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Journal articles on the topic 'History of the ancient Near East'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Westbrook, Raymond. "Patronage in the Ancient Near East." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 48, no. 2 (2005): 210–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568520054127121.

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AbstractPatronage is generally assumed by scholars to have been a universal feature of ancient Near Eastern societies, but has been neglected as a topic of serious investigation. The purpose of this study is to offer, without prior assumptions, textual evidence that establishes the existence of the concept of patronage. The approach is to present case studies from various parts of the region which are best explained by the presence of patronage. For these purposes patronage is narrowly de fined on the basis of ancient Roman and contemporary anthropological models. Les historiens du Proche-Orient ancien supposent que le patronage était un phénomène universel dans la région, sans que ce sujet n'ait fait l'objet d'une étude approfondie. Dans cet article je propose de présenter sans présomptions préalables des preuves textuelles que le concept de patronage existait. L'approche est de présenter des cas concrets provenants de plusieurs parties de la région qui s'expliquent au mieux par la présence du patronage. À ces fins, j'adopte une définition étroite du patronage, à la base de modèles romains anciens et antropologiques modernes.

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2

Begg, Christopher T., Joseph E. Jensen, Victor H. Matthews, Martin Kessler, and Alan J. Moss. "The Ancient Near East: History, Texts, etc." Old Testament Abstracts 40, no. 3 (2017): 443–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ota.2017.0001.

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3

Matthews, Victor H., Christopher T. Begg, Isaac M. Alderman, and Joseph E. Jensen. "The Ancient Near East: History, Texts, etc." Old Testament Abstracts 40, no. 2 (2017): 213–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ota.2017.0033.

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4

Begg, Christopher T., David A. Bosworth, John Thomas Willis, and Isaac M. Alderman. "The Ancient Near East: History, Texts, Etc." Old Testament Abstracts 41, no. 3 (2018): 567–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ota.2018.0001.

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Alderman, Isaac M., Victor H. Matthews, John Thomas Willis, and Christopher T. Begg. "The Ancient Near East: History, Texts, etc." Old Testament Abstracts 41, no. 2 (2018): 293–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ota.2018.0052.

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6

Begg, Christopher T., Isaac M. Alderman, Eric J. Wagner, CR, and Ryan C. Payne. "The Ancient Near East: History, Texts, etc." Old Testament Abstracts 41, no. 1 (2018): 8–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ota.2018.0060.

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7

Begg, Christopher T., Andrew W. Dyck, and William J. Urbrock. "The Ancient Near East: History, Texts, etc." Old Testament Abstracts 42, no. 1 (2019): 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ota.2019.0001.

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8

Begg, Christopher T., and Victor H. Matthews. "The Ancient Near East: History, Texts, etc." Old Testament Abstracts 42, no. 2 (2019): 283–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ota.2019.0028.

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9

Begg, Christopher T. "The Ancient Near East: History, Texts, etc." Old Testament Abstracts 43, no. 1 (2020): 11–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ota.2020.0001.

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10

Begg, Christopher T., Isaac M. Alderman, Victor H. Matthews, and William J. Urbrock. "The Ancient Near East: History, Texts, etc." Old Testament Abstracts 43, no. 2 (2020): 293–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ota.2020.0054.

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11

Begg, Christopher T., William J. Urbrock, and Michael W. Duggan. "The Ancient Near East: History, Texts, etc." Old Testament Abstracts 43, no. 3 (2020): 609–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ota.2020.0056.

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12

von Dassow, Eva. "Temporality and Periodization in Ancient Near Eastern History." Social Science History 36, no. 1 (2012): 113–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200010397.

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In this article I consider the issues of temporality and periodization in the ancient Near East under three rubrics: how modern scholars have periodized ancient Near Eastern history, how societies of the ancient Near East periodized their own history, and, more broadly, how they conceptualized the temporal dimensions of their world and mapped themselves onto time. In each case I illustrate the issue with a selection of examples, which in no way represent comprehensive coverage. Under the last rubric, I focus on Sumer and Akkad.

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13

Van De Mieroop, Marc. "Ancient Egypt and the Near East in World History." Journal of Egyptian History 13, no. 1-2 (February 16, 2021): 11–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18741665-12340056.

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Abstract Ancient Egypt and the Near East are central to many histories that aim to look at the world in its entirety, mostly because they are the earliest cultures that are well-documented both with textual and material evidence. This article surveys how these studies use that evidence in the various ways the discipline of world or global history is practiced. Those include chronological narratives of human activities from prehistory up to today, investigations that consider the worlds in which the peoples of ancient Egypt and the Near East lived, and comparative studies that seek to explain how certain features of human society and culture came about. The final question it addresses is whether the people of ancient Egypt and the Near East had any interest in a global history themselves.

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14

Foster, Benjamin R., and Morris Silver. "Economic Structures of the Ancient Near East." American Historical Review 93, no. 1 (February 1988): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1865702.

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15

VAN DE MIEROP, M. "On Writing a History of the Ancient Near East." Bibliotheca Orientalis 54, no. 3 (August 1, 1997): 285–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/bior.54.3.2015905.

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16

Крих, С. Б. "The Russian Marxists and the Ancient Near East." Диалог со временем, no. 76(76) (August 17, 2021): 85–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.21267/aquilo.2021.76.76.032.

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Дореволюционный марксизм – забытая страница предыстории советского исторического нарратива. Советские историки почти полностью игнорировали таких авторов, как Г.В. Плеханов, Н.А. Рожков, А.А. Богданов в качестве предшественников своей науки. В статье сделана попытка исследовать взгляды указанных авторов на историю древнего Ближнего Востока и сформулировать ряд обобщений, касающихся их влияния на советское историописание. Русские марксисты использовали упрощение как приём для того, чтобы показать, что одни и те же принципы материалистического анализа действуют и на примере древнейших обществ Востока, что частично смягчалось как признанием вариативности исторического развития восточных обществ, так и наличествующей конкуренцией разных вариантов этого развития. Но это сочетание было утрачено при формировании советской исторической науки в начале 1930-х гг. Marxism in pre-revolutionary Russia is one of the forgotten pages for prehistory of the Soviet historical narrative. Soviet historians speaking large about Lenin (either Marx and Engels) as a predecessor of the Soviet scholarship, but mostly ignored such authors like Georgii Plekhanov, Nikolai Rozhkov and Alexander Bogdanov. All named Russian Marxist has similar background in their historical education and in their handing of facts. All of them also used simplification as a technique to show how the same principles of materialistic analysis worked on the examples many of ancient societies of the East. This general simplification was partly smoothed out by both the recognition of the variability of the historical development of ancient societies and the mutual competition of different versions of their development. But this combination was lost during the genesis of Soviet historical scholarship in the early 1930s.

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17

Denning-Bolle, Sara J. "Wisdom and Dialogue in the Ancient Near East." Numen 34, no. 2 (1987): 214–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852787x00038.

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18

ZETTLER, R. L. "Ancient Mesopotamia: The Early History of the Ancient Near East, 9000-2000 B.C." Science 244, no. 4902 (April 21, 1989): 370–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.244.4902.370.

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19

ZUTTERMAN, Christophe. "The Bow in the Ancient Near East." Iranica Antiqua 38 (January 1, 2003): 119–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ia.38.0.137.

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20

Eichler, Barry L., and Moshe Weinfeld. "Social Justice in Ancient Israel and in the Ancient near East." Jewish Quarterly Review 89, no. 1/2 (July 1998): 185. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1455299.

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21

Sulyok, Gábor. "Breach of Treaties in the Ancient Near East." Journal of the History of International Law 20, no. 1 (January 31, 2018): 31–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718050-12340083.

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AbstractThe history of the breach of treaties can be traced back to the ancient Near East. The relative abundance and diversity of contemporary sources attest that the breaking of treaty obligations must have been a rather persistent problem, and that such occurrences were regarded as events of utmost importance throughout the Bronze and Iron Ages. The present study strives to demonstrate how peoples of old may have perceived and reacted to the breach of treaties on the basis of selected writings—the Legend of Etana, the Indictment of Madduwatta, the Indictment of Mita, the plague prayers of Mursili and the Old Testament—that provide, beyond the exposition of actual or alleged facts, a deeper insight into the psychological and procedural aspects of the subject.

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22

Postgate, J. N., and M. Silver. "Economic Structures of the Ancient Near East." Vetus Testamentum 37, no. 4 (October 1987): 503. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1517592.

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23

Liverani, Mario. "Reconstructing the Rural Landscape of the Ancient Near East." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 39, no. 1 (1996): 1–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568520962600262.

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AbstractThe reconstruction of ancient Near Eastern history has mainly concentrated on urban (and especially palace) environments, leaving the rural landscape outside these analyses. Recent advances in archaeological and palaeobotanical fields greatly help in the recovery of the general outlines of rural exploitation in Mesopotamia and the surrounding regions; yet they cannot but miss the details of the individual exploitation units (fields and orchards), whose size and shape can be reconstructed on the basis of textual data such as cadastral texts (and other administrative recordings) and legal texts (related to the transfer of landed properties). Continuing the author's earlier work on the shape of fields in Ur III (ca. 2100-2000 B.C.), based on cadastral documents from Lagash province in lower Mesopotamia, this article examines, by way of ‘gross’ generalization and occasional exemplification, the entire history of the Mesopotamian landscape from the first administrative landscape in “late-Uruk” documents (ca. 3000 B.C.), down to the Neo-Babylonian documents of the Archaemenid period (ca. 500 B.C.).

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24

Gates, Marie-Henriette, Hans J. Nissen, Elizabeth Lutzeier, and Kenneth J. Northcott. "The Early History of the Ancient near East 9000-2000 B.C." Classical World 84, no. 5 (1991): 405. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350877.

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25

Katz, Joshua T., and Billie Jean Collins. "A History of the Animal World in the Ancient near East." Journal of the American Oriental Society 123, no. 4 (October 2003): 887. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3589989.

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26

Meade, C. Wade, Hans J. Nissen, Elizabeth Lutzeier, and Kenneth J. Northcott. "The Early History of the Ancient Near East, 9000-2000 B.C." American Historical Review 95, no. 3 (June 1990): 790. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2164305.

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27

Dandamayev, Muhammad, and Gregory C. Chirichigno. "Debt-Slavery in Israel and the Ancient near East." Jewish Quarterly Review 87, no. 1/2 (July 1996): 170. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1455225.

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28

Fleming, Daniel E. "Chasing Down the Mundane: The Near East with Social Historical Interest." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 1, no. 1 (February 1, 2014): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2013-0002.

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AbstractAlthough the “new social history” of the 1960s and 1970s quickly bequeathed its universal ambitions to a “new cultural history” in the 1980s, the attraction of the social historical category for study of the ancient Near East remains its potential to transform how we see the entire landscape of each past setting, still evoking E. P. Thompson’s history “from the bottom up.” Cuneiform writing offers a wealth of materials from the transactions of everyday life, in spite of the fact that the scribal profession served the centers of power and families of means, and a social historical perspective allows even documents from administrative archives to be viewed from below as well as from the rulers’ vantage. The potential for examining ancient society from below, in all its variety and lack of order, is illustrated in the archives of Late Bronze Age Emar in northwestern Syria. It is to be hoped that specialists in the ancient Near East will join a larger conversation among historians about how to approach the movement of societies through time.

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29

De Graef, Katrien, Agnès Garcia-Ventura, Anne Goddeeris, and Saana Svärd. "Third Workshop on Gender, Methodology, and the Ancient Near East." Near Eastern Archaeology 82, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 186–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/705419.

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30

LAMBERG-KARLOVSKY, C. C. "Structure, Agency and Commerce in the Ancient Near East." Iranica Antiqua 44 (June 30, 2009): 47–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ia.44.0.2034375.

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31

Grosby, Steven. "Borders, Territory and Nationality in the Ancient Near East and Armenia." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 40, no. 1 (1997): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568520972600829.

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AbstractExamination of evidence from the ancient Near East spanning a period of more than a thousand years indicates the existence of conceptions of relatively precise boundaries, territories, and perhaps also nations. Of course, the bounded territorial relation constitutive of certain ancient collectivities was not based, in part, on a conception of citizenship derived from birth in the land as in many instances of the modern national state. Nonetheless, one is justified in recognizing in antiquity instances of a consciousness of a bounded, trans-local territorial relation and, thus, perhaps nationality. The evidence for the existence of various conceptions of such relations constitutive of respectively various collectivities in the ancient Near East is by no means limited to the complicated example of the nation of ancient Israel. There are a number of other examples among which are Edom, ancient Aram, and ancient Armenia. There is merit in considering the examples of Edom, Aram, and Armenia together, specifically in elucidating the problem of both the nature of our evidence and the categories, especially nationality, which we employ in examining that evidence.

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32

RAINVILLE, LYNN. "Locating the “People Without History” in Histories of the Ancient Near East." Reviews in Anthropology 35, no. 1 (January 2006): 37–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00938150500535521.

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33

Vlassopoulos, Kostas. "Greek History." Greece and Rome 66, no. 2 (September 19, 2019): 295–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001738351900010x.

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Ancient Greek history can have no serious future in which the study of slavery does not play a prominent role. But in order to fulfil this role, the study of slavery is in urgent need of new approaches and perspectives. David Lewis’ new book is a splendid contribution in this direction. Lewis stresses the fact that slavery is primarily a relationship of property, and develops a cross-cultural framework for approaching slavery in this manner. Using this framework, he shows that Greek slavery cannot be equated with slavery in classical Athens, but consisted of various epichoric systems of slavery. Spartan helots and Cretanwoikeiswere not serfs or dependent peasants, but slave property with peculiar characteristics, as a result of the peculiar development of these communities. These findings have major implications for the study of Greek slavery. At the same time, he presents a comparative examination of Greek slave systems with slave systems in the ancient Near East (Israel, Assyria, Babylonia, Persia, and Carthage). While previous scholarship assumed that slavery in the Near East was marginal, Lewis shows that slaves constituted a major part of elite portfolios in many of these societies. This has revolutionary implications for the comparative study of Mediterranean and Near Eastern history in antiquity. Finally, he presents a model for explaining the role and significance of slavery in different ancient societies, which includes the factors that determine the choice of labour force, as well as the impact of political and economic geography. It is remarkable that an approach to slavery based on a cross-cultural and ahistorical definition of property does not lead to a homogenizing and static account, but on the contrary opens the way for a perspective that highlights geographical diversity and chronological change.

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34

Yona, Shamir, and Ariel Ram Pasternak. "Concatenation in Ancient Near East Literature, Hebrew Scripture and Rabbinic Literature." Review of Rabbinic Judaism 22, no. 1 (February 19, 2019): 46–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700704-12341351.

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Abstract This paper follows the development of concatenation from its early use in Ancient Near Eastern literature through its use in the Hebrew Bible, in Hebrew Ben-Sira, and ultimately in Rabbinic literature. We demonstrate that the Rabbis adopted this rhetorical pattern for stylistic purposes and also used it as an editing device. The latter use of the rhetorical device in question is only rarely attested in the Hebrew Bible.

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35

Pedracki, М., G. Bukesheva, and М. Khabdulina. "The Bronze Age of Kazakhstan in the context of Asian cultural relations." BULLETIN of L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. HISTORICAL SCIENCES. PHILOSOPHY. RELIGION Series 130, no. 1 (2020): 50–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-7255-2020-130-1-50-63.

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It seems that there are some events in the history of Ancient Near Eastern civilizations directly related to the Bronze Age of Kazakhstan. Those events have taken place in the first half of the second millennium BC and were associated with the invasion of mobile groups chariot warriors who brought with themselves a cult of a horse, a war chariot, advanced weapons, and some new ideologies to the Ancient Near East. Those chariotry men became the military aristocracy in many new founded states in Ancient Near East They propagated a heroized image of a warrior- king ride in a chariot, which was widely used in the palace reliefs of the countries of the Ancient Near East. During the last fifty years the archeologists discovered many Bronze Age monuments in Kazakhstan, with cultural indicators which coincided with the characteristics of the historical tribes that invaded early agricultural civilizations of Near East at the beginning of the 2nd millennium BC and created new dynasties of rulers. The names of those incomers are preserved in the writing sources of the Near Ancient East states. They are mentioned as: Hyksos, Kassites, Amorites, Mariannu. It is known that some part of them were Indo-Aryans by language. For many decades, linguists, historians and archaeologists have been searching for their ancestral home. The purpose of the article is to characterize the main cultural factors of the Bronze Age cultures of Ural-Kazakhstan steppes and to investigate the possibility of the steppe origin of the chariot warriors income to the Near East in the first half of second millennium BC and thus show the contribution of the ancient population of the Kazakhstan steppes to the world historical process.

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36

Schwemer, Daniel. "The Storm-Gods of the Ancient Near East: Summary, Synthesis, Recent Studies Part I." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 7, no. 2 (2007): 121–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921207783876404.

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AbstractIn many regions of the ancient Near East, not least in Upper Mesopotamia, Syria and Anatolia where agriculture relied mainly on rainfall, storm-gods ranked among the most prominent gods in the local panthea or were even regarded as divine kings, ruling over the gods and bestowing kingship on the human ruler. While the Babylonian and Assyrian storm-god never held the highest position among the gods, he too belongs to the group of 'great gods' through most periods of Mesopotamian history. Given the many cultural contacts and the longevity of traditions in the ancient Near East only a study that takes into account all relevant periods, regions and text-groups can further our understanding of the different ancient Near Eastern storm-gods. The study Wettergottgestalten Mesopotamiens und Nordsyriens by the present author (2001) tried to tackle the problems involved, basing itself primarily on the textual record and excluding the genuinely Anatolian storm-gods from the study. Given the lack of handbooks, concordances and thesauri in our field, the book is necessarily heavily burdened with materials collected for the first time. Despite comprehensive indices, the long lists and footnotes as well as the lack of an overall synthesis make the study not easily accessible, especially outside the German-speaking community. In 2003 Alberto Green published a comprehensive monograph entitled The Storm-God in the Ancient Near East whose aims are more ambitious than those of Wettergottgestalten: All regions of the ancient Near East—including a chapter on Yahwe as a storm-god—are taken into account, and both textual and iconographic sources are given equal space. Unfortunately this book, which was apparently finished and submitted to the publisher before Wettergottgestalten came to its author's attention, suffers from some serious flaws with regard to methodology, philology and the interpretation of texts and images. In presenting the following succinct overview I take the opportunity to make up for the missing synthesis in Wettergottgestalten and to provide some additions and corrections where necessary. It is hoped that this synthesis can also serve as a response to the history of ancient Near Eastern storm-gods as outlined by A. Green.

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37

Schwemer, Daniel. "The Storm-Gods of the Ancient Near East: Summary, Synthesis, Recent Studies: Part II." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 8, no. 1 (2008): 1–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921208786182428.

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AbstractIn many regions of the ancient Near East, not least in Upper Mesopotamia, Syria and Anatolia where agriculture relied mainly on rainfall, storm-gods ranked among the most prominent gods in the local panthea or were even regarded as divine kings, ruling over the gods and bestowing kingship on the human ruler. While the Babylonian and Assyrian storm-god never held the highest position among the gods, he too belongs to the group of 'great gods' through most periods of Mesopotamian history. Given the many cultural contacts and the longevity of traditions in the ancient Near East only a study that takes into account all relevant periods, regions and text-groups can further our understanding of the different ancient Near Eastern storm-gods. The study Wettergottgestalten Mesopotamiens und Nordsyriens by the present author (2001) tried to tackle the problems involved, basing itself primarily on the textual record and excluding the genuinely Anatolian storm-gods from the study. Given the lack of handbooks, concordances and thesauri in our field, the book is necessarily heavily burdened with materials collected for the first time. Despite comprehensive indices, the long lists and footnotes as well as the lack of an overall synthesis make the study not easily accessible, especially outside the German-speaking community. In 2003 Alberto Green published a comprehensive monograph entitled The Storm-God in the Ancient Near East whose aims are more ambitious than those of Wettergottgestalten: All regions of the ancient Near East—including a chapter on Yahwe as a storm-god—are taken into account, and both textual and iconographic sources are given equal space. Unfortunately this book, which was apparently finished and submitted to the publisher before Wettergottgestalten came to its author's attention, suffers from some serious flaws with regard to methodology, philology and the interpretation of texts and images. In presenting the following succinct overview I take the opportunity to make up for the missing synthesis in Wettergottgestalten and to provide some additions and corrections where necessary. It is hoped that this synthesis can also serve as a response to the history of ancient Near Eastern storm-gods as outlined by A. Green.

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38

George, A. R. "The Ancient World - Lucio Milano (ed.): Drinking in ancient societies: history and culture of drinks in the ancient Near East. (History of the Ancient Near East/Studies, 6.) xvi, 469 pp., 11 plates. Padova: Sargon srl, 1994." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 60, no. 1 (February 1997): 125–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00029645.

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39

Floyd, M. H. "Review: Prophets and Prophecy in the Ancient Near East." Journal of Semitic Studies 50, no. 2 (September 1, 2005): 359–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgi044.

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40

Rochberg, Francesca. "The History of Science and Ancient Mesopotamia." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 1, no. 1 (February 1, 2014): 37–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2013-0003.

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AbstractThis paper views the relevance of cuneiform texts to the history of science from inside, i.e., from the perspective of the available sources, as well as from outside, i.e., from the perspective of historians of science outside the field of Assyriology. It reviews some of the methodological problems that beset the reconstruction of science in the ancient Near East as well as a way forward, which acknowledges localism and pluralism as well the compelling continuity from cuneiform traditions of knowledge to later counterparts (astronomy, astrology, magic, astral-medicine). Cuneiform texts will not instantiate a universal or transcultural science but are essential if science is to be seen as embedded in culture and history.

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41

Marzahn, Joachim, Ignace J. Gelb, Piotr Steinkeller, and Robert M. Whiting. "Earliest Land Tenure Systems in the Near East: Ancient Kudurrus." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 36, no. 4 (1993): 356. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3632290.

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42

Pizzorno, Gabriel H. "A Companion to the Ancient Near East. Blackwell Companions to the Ancient World. Daniel C. Snell." Near Eastern Archaeology 72, no. 2 (June 2009): 111–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/nea20697226.

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43

Silver, Morris. "Karl Polanyi and Markets in the Ancient Near East: Reply." Journal of Economic History 45, no. 1 (March 1985): 135–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700033635.

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44

Henige, David. "Comparative Chronology and the Ancient Near East: A Case for Symbiosis." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 261 (February 1986): 57–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1357064.

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45

Hurowitz, Victor Avigdor, and Richard J. Clifford. "Creation Accounts in the Ancient near East and in the Bible." Jewish Quarterly Review 87, no. 3/4 (January 1997): 412. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1455205.

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Cohen, Raymond. "On diplomacy in the ancient near east: The Amarna letters." Diplomacy & Statecraft 7, no. 2 (July 1996): 245–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592299608406003.

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LaBianca, Øystein S. "Tells, Empires, and Civilizations: Investigating Historical Landscapes in the Ancient near East." Near Eastern Archaeology 69, no. 1 (March 2006): 4–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/nea25067636.

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Auffarth, Christoph. "Protecting Strangers: Establishing a Fundamental Value in the Religions of the Ancient Near East and Ancient Greece." Numen 39, no. 2 (1992): 193–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852792x00032.

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Abstract(1) In the current discussions about the rights of asylum on one hand there is urgency for decisions and actions of the politicians, on the other hand these actions must not erode the human right of asylum. It is not a question of the quantity of applicants but of the quality of their rights. Religionists are asked for the foundation of the rights of strangers, because the roots of these rights reach into the archaic past, when there was not yet a state with institutionalized laws ("Rechtsstaat"). The treatment of the stranger was both in (2) Ancient Israel and (3) Ancient Greece the test of the righteousness of the people. Not the exact and continuing performance of the cult of the Gods demonstrates the piety of the people, but the treatment of the poor and weak. In pre-state societies the right of the strongest does not rule. However, the pride of the citizens and the token of the richness of a city is the granting of protection to outcasts. The sacrality of the holy place ("sanctuary") does not automatically grant protection. The talk of divine protection enables the protectors to gain the advantage of wide acceptance which compensates for a deficit of actual power. (4) Human rights have to be defended against attempts of political administrations to cut them short, that is, in consequence: to take away an individual's right to enjoy asylum.

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Lemos, T. M. "Order from Chaos: Comparing Approaches to Violence in Anthropology, Assyriology, and the Study of the Hebrew Bible." Currents in Biblical Research 18, no. 2 (January 2, 2020): 160–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1476993x19893476.

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This article compares the history of scholarship on violence in anthropology in the past one hundred years to major approaches to studying violence in the ancient Near East and ancient Near Eastern sources, including ancient Israel and Israelite literature. The article demonstrates that anthropology and ancient Near Eastern studies have diverged widely in their approaches to violence. In the past two to three decades, the concept of structural violence and new materialist approaches have dominated the study of violence in anthropology, while in Assyriology and the study of ancient Israel/Israelite literature, studies of violence have repeatedly turned to an order and chaos framework. The article ends by suggesting that scholars of ancient West Asia incorporate new materialist approaches more concertedly in studies of violence and either rethink or jettison the simplistic order/chaos dyad.

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Mieroop, Marc Van De, and Bruce Kuklick. "Puritans in Babylon: The Ancient near East and American Intellectual Life, 1880-1930." History of Education Quarterly 37, no. 3 (1997): 343. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/369469.

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