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Journal articles on the topic 'History of Uganda'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Mhango, Mtendeweka. "Separation of Powers and the Application of the Political Question Doctrine in Uganda." African Journal of Legal Studies 6, no. 2-3 (March 21, 2014): 249–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17087384-12342031.

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Abstract In Uganda, courts have considered and applied the political question doctrine since the 1960s. This article examines the case law development and trends in the application of the political question doctrine theme in Ugandan jurisprudence. This article discusses the history of the political question doctrine in Uganda. It examines the case law developments and trends around the application of that doctrine in Uganda, and argues that the doctrine is undoubtedly part of the constitutional law of Uganda.

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2

Saftner, Melissa, Meagan Thompson, Tom D. Ngabirano, and Barbara J. McMorris. "Adaptation of the event history calendar for Ugandan adolescents." Global Health Promotion 27, no. 3 (November 21, 2019): 159–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1757975919878179.

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Adolescent and emerging adult risk behavior is a concern globally. Discussing health promotive and risk behaviors with adolescents and young adults can be challenging regardless of the country of data collection and dominant culture. In the United States, event history calendars have been used in both research and clinical settings to identify healthy and risky behaviors among adolescents and emerging adults, and contextual factors that may influence their behavior. After an unsuccessful attempt to employ a particular event history calendar on family life, negative and positive events, sexual behavior and substance use in data collection in rural fishing villages in Western Uganda, the current study aimed to modify the United States validated event history calendar for use with adolescents in Uganda, as a first step to cultural adaptation. Focus groups with 24 college students provided information about ways to modify the event history calendar for Ugandan youth. This paper discusses the modifications of the event history calendar for Ugandan young people.

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3

REID, ANDREW. "CONSTRUCTING HISTORY IN UGANDA." Journal of African History 57, no. 2 (June 9, 2016): 195–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853716000268.

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AbstractThis contribution seeks to explore the potential for historical archaeology in Uganda. By reflecting on where the potential strengths of such an approach may lie it is suggested that the most effective contributions will be made where there is a significant breadth and depth of historical sources. However, in Uganda the emphasis has tended to be on archaeological sites with distant or even dubious historical associations. The situation is further complicated by the very active processes of history making that are currently taking place, particularly in association with ‘traditional’ spirit worship. Nevertheless there are a range of themes and contexts which could be explored through historical archaeology and there are also plentiful archaeological resources from the twentieth century. It is concluded that there is great potential for historical archaeology but that there needs to be a readjustment of the contexts and situations that are explored.

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Nsibambi, Fredrick. "Documenting and Presenting Contentious Narratives and Objects—Experiences from Museums in Uganda." Heritage 2, no. 1 (December 21, 2018): 27–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/heritage2010002.

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Uganda is currently witnessing a new era, in as far as the safeguarding of cultural heritage is concerned. The preservation and presentation of cultural heritage objects is no longer a preserve of the state. National and community museums, totaling about 25, and spread across the country, are now preserving and presenting important aspects of Uganda’s diverse and multi-layered history as well as cultural heritage. Former leaders and political personalities are rarely documented. Even when documented by non-museum workers, their narratives are insufficiently presented in museums. Certain aspects of Uganda’s cultural heritage and history are silently being contested through museum spaces. The silent contestations are generally influenced by ethnicity, politics, and religion. Through this article, I intend to present the predicament of documenting contested histories and cultural heritage by Ugandan museums and provide examples of museum objects or aspects of Uganda’s cultural heritage, such as the narrative of “Walumbe” (death), that are subject to contestations.

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5

Betts, Alexander. "Refugees And Patronage: A Political History Of Uganda’s ‘Progressive’ Refugee Policies." African Affairs 120, no. 479 (April 1, 2021): 243–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adab012.

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Abstract Uganda’s self-reliance policy for refugees has been recognized as among the most progressive refugee policies in the world. In contrast to many refugee-hosting countries, it allows refugees the right to work and freedom of movement. It has been widely praised as a model for other countries to emulate. However, there has been little research on the politics that underlie Uganda’s approach. Why has Uganda maintained these policies despite hosting more refugees than any country in Africa? Based on archival research and elite interviews, this article provides a political history of Uganda’s self-reliance policies from independence to the present. It unveils significant continuity in both the policies and the underlying politics. Refugee policy has been used by Ugandan leaders to strengthen patronage and assert political authority within strategically important refugee-hosting hinterlands. International donors have abetted domestic illiberalism in order to sustain a liberal internationalist success story. The politics of patronage and refugee policy have worked hand-in-hand. Patronage has, in the Ugandan case, been integral to the functioning of the international refugee system. Rather than being an inevitably ‘African’ phenomenon or the unavoidable legacy of colonialism, patronage politics has been enabled by, and essential to, liberal internationalism.

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6

Mujuzi, Jamil Ddamulira. "Comment The Right to Freedom to Practice One’s Religion in the Constitution of Uganda." Religion & Human Rights 6, no. 1 (2011): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187103211x543617.

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AbstractThe right to freedom to practice one’s religion is protected under the Ugandan constitution and in the international human rights instruments to which Uganda is party. There are also different pieces of legislation governing the marriages and divorces of different religious groups in Uganda. The Supreme Court of Uganda in the judgement of Dimanche Sharon and Others v. Makerere University has dealt with the constitutional limitations on the right to freedom of religion. This article discusses the constitutional history leading to the inclusion of the right to freedom of religion in the Constitution of Uganda and the Supreme Court decision interpreting the limitations on the right to freedom of religion.

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7

Ssenyonjo, Manisuli. "The Domestic Protection and Promotion of Human Rights under the 1995 Ugandan Constitution." Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights 20, no. 4 (December 2002): 445–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016934410202000404.

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This article examines the domestic constitutional framework for protection and promotion of human rights in Uganda. It considers the historical evolution of Uganda's Bill of Rights in the context of Uganda's history, which has been characterised by gross human rights violations. It observes that in 1986 Museveni under his ‘Movement’ or ‘no-party’ government declared a period of ‘fundamental change’, but argues that despite some positive aspects, the change as related to the protection and promotion of human rights has been far from being ‘fundamental’. It contends that, although the 1995 Ugandan Constitution attempts to protect human rights, the constitutional restrictions on civil and political rights and the relegation of most economic and social rights as ‘directive principles' coupled with elastic executive powers together with the ‘no-party’ political system undermine the effective protection and promotion of civil, political as well as economic, social and cultural rights. The article concludes by calling for a democratic constitutional reform representative of all interest groups, judicial activism on the part of the Ugandan Judiciary and Human Rights Commission and developing a culture of constitutionalism in Uganda to give effect to the indivisible and interdependent nature of all human rights in accordance with Uganda's international human rights obligations as a State party to the two international human rights covenants on civil and political as well as economic, social and cultural rights.

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8

Beckerleg, Susan. "From Ocean to Lakes: Cultural Transformations of Yemenis in Kenya and Uganda." African and Asian Studies 8, no. 3 (2009): 288–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921009x458127.

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Abstract Migration from Yemen to East Africa has been occurring for centuries and continued well into the twentieth century. Since the European explorations of the nineteenth century the term 'Arab-Swahili', as distinguished from 'African', has been in use. The ways that Yemenis have both adopted and changed Swahili culture in Kenya are outlined in this paper. Most Yemeni migrants who settled in Uganda passed through Mombasa, acquiring some knowledge of the Swahili language en route. However, the Yemenis of Uganda are not Swahili, despite using the Swahili language as a major medium of communication, even at home. Ugandan 'Arab' food eaten at home and cooked by Yemenis in cafes is actually Indian/Swahili cuisine. The ways that Yemenis have promoted the cultivation of qat across Uganda and have made its consumption a marker of identity are described. The degree that the terminology of diaspora studies can be applied to Yemenis in Kenya and Uganda is assessed, and concludes that the migrants are both 'cultural hybrids' and 'transnationals'.

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9

Bruce-Lockhart, Katherine. "A History of Modern Uganda." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 52, no. 1 (October 9, 2017): 99–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.2017.1383083.

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10

Osiebe, Garhe. "The Ghetto President and Presidential Challenger in Uganda." Africa Spectrum 55, no. 1 (April 2020): 86–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002039720916085.

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The political history of post-colonial Uganda is about as fascinating as that of any post-colonial state. The styles of key political figures, including Milton Obote and Idi Amin Dada, who have had the privilege of leading the country, are central to this fascination. Yet, since becoming Uganda’s leader in 1986, President Yoweri Museveni appears to have outdone his predecessors so much so that an entire generation cares little of the country’s history before Museveni. In 2021, the Ugandan people are scheduled to go to the polls in a presidential election. Following the success of a bill in parliament to expunge an upper age limit to contest for the office of president, the seventy-five -year-old Museveni is set to seek an additional mandate. Unlike in his previous electoral contests, however, Museveni faces the challenge of a man less than half his age. Thirty-seven year-old Robert Kyagulanyi is among the most successful popular musicians in East Africa. Kyagulanyi has since exploited his success and fame to become an elected Member of Uganda’s Parliament. Barely two years after the artist materialised as a politician, the Ghetto President, as he is popularly known, has declared his intention to run for the office Museveni occupies, against Museveni. Since Museveni permitted electoral contests for the presidency of Uganda, he has remained defiantly invincible. How does Kyagulanyi propose to undo this, and why does he think he can, to the extent of daring? Drawing on a socio-biographical analysis of the celebrity MP, some strategic interviewing and student-participant observation, the article engages the dynamics inherent with some of these issues.

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11

Barrett-Gaines, Kathryn, and Lynn Khadiagala. "Finding What You Need in Uganda's Archives." History in Africa 27 (January 2000): 455–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172127.

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Given the growing scholarly interest in Uganda, we thought it might be useful to provide an update on research conditions in the country and the state of some of the archives. Barrett-Gaines is a historian working on the history of the salt trade in the Great Lakes region while Khadiagala is a political scientist studying the adjudication of women's property rights within the courts of law in Uganda. Barrett-Gaines still resides in Uganda, while Khadiagala completed her research in August of 1997. In disclosing our discoveries, it is our hope that additional use of the resources by both Western and Ugandan scholars will spur interest in preserving Uganda's rich historical record.The first step toward obtaining research clearance is to request affiliation with a research institute or academic department within Uganda. There are several independent research institutions and several universities. The actual clearance process is relatively easy. For social scientists, two possibilities are Makerere Institute for Social Research (MISR) or the Center for Basic Research (CBR). Scholars intending to travel to Uganda should initiate contact with one of these organizations about four to six months prior to arrival to obtain the application forms. Addresses are supplied at the end of this paper.Actual research clearance is granted by the Uganda National Council for Science and Technology (UNCST). The application includes a lengthy (and often redundant) form, a brief research proposal, passport-size photographs, and proof of affiliation. On approval, the UNCST issues a small red book that serves as an identification card and a letter for presentation in each district specified in the research proposal.

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12

Amone, Dr Charles. "A History of Prostitution in Acholi-Land, Northern Uganda, 1911 to 2011." International Journal of Scientific Research 3, no. 4 (June 1, 2012): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.15373/22778179/apr2014/168.

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13

Loue, Sana, David Okello, and Medi Kawuma. "Research Bioethics in the Ugandan Context: A Program Summary." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 24, no. 1 (1996): 47–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-720x.1996.tb01832.x.

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Researchers, scientists, and physicians in Uganda have become increasingly aware of the need to develop a systematic approach to reviewing bio-medical research conducted in their country. Much of this awareness and their concern stems from Uganda's high seroprevalence of human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) and the consequent large influx of research monies and HIV researchers from developed countries, including the United States and Great Britain.We report on the proceedings of a five-day symposium on bioethical principles governing clinical trials, which convened in Jinja, Uganda in September 1994. The thirteen male and female workshop participants included representatives from the Uganda Ministry of Health, Makerere University, the Uganda AIDS Commission, Uganda's National Council of Science and Technology, and the National Chemotherapeutic Laboratory. These representatives included ethicists, physicians, researchers, and pharmacists, all of whom have conducted research themselves. Initial workshop sessions focused on the history of human experimentation and the development of protections for human participants in medical research, both in the United States and internationally.

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14

Kawooya, Michael G., and Henry Kasozi. "History of Ultrasound Training in Uganda." Ultrasound 13, no. 4 (November 3, 2005): 250–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/174313405x53798.

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15

Bussey, Erica. "Constitutional dialogue in Uganda." Journal of African Law 49, no. 1 (April 2005): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855305000021.

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The paper considers several recent constitutional cases in Uganda, including Constitutional Petition No. 5 of 2003, which struck down several sections of the Political Parties and Organisations Act, aimed at suppressing opposition party activity, and Constitutional Appeal No. 1 of 2002, in which the Supreme Court held that a constitutional amendment which had enabled the 2000 Referendum on political systems was unconstitutional, as examples of an emerging constitutional dialogue in Uganda. The paper examines the history of constitutionalism in Uganda, the 1995 Constitution, and recent constitutional cases in order to analyse the tools available within the Ugandan constitutional framework that make a meaningful dialogue between the courts and the legislature possible, and the ways in which these have, or have not been used in recent decisions. The paper discusses dialogue theory with an emphasis on the use of dialogue in the comparative (and particularly Canadian) context and considers whether dialogue is possible in nondemocratic systems. The recent cases indicate that not only is there the beginnings of a process of dialogue in Uganda, but that this dialogue may in fact be more important in some senses than it is within the democratic framework, since given the lack of open debate in Parliament and other fora, the dialogue between the courts and the legislature is often the only place in which important issues can be debated. However, recent developments, such as Museveni's reaction to the court's decision in Constitutional Petition No. 3 of 2000 which nullified the results of the 2000 Referendum, show how fragile this process of dialogue may be.

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16

Shaw, Timothy M., Holger Bernt Hansen, and Michael Twaddle. "Developing Uganda." International Journal of African Historical Studies 31, no. 3 (1998): 635. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221484.

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17

REID, RICHARD. "NATIONHOOD, POWER AND HISTORY: UNFINISHED BUSINESS AND THE LONGUE DURÉE IN UGANDA Governing Uganda: British Colonial Rule and its Legacy. By GARDNER THOMPSON. Kampala: Fountain Publishers, 2003. Pp. x+366. £22.95, paperback (ISBN 9970-02-394-2). Landed Obligation: The Practice of Power in Buganda. By HOLLY ELISABETH HANSON. Portsmouth NH: Heinemann, 2003. Pp. xxii+264. No price given (ISBN 0-325-07037-7); $26.95, paperback (ISBN 0-325-07036-9)." Journal of African History 46, no. 2 (July 2005): 321–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853704009958.

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The appearance of these two books marks the continuation of what has been a veritable resurgence of interest in Ugandan history in the last decade or so, facilitated in part by the relative stability provided by Yoweri Museveni's presidency. The renaissance dates to the early and mid-1990s: while scholars of a more senior generation published work which seemed to encapsulate several decades' thinking on the region – Christopher Wrigley and Jean-Pierre Chrétien foremost among them – a new generation turned its attention to Uganda in a manner that had not been possible since the 1960s. A number of doctoral theses produced by European and North American scholars during the 1990s have progressed into monograph form or given rise to flurries of articles. Holly Hanson's book is part of that wave; Gardner Thompson's research was undertaken a little earlier, but the Ph.D. thesis that forms the basis of his book was completed at the beginning of the 1990s. While not all of this work has been concerned with Buganda, it is clear that the kingdom continues to loom large in the scholarly imagination. The centrality of Buganda in Ugandan history is a theme which has linked together much of the work of the last decade, in terms of the nature of the precolonial kingdom, its relationship with the British and its role in the protectorate, and later independent nation, of Uganda. Other critical issues have been raised, too, such as the need to revisit both the precolonial and the colonial pasts, and discontinuity, in terms of understanding the degree to which the colonial ‘moment’ was as disruptive as it was transitory.

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18

Johnson, Jennifer L. "Guerrillas and Fish in Uganda." Global Environment 14, no. 1 (February 17, 2021): 86–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.3197/ge.2021.140104.

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On 29 January 1986, Yoweri Kaguta Museveni was sworn in as President of the Republic of Uganda and his National Resistance Movement (NRM) and National Resistance Army (NRA) became the first guerrilla force to successfully overthrow a government in postcolonial Africa. Some thirty years after the NRM?s bush war was won, the Ugandan military, with President Museveni still at the helm, began officially waging what it calls a guerrilla war against its own citizens. The goal of Museveni?s second guerrilla war was not to bring forth yet another anti-imperial democratic revolution. It was instead designed to sustainably develop fisheries production in Lake Victoria, a task Museveni claims exclusive abilities to successfully steward for the benefit the Ugandan nation as a whole. Transformations in Lake Victoria?s fisheries ecology that predated the NRM?s rise to power, and indeed, predated the formal independence of the Ugandan state were shaped by and shape managerial logics that continue to justify violence against fishworkers in order to enact conventional conceptions of sustainability. Memories of tragedy and success bound up in national narratives of the 1981?1986 war for anti-imperial democratic revolution work to maintain managerial logics and regulatory regimes imposed by the former British colonial state.

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19

Leopold, Mark. "Legacies of Slavery in North-West Uganda: The Story of the ‘one-Elevens’." Africa 76, no. 2 (May 2006): 180–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2006.76.2.180.

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AbstractThis article outlines the history of a people known as ‘Nubi’ or ‘Nubians’, northern Ugandan Muslims who were closely associated with Idi Amin's rule, and a group to which he himself belonged. They were supposed to be the descendants of former slave soldiers from southern Sudan, who in the late 1880s at the time of the Mahdi's Islamic uprising came into what is now Uganda under the command of a German officer named Emin Pasha. In reality, the identity became an elective one, open to Muslim males from the northern Uganda/southern Sudan borderlands, as well as descendants of the original soldiers. These soldiers, taken on by Frederick Lugard of the Imperial British East Africa Company, formed the core of the forces used to carve out much of Britain's East African Empire. From the days of Emin Pasha to those of Idi Amin, some Nubi men were identified by a marking of three vertical lines on the face – the ‘One-Elevens’. Although since Amin's overthrow many Muslims from the north of the country prefer to identify themselves as members of local Ugandan ethnic groups rather than as ‘Nubis’, aspects of Nubi identity live on among Ugandan rebel groups, as well as in cyberspace.

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20

Lejju, B. J., P. Robertshaw, and D. Taylor. "Vegetation history and archaeology at Munsa, western Uganda." Azania: Archaeological Research in Africa 38, no. 1 (January 2003): 155–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00672700309480363.

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21

Atkinson, Ronald R. "Richard J. Reid. A History of Modern Uganda." American Historical Review 123, no. 3 (May 30, 2018): 1063–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/123.3.1063.

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22

Lyons, M. "Sexually transmitted diseases in the history of Uganda." Sexually Transmitted Infections 70, no. 2 (April 1, 1994): 138–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/sti.70.2.138.

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23

Bruce-Lockhart, Katherine. "The Archival Afterlives of Prison Officers in Idi Amin’s Uganda: Writing Social Histories of the Postcolonial State." History in Africa 45 (May 7, 2018): 245–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hia.2018.7.

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Abstract:Africans historians have recently paid more attention to postcolonial archives, trying to locate these elusive collections as well as thinking more critically about how to use them. Uganda, in particular, has been an important site for reconsidering the role of postcolonial archives in historical research. Using the archives of Uganda Prisons Service as a case study, this article explores how official records can illuminate the social histories of public servants and the postcolonial state. Along with surveying the state of Uganda’s official archives – particularly those of the Uganda Prisons Service – it explores how these documents provide insight into the everyday experiences and concerns of prison officers after independence. Beyond its bureaucratic functions, paperwork served as a site in which officers could negotiate their responsibilities and relationships. Through the archives of the Uganda Prisons Service, we learn about the social worlds of prison officers within and beyond the prison walls, thus better understanding their experience of public service beyond narratives of corruption and brutality. Ultimately, this article demonstrates the ways in which official archives can be used to study the postcolonial state from a social history perspective.

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STEPHENS, RHIANNON. "LINEAGE AND SOCIETY IN PRECOLONIAL UGANDA." Journal of African History 50, no. 2 (July 2009): 203–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853709004435.

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ABSTRACTThis article examines the changing nature of patrilineality in east-central Uganda from the sixth century. While traditional anthropological models of lineality have been largely dismissed in recent scholarship, the problem remains that patrilineages and patriclans have played important roles in the lives of the Ganda, Gwere, Soga and their North Nyanza ancestors. By carefully examining changes and continuities in the form and content of patrilineality it becomes possible to understand it as historically contingent. In North Nyanza, patrilineal descent was the norm for inheritance and for household formation, but relationships formed through mothers were also crucial in the creation of new communities and in the legitimation of political power. This was not static: as communities negotiated their changing circumstances, so they adapted the form of their particular patrilineality to serve their needs.

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Ward, Kevin, and Aili Mari Tripp. "Women and Politics in Uganda." Journal of Religion in Africa 31, no. 4 (November 2001): 490. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1581474.

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Aspaas, Helen Ruth, Aili Mari Tripp, and Joy C. Kwesiga. "The Women's Movement in Uganda: History, Challenges and Prospects." African Studies Review 46, no. 3 (December 2003): 191. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1515084.

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Manzolillo Nightingale, Deborah L. "A History of the Uganda Forest Department, 1951–1965." Journal of East African Natural History 93, no. 1 (January 2004): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2982/0012-8317(2004)93[81:ahotuf]2.0.co;2.

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Stager, J. Curt, J. Westwood, D. Grzesik, and B. F. Cumming. "A 5500-year environmental history of Lake Nabugabo, Uganda." Palaeogeography, Palaeoclimatology, Palaeoecology 218, no. 3-4 (March 2005): 347–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.palaeo.2004.12.025.

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29

Carswell, Grace. "History of land use change in Kigezi, SW Uganda." Azania: Archaeological Research in Africa 35, no. 1 (January 2000): 220–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00672700009511607.

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30

Ndejjo, Rawlance, Edwinah Atusingwize, Frederick Oporia, Charles Ssemugabo, David Musoke, David K. Ssemwanga, Abdullah Ali Halage, et al. "History, evolution and future of environmental health in Uganda." Archives of Environmental & Occupational Health 74, no. 1-2 (December 3, 2018): 66–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19338244.2018.1541858.

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31

Moyd, Michelle. "Beyond the State in Rural Uganda." African and Asian Studies 10, no. 2-3 (2011): 267–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921011x587059.

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32

Doyle, Shane. "Pandemics and soft power: HIV/AIDS and Uganda on the global stage." Journal of Global History 15, no. 3 (November 2020): 478–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022820000248.

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AbstractThe COVID-19 outbreak of 2020 threatened years of effort by the Chinese authorities to extend its influence around the world. This article seeks to enhance understanding of China’s defensive engagement with global health agencies, and more broadly of the relationship between pandemics and soft power, through an analysis of Uganda’s evolving response to HIV/AIDS. As with COVID-19, HIV/AIDS presented a fundamental threat not only to countries’ internal social stability and population health, but also to governmental legitimacy and nation-states’ international reputation. HIV, however, also provided Uganda with an opportunity to enhance its global standing, influence international policy, and achieve national reconstruction. This case study highlights the importance of viewing international affairs from the perspective of the Global South. It argues that the very weakness of Uganda, and the structural marginality of HIV/AIDS, provided the leverage which would in the end deliver radical shifts within global health.

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33

Nair, Savita. "Despite dislocations: Uganda's Indians remaking home." Africa 88, no. 3 (July 17, 2018): 492–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972018000190.

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AbstractThe distinctive migration history of Uganda's Indians allows us to rethink diaspora identities and memory in forming translocal communities. Settlement, citizenship and displacement created a postcolonial order of overlapping allegiances and multiple, mobile identities. ‘Home’ had been extended and thus connected to sites in India and East Africa, yet the 1972 expulsion called into question the ways in which Uganda's Indians recalled the very idea of home. While expulsion was a momentous crescendo to nineteenth- and early twentieth-century migrations, it did not put an end to the history of Uganda's Indians. This article focuses on the life histories of diverse Indian migrants: an industrialist's multi-local legacy, the post-expulsion return of Indians to two Ahmedabad (Gujarat, India) neighbourhoods, the repatriation of former residents back to Uganda in the 1980s and 1990s, and a brand-new generation of Indians coming to Uganda. By tracing these movements, I examine Indian migrants’ articulations of identity, investment and interaction vis-à-vis East Africa and India. How do experiences of rejection and return factor into (multi)national loyalties, notions of home and diaspora identities? How does an autobiography, a built structure or a neighbourhood construct and complicate both memories of migration and a migrant community's identity? I place India and Africa on the same historical map, and, by doing so, offer a way to include Indians in the framework of African political economy and society.

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Hanson, Holly, and Aili Mari Tripp. "Women and Politics in Uganda." African Economic History, no. 30 (2002): 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3601607.

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35

Aka, Philip C. "Expanding Boundaries of Human Rights in (East) Africa." African and Asian Studies 15, no. 1 (May 23, 2016): 99–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341350.

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To what extent has politics in Uganda changed since the era of egregious human rights abuses under General Idi Amin? Using the new book on law and politics in Uganda under Museveni referenced below as focal point, this essay answers that question in a discussion that also sketches three themes, testimony to the plasticity of the human rights doctrine, including the expanding boundaries of human rights in (East) Africa.

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Boyd, Lydia. "Ugandan Born-Again Christians and the Moral Politics of Gender Equality." Journal of Religion in Africa 44, no. 3-4 (March 20, 2014): 333–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700666-12340025.

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In recent years Ugandan born-again Christians have regularly engaged in forms of social protest—against homosexuality, in support of youth sexual abstinence—that they characterize as acts in defense of the African family. At the center of these protests was an overriding concern with the effects of a global discourse of rights-based gender equality on Ugandan cultural norms. Drawing on long-term fieldwork in a born-again church in Kampala, this article examines the underlying moral conflict that shapes born-again women’s and men’s rejections of gender equality. At the center of such conflicts were concerns about the ways rights-based equality undermined other models for moral personhood and gendered interdependence that existed in Uganda, models that were characterized as essential for social stability and personal well-being. This conflict is analyzed in relation to a broader sense of moral insecurity that pervaded discussion of gender and family life in Kampala.

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Rowe, John A., and M. Louise Pirouet. "Historical Dictionary of Uganda." International Journal of African Historical Studies 30, no. 1 (1997): 208. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221589.

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Clayton, Anthony, and Kumar Rupesinghe. "Conflict Resolution in Uganda." International Journal of African Historical Studies 23, no. 2 (1990): 374. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219378.

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Griffiths, Tudor. "Bishop Alfred Tucker and the Establishment of a British Protectorate in Uganda 1890-94." Journal of Religion in Africa 31, no. 1 (2001): 92–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006601x00040.

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AbstractThe article considers the involvement of Bishop Alfred Tucker and other missionaries of the Church Missionary Society (CMS) in the establishment of a British Protectorate in Buganda between 1890 and 1894. These missionaries were drawn, often not unwillingly, into political affairs, both within Uganda and internationally. The contribution made by Tucker was frequently ill-informed and sometimes tendentious. Nevertheless, he sought to uphold the long-standing CMS regulation that missionaries should abstain from any political involvement. The theoretical distinction between the sacred and secular was alien to the intellectual heritage of Uganda, and in practice it was contradicted by the activities of CMS missionaries, who justified their involvement in terms of considering Uganda to be a 'special case'.

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Kassimir, Ron. "Beyond The State In Rural Uganda." Journal of Religion in Africa 41, no. 1 (2011): 128–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006611x556656.

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Isiko, Alexander Paul. "Religious Conflict among Pentecostal Churches in Uganda." Technium Social Sciences Journal 14 (November 23, 2020): 616–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v14i1.2089.

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Extensive research has been done on Pentecostal churches over the past years. Several studies have focused on their history and robust growth, some on their economic and developmental ethos, while others have focused on their theological stances, and growing political influence in society. Amidst these kinds of studies, is the need to address the overt challenge posed by religious conflict among Pentecostal churches. Whereas there is growing scholarly interest in religious conflict among Christian churches, this has been narrowed to intra-church conflict. However, studies on inter-church conflict, between separate Pentecostal churches, that are independent of each other, are rare. Yet inter-church feuds and conflicts among Pentecostal churches in Uganda occupy a significant part of public space and discourses. Through analysis of both print and electronic media reports and engagement with twenty key informant interviewees, this article sought to establish and analyse the nature, manifestations and root causes of inter-church conflict between Pentecostal churches in Uganda. The study established that Pentecostal pastors are not only the major protagonists of inter-church conflicts but also act as collective agents for the churches in conflict. The study further established that religious conflicts among Pentecostal churches are caused by different ideological inclinations, theological differences notwithstanding, but mainly by the desire to dominate the religious market and by power struggle dynamics within the religious leadership. This tension has a particular impact on society given pastors’ visibility, access to media and their public action in the Ugandan context.

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Peterson, Derek R. "A history of the heritage economy in Yoweri Museveni’s Uganda." Journal of Eastern African Studies 10, no. 4 (October 2016): 789–806. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2016.1272297.

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Chibita, Monica, and Pieter J. Fourie. "A socio-history of the media and participation in Uganda." Communicatio 33, no. 1 (July 2007): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02500160701398938.

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Marchant, Robert, David Taylor, and Alan Hamilton. "Late Pleistocene and Holocene History at Mubwindi Swamp, Southwest Uganda." Quaternary Research 47, no. 3 (May 1997): 316–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/qres.1997.1887.

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Deposits beneath Mubwindi Swamp provide a partial record of vegetation history since at least 43,000 yr ago. We studied pollen from two cores and obtained nine radiocarbon ages from one of these cores and three radiocarbon ages from the other. Pollen deposited before and soon after the last glacial maximum represents vegetation very different from the modern vegetation of the Mubwindi Swamp catchment. Although species now associated with higher altitudes were dominant some elements of moist lower montane forest persisted, possibly because of favorable soils or topography. The pollen data provides evidence for a late glacial montane forest refuge near Mubwindi Swamp. Moist lower montane forest became much more widespread soon after the glacial maximum. The only irrefutably Holocene sediments from Mubwindi Swamp date to the past 2500 yr. During this time a combination of climatic and human-induced changes in vegetation can be seen in the pollen records.

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Dunn, Kevin C. "Killing For Christ? The Lord's Resistance Army of Uganda." Current History 103, no. 673 (May 1, 2004): 206–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2004.103.673.206.

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The LRA's war in Uganda, like many conflicts in Africa, may appear illogical to the outsider (and especially to the Western media), but it contains an internal logic that makes it rational to the participants.

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Willis, Justin, Gabrielle Lynch, and Nic Cheeseman. "“A valid electoral exercise”? Uganda's 1980 Elections and the Observers’ Dilemma." Comparative Studies in Society and History 59, no. 1 (January 2017): 211–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001041751600058x.

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AbstractThe presence at Uganda's 1980 general elections of a Commonwealth Observer Group might be seen as a seminal moment. This was the first formal international observation of polls in a sovereign African state and the precursor of multiple similar missions that later became routine. Yet the 1980 mission sits uneasily in the history of election observation. The observers endorsed the results despite evidence of malpractice, and Uganda plunged into civil war within months. Internationally, the mission is now either forgotten or treated as an embarrassment. Within Uganda, it has been denounced as part of an outsider conspiracy to foist an unwanted president on an unwilling people. This article argues that the 1980 mission was neither entirely seminal nor an aberration, and that both the elections and observation were driven partly by actors within Uganda rather than simply imposed by outsiders. The availability of UK government records allows us to see the events of 1980 as a particularly clear example of a recurring “observers’ dilemma.” Ideally, elections combine democracy and state-building. They offer people a choice as to who will lead or represent them, and at the same time they assert through performance a crucial distinction between a capable, ordering state and a law-abiding citizenry. Yet these two aspects of elections may be in tension; a poll that offers little or no real choice may still perform “stateness” through substantial, orderly public participation. When that happens in what would now be called a “fragile state,” should international observers denounce the results?

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Uribe López, M. "Desigualdades Horizontales, Guerras y Paz Violenta en el Norte de Uganda." Araucaria, no. 39 (2018): 39–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2018.i39.03.

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Kaddu, Sarah B. "Information Ethics: a student’s perspective." International Review of Information Ethics 7 (September 1, 2007): 326–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/irie35.

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Based on personal experience, and content analysis, this paper examines Information Ethics (IE) from a student‘s perspective. Within this framework the paper defines IE, outlines the history of IE and highlights incidences of IE violations in Uganda. The paper concludes with proposals towards better adherence to IE in Uganda. The paper presents personal experience, observation and a content analysis methodology.

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Frade, Sasha, and Clifford Odimegwu. "What is the association between IPV and Fertility in Uganda?" Population Horizons 15, no. 2 (December 1, 2018): 41–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pophzn-2018-0001.

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Abstract IPV, which emanates as a severe consequence of gender inequality in society, is the most pervasive form of IPV as most cases of abuse is perpetrated by intimate partners and has major health consequences for women. Women with a history of abuse are also at increased risk of reproductive health outcomes; such as high parity, inconsistent and lower levels of contraceptive use, unintended pregnancies, and adverse pregnancy outcomes. Despite concerted efforts by African governments, fertility levels in the region remain high. Africa is the region that has been least responsive to family planning programmes. This study investigates the associations between IPV and fertility in Uganda, using the Ugandan Demographic and Health Survey of 2011. Adult women of reproductive ages (15-49) that were included in the domestic violence module of the individual recode, were included in this study. Univariate, bivariate analysis, and unadjusted and adjusted Poisson Regression models were conducted for children ever born and the different forms of IPV (emotional, physical and sexual), as well as the socio-demographic and women’s empowerment variables. Both bivariate and multivariate analyses show a strong association between both these pervasive health problematics; and may therefore be one of the unexplained proximate determinants of persistently high fertility in countries such as Uganda. These results have important implications for understanding both the fertility transition in Uganda, but also for programmes and policies addressing unwanted pregnancies and unmet need for contraception that is driving fertility up, and IPV amongst women which we know from previous work has severe reproductive health outcomes but which we have now identified is a contributor to high fertility as well.

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Epprecht, Marc. "Africa's New Political Homophobia." Current History 113, no. 763 (May 1, 2014): 203–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2014.113.763.203.

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