of balancing risks and benefits, walking the fine line between “frankenfoods” and “miracle drugs”.
One salient problem for the commissions to solve was that science and industry seemed to promote a technology the public opposed and resisted, at least in parts. For both politics and science to gain, or regain, public trust it needed to demonstrate that risks – be it environmental, ethical or health related ones – were under control. Under the surface, it was much more complicated than “science helping politics” to make informed and rational decisions on how to formulate a regulatory policy. Could experts be trusted to participate in policy-making in a neutral way and was it not important, in accordance with democratic norms, to involve the public?
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Costa, Suenya do Nascimento. "As ideias educacionais e políticas de Silvino Elvídio Carneiro da Cunha na província da Parahyba do Norte (1874 - 1876)." Universidade Federal da Paraíba, 2017. http://tede.biblioteca.ufpb.br:8080/handle/tede/9861.
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This work had as objective analyze the ideas of instruction, modernity and progress present in political activity of Silvino Elvídio Carneiro da Cunha between 1874 and 1875. The periodization is justified because, during that period, Carneiro da Cunha was the presidente of the province of Parahyba do Norte. In the insertion of the this in the Brazilian modernization process, Your government developed educational ideas for the province of Parahyba do Norte that were linked to a modern nation project bringing themes that were present in the national and local debates on free education, classes Popular education and teacher training. Carneiro da Cunha's work is part of the interweaving that surrounds it with the historical context in which Brazil and Paraíba were based on events that exerted political and social impact. As for example the popular revolt of the Quebra-Quilos, changes of regime, slave labor going towards the end, construction of railroads among other modifications guided by the ideas of progress and modernity. Thus we can understand the way in which these ideas designed for the province were inserted in this panorama of the second half of the nineteenth century. We used as a source, above all, the official documents - presidential messages, reports, legislation, as well as newspapers from the period to understand the circulation of ideas and the events that gave shape to the political contours of the Province. As theoretical foundation we made use of the contributions of Intellectual History and Political History to help interdisciplinarily in the History of Education. For this, we have made use of vast literature that surpasses these fields of research. Among these works, we take for example the contribution of the French historian Jean-François Sirinelli, who helped us to understand the subjects in a social and historical perspective and in their intellectual trajectories. Another literature used to base our research was based on the ideas of René Remond with his contribution to Renewed Political History that far from presenting simple linear narratives or decontextualized biographies, is therefore used of the ideas of certain subjects with their social contexts. We also count on the contributions made by Roger Chartier and Francisco Falcon to the Intellectual History that is characterized by all forms of thought, instead of the traditional history of ideas, seeking to insert the study of ideas and attitudes in the set of social practices. Thus, we place the History of Education as a field capable of providing confluences between the Intellectual and Political histories allowing to have elements that subsidize bases to think broader themes, about the politics, societies and education in certain contexts. Finally, we intend, with this effort to understand some of the elements brought by Silvino Elvídio Carneiro da Cunha in the local context, to approach the discussions between historiography, education and the role played by this subject.
Este trabalho objetivou analisar as ideias de instrução, modernidade e progresso presentes na atuação política de Silvino Elvídio Carneiro da Cunha entre 1874 e 1875. A periodização justifica-se porque, nesse período, Carneiro da Cunha ocupou o lugar de presidente da província da Parahyba do Norte. Tendo em vista a inserção desta no processo modernizador brasileiro o governo desse sujeito desenvolveu ideias educacionais para a província parahybana que estavam vinculadas a um projeto de nação moderna trazendo temas que estavam presentes nos debates nacional e local sobre ensino livre, aulas noturnas, educação popular e formação de professores. Além disso, a atuação de Carneiro da Cunha se insere no entrelaçamento que o envolve junto ao contexto histórico no qual se encontravam Brasil e Paraíba a partir de acontecimentos que exerceram impacto político e social. Como por exemplo a revolta popular dos Quebra-Quilos, mudanças de regime, mão de obra escrava se encaminhando para o fim, construção de estradas de ferro entre outras modificações guiadas pelas ideias de progresso e modernidade. Assim, podemos compreender o modo por meio do qual essas ideias pensadas para a província foram inseridas nesse panorama da segunda metade do século XIX. Utilizamos como fonte, sobretudo, os documentos oficiais – mensagens presidenciais, relatórios, legislação, além de jornais do período para compreender a circulação de ideias e os acontecimentos que davam forma aos contornos políticos da Província. Como fundamentação teórica fizemos uso das contribuições da História Intelectual e da História Política para auxiliar interdisciplinarmente na História da Educação. Para isso, fizemos uso de literatura vasta que perpassa esses campos de pesquisa. Dentre essas obras, tomamos por exemplo a contribuição do historiador francês Jean-François Sirinelli, que nos auxiliou a entender os sujeitos numa perspectiva social e histórica e em suas trajetórias intelectuais. Outra literatura usada para fundamentar nossa pesquisa foi a partir das ideias de René Remond com sua contribuição à História Política renovada que longe de apresentar meras narrativas lineares ou biografias descontextualizadas, se utiliza, portanto, das ideias de certos sujeitos com seus contextos sociais. E, ainda, contamos com as contribuições produzidas por Roger Chartier e Francisco Falcon à História Intelectual que caracteriza-se pelo conjunto das formas de pensamento, em lugar da tradicional história das ideias procurando inserir o estudo das ideias e atitudes no conjunto das práticas sociais. Assim, situamos a História da Educação como campo capaz de fornecer confluências entre as histórias Intelectual e Política possibilitando ter elementos que subsidiam bases para pensar temas mais abrangentes, sobre o político, as sociedades e a educação em determinados contextos. Sendo assim, pretendemos, com esse esforço por compreender alguns dos elementos trazidos por Silvino Elvídio Carneiro da Cunha no contexto local, aproximar as discussões entre a historiografia, a educação e o papel desempenhado por esse sujeito.