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1

Jung, Jai. "Disentangling Protest Cycles: An Event-History Analysis of New Social Movements in Western Europe." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 15, no. 1 (2010): 25–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.15.1.86260543m3110705.

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The theory of protest cycles has informed us that the external political environment and the internal competition among social movement organizations are distinct elements leading to the emergence, development, and decline of popular protest. This theory, however, has not been examined systematically. I conduct an event-history analysis to test and refine the theory of protest cycles using a well-known new social movement event dataset. While proposing a general way of operationalizing the core concepts in social movement studies, I show that political opportunity only matters during the initi
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Alozie, Bright. ""The Feminist Coven Did It": Nigerian Women's Feminist Leadership and Coalition Against Police Brutality during the 2020 #EndSARS Protests." Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies 45, no. 3 (2024): 152–83. https://doi.org/10.1353/fro.2024.a952260.

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Abstract: The 2020 #EndSARS protest—a movement against police brutality and state violence in Nigeria—is an excellent locale for the historical study of African women's activism and contributions to social movements. Young Nigerian women actively spearheaded this movement. Employing oral history methods, social media, and other primary sources, I place these women at the center of the narratives surrounding the #EndSARS protest. Their exceptional leadership and coordination contributed to the success of the most extensive youth-led protests in Nigeria's contemporary history. In locating their
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Gahr, Joshua, and Michael Young. "Evangelicals and Emergent Moral Protest." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 19, no. 2 (2014): 185–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.19.2.r51v21rj4527m450.

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This article provides a comparative analysis of two religiously inspired protests that fed broader social movements: the "rebellion" of immediate abolitionists at Lane Seminary in Cincinnati in 1834 and the new-left "breakthrough" at the Christian Faith-and-Life Community in Austin in 1960. The two cases are examples of moral protests breaking out of Protestant institutions and shaping social movements. From the comparison, we draw general lessons about the meso- and micro-level processes of activist conversions. We show how processes of "rationalization" and "subjectivation" combined in the e
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HÄBERLEN, JOACHIM C., and RUSSELL A. SPINNEY. "Introduction." Contemporary European History 23, no. 4 (2014): 489–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777314000289.

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It might seem trivial and mere common sense to note that revolts and revolutions are deeply emotional moments. In history books and newspapers, we read about the tense and emotionally charged atmosphere that leads to violence when protestors confront police forces, or about furious and passionate crowds acting in defiance of the ideal of rational and coldblooded politics. But rage and anger are not the only emotions involved in the politics of protest. Consider the iconic photographs of the summer strikes during the French Popular Front in 1936, depicting smiling workers occupying their factor
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Laajalahti, Anne. "A Historical Analysis of Media Practices and Technologies in Protest Movements: A Review of Crisis and Critique by Anne Kaun." Media and Communication 5, no. 2 (2017): 64–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v5i2.976.

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Dr. Anne Kaun’s book, <em>Crisis and Critique: A Brief History of Media Participation in Times of Crisis</em> (London: Zed Books, 2016, 131 pp., ISBN: 978-1-78360-736-5), is a concise but comprehensive analysis of the changing media practices and technologies in protest movements. The book overviews the topic within the context of major economic crises and scrutinises three richly detailed case studies in the United States: (a) the unemployed workers’ movement during the Great Depression in the 1930s, (b) the tenants’ rent strike movement of the early 1970s, and (c) the Occupy Wall
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Choi, Susanne YP. "When protests and daily life converge: The spaces and people of Hong Kong’s anti-extradition movement." Critique of Anthropology 40, no. 2 (2020): 277–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308275x20908322.

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Social scientists are prone to define social movements as something extraordinary, existing outside the mundane world of daily routines and lives. However, as the anti-extradition movement in Hong Kong has illustrated, protest and daily routines often overlap. This is due in part to the decentralisation of protest events geographically and the mobilisation of conventional life spaces and cultural repertoires as protest tactics. When protests become daily events and daily events become protests, ordinary people can no longer maintain ‘neutrality’ by claiming that they are just ‘distant spectato
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BAUSHOV, R. B. "PROTEST MOVEMENT IN THEOLOGICAL EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS OF THE TOWN OF KURSK AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 20TH CENTURY." JOURNAL OF PUBLIC AND MUNICIPAL ADMINISTRATION 12, no. 1 (2023): 133–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2225-8272-2022-12-1-133-143.

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The purpose of the article is to determine the participation degree of students of theological educational institutions of the town of Kursk in protest movements in the Russian Empire at the beginning of the 20th century. The analysis of the history of the protest movement in theological educational institu-tions in Kursk is based on archival materials. The author emphasizes that in general, the protest movement in seminaries at the begin-ning of the 20th century is studied quite exten-sively nationwide and regionally, but the local participation of theological educational institu-tions in Kur
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CHANG, SHENGPING, and STEVE HESS. "The Diffusion of Contention in Contemporary China: An investigation of the 2014–15 wave of teacher strikes." Modern Asian Studies 52, no. 4 (2018): 1172–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000615.

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AbstractThe article examines a wave of teachers’ strikes that spread across China during the autumn, winter, and spring of 2014–15. Looking at event data and social media coverage of the wave, it discusses how social media enabled protesters to carry out media-savvy campaigns that involved both online and offline tactics, draw inspiration from claimants in faraway protest sites, and emulate tactics, slogans, and symbols from other locations. The episode indicates that claimants in contemporary China are utilizing social media to break the geographic bounds of localized protests and, while fall
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9

Useem, Bert, and Jack A. Goldstone. "The paradox of victory: social movement fields, adverse outcomes, and social movement success." Theory and Society 51, no. 1 (2021): 31–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11186-021-09460-2.

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AbstractRecent work on social movement fields has expanded our view of the dynamics of social movements; it should also expand our thinking about social movement success. Such a broader view reveals a paradox: social movements often snatch defeat from the jaws of victory by narrowly targeting authorities with their actions instead of targeting the broader social movement field. Negative impacts from the wider social movement field can then reverse or overshadow initial victories. We distinguish between a social movement’s victory over the immediate target, and more lasting success that arises
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10

Paladin, Nicola. "Modes and Moves of Protest." Review of International American Studies 12, no. 2 (2019): 103–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/rias.7376.

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The role of mass protest has been recurrently central yet controversial in the American culture. Central because American history presents a constellation of significant collective protest movements, very different among them but generally symptomatic of a contrast between the people and the state: from the 1775 Boston Massacre and the 1787 Shays’s Rebellion, to the 1863 Draft Riots, but also considering the 1917 Houston Riot or anti-Vietnam war pacifist protests. Controversial, since despite—or because of—its historical persistence, American mass protest has generated a media bias which label
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Higuchi, Naoto. "Social movement studies in post-3.11 Japan: A sociological analysis." International Sociology 36, no. 2 (2021): 183–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02685809211005349.

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Between the decline of mass protests in the 1970s and the Great East Japan Earthquake and Fukushima nuclear meltdown in the 2010s, which resulted in the resurgence of mass demonstrations, social movements were widely regarded as uncommon in Japan. In this essay, the author reviews Japan’s social movement studies in the last decade, focusing on the influence of the lack of mass protest since the 1970s on scholarly interests. The essay examines the following four topics: (1) slow responses to the resurgence of mass demonstrations in post-3.11 Japan, (2) quick responses to the rise of the radical
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12

HINZ, UTA. "‘1968’ in Context: Protest Movements in the 1960s." Contemporary European History 20, no. 2 (2011): 233–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777311000087.

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The year 2008 marked the fortieth anniversary of the great revolts of 1968. As always, the occasion gave rise to impassioned debates. In Germany they were stimulated by the historian and 1968 veteran Götz Aly, who compared the ‘sixty-eight’ to the ‘thirty-three’ generations (the Nazi student body of the early 1930s), and postulated ‘parallels in German history’, continuities and ‘similarities in the approach to mobilisation, political utopianism and the anti-bourgeois impulse’. Following the thirtieth anniversary in 1998, which triggered a flood of scholarly publications, we have had ten furth
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Uba, Katrin. "Political Protest and Policy Change: The Direct Impacts of Indian Anti-Privatization Mobilizations, 1990-2003." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 10, no. 3 (2005): 383–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.10.3.004857754441n353.

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This study explores the mechanisms of how social movements' activities influence public policy by focusing on the role of protest characteristics. By applying an event history analysis to the data on India's anti-privatization movement activity between 1990-2003, I demonstrate that favorable policy outcomes are more likely in cases where the movement uses large or economically disruptive protests. Although privatization policy is primarily dependent on the financial situation of the enterprise, protests against privatization had significant direct impact on policy. The results of this study al
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ZIEMANN, BENJAMIN. "The Code of Protest: Images of Peace in the West German Peace Movements, 1945–1990." Contemporary European History 17, no. 2 (2008): 237–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777308004396.

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The article examines posters produced by the peace movements in the Federal Republic of Germany during the Cold War, with an analytical focus on the transformation of the iconography of peace in modernity. Was it possible to develop an independent, positive depiction of peace in the context of protests for peace and disarmament? Despite its name, the pictorial self-representation of the campaign ‘Fight against Nuclear Death’ in the late 1950s did not draw on the theme of pending nuclear mass death. The large-scale protest movement in the 1980s against NATO's 1979 ‘double-track’ decision contra
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15

Bianchi, Raffaella. "Istanbul sounding like revolution: the role of music in the Gezi Park Occupy movement." Popular Music 37, no. 2 (2018): 212–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143018000016.

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AbstractThis article focuses on the role of protest music in the biggest social movement of recent Turkish history. It is the result of three years of fieldwork triangulating musical and cultural analysis with ethnographic methods. Motives of the protest, strategies of the movement, agency of musicians and participatory performances are investigated and contextualised in an analysis of Turkey's cultural changes. The function of music shifted from framing the protest to encouraging political action and fostering a sense of belonging to the collective identity of the Gezi Park movement. Music ev
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Kunene, Phindile. "The Crisis Committee, post apartheid protest and political mobilisation in Phomolong Township, Free State." New Contree 67 (December 30, 2013): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/nc.v67i0.290.

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Often depicted in images of violence, burning tyres, destruction of property and looting of private businesses, service delivery protests have captured the imagination of many scholars interested in South Africa’s post apartheid politics. There are two main approaches to the study of service delivery protests. On the one hand are studies that argue that service delivery protests directly spring from an economic reality that privileges the market as a provider of services. The strength of this analysis is that it draws an important link between neoliberal capitulation and the rise of protest an
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17

Shefner, Jon, Aaron Rowland, and George Pasdirtz. "Austerity and Anti-Systemic Protest: Bringing Hardships Back In." Journal of World-Systems Research 21, no. 2 (2015): 460–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2015.15.

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This article explores the relationship between hardships and protest in the world-system. Despite the history of discussion of anti-systemic protest, there has been little work that differentiates world-systems contributions to social movement research from others who examine social movements. We contribute to a theory of anti-systemic protest by re-introducing hardships as a crucial element that defines inequalities in the world-system; one consistent source of those hardships are austerity policies imposed in response to debt negotiations. In addition to our path analyses which demonstrate t
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18

McDonnell, Terence E., and Katherine Everhart. "CULTURAL FORM AND PROTEST: ACT UP NEW YORK’S TACTICS OF IRONY AND CAMP." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 29, no. 1 (2024): 59–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-29-1-59.

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The strategic use of irony and camp in protest movements presents a complex interplay between cultural expression and social action. We examine the deployment of these cultural forms in AIDS activism, proposing a social theory of irony and camp in protest. Through an analysis of 188 interviews from the ACT UP Oral History project, we identify three primary effects of irony and camp: diffusion of tension and critique engagement, solidarity building and recruitment facilitation, and invitation across symbolic boundaries to undermine legitimacy. These outcomes stem from the unique cultural forms
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19

Bendl, Christian. "Protest als diskursive Raum-Zeit-Aneignung. Das Beispiel der Identitären Bewegung Österreich." Zeitschrift für Angewandte Linguistik 68, no. 1 (2018): 73–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zfal-2018-0004.

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AbstractThis paper deals with the Identitarian Movement, a presently highly salient Europe-wide right-wing youth movement, and its appropriation of the concepts of ‘space’ and ‘time’ in acts of protest. This appropriation is crucial for the movement, as ‘space’ and ‘time’ refer to specific ideologies which allow a positioning towards events, actors and discourses. In this study interdisciplinary approaches are adapted that lead to a descriptive linguistic discourse analysis of a single protest event. In order to enable an extensive and in-depth analysis, this single protest event is split up i
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20

Karcher, Katharina. "Violence for a Good Cause? The Role of Violent Tactics in West German Solidarity Campaigns for Better Working and Living Conditions in the Global South in the 1980s." Contemporary European History 28, no. 4 (2019): 566–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777319000237.

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AbstractTaking up Frank Trentmann's suggestion of ‘widening the historical frame’ in which we analyse the fair trade movement, this article explores the entangled history of violent and peaceful tactics in two transnational solidarity campaigns in West Germany the 1980s: the German anti-Apartheid movement and a campaign for women workers in a South Korean garment factory. Both campaigns had the aim to improve the living and working conditions of producers in the Global South and were characterised by a complex interplay of peaceful and militant tactics ranging from boycott calls to arson attac
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Jobs, Richard Ivan. "Youth Movements: Travel, Protest, and Europe in 1968." American Historical Review 114, no. 2 (2009): 376–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.114.2.376.

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22

Benford, Robert D., and T. K. Oommen. "Protest and Change: Studies in Social Movements." Social Forces 70, no. 3 (1992): 835. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2579762.

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23

Patton, David F. "Protest Voting in Eastern Germany." German Politics and Society 37, no. 3 (2019): 72–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370306.

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In 1989-1990, peaceful protests shook the German Democratic Republic (GDR), ushered in unification, and provided a powerful narrative of people power that would shape protest movements for decades to come. This article surveys eastern German protest across three decades, exploring the interplay of protest voting, demonstrations, and protest parties since the Wende. It finds that protest voting in the east has had a significant political impact, benefiting and shaping parties on both the left and the right of the party spectrum. To understand this potential, it examines how economic and politic
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Zhezhko-Braun, Irina. "The New Upper Class: Revolutionary Elite Rotation in the USA." Ideas and Ideals 12, no. 4-1 (2020): 162–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.17212/2075-0862-2020-12.4.1-162-190.

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The article analyzes the emergence of a new political class or elite in the United States, which is called the minority elite. This article is the first in a series dedicated to this topic. The author formulates three interrelated prerequisites that have caused the emergence of the new elite: the spread of the Affirmative Action (AA) to all spheres of public life and, above all, to the education system; the phenomenon of “woke” capitalism; a long history of minority protest movements. Experts take the current protests for a revolution; the author proves the opposite statement: protests are a d
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Matyukhin, A. "Left views on liberal protests in Russia (review of Osin's monograph «Left forces and spontaneous protest: history, lessons, modernity, prospects»)." Journal of Political Research 4, no. 4 (2020): 85–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-6295-2020-85-91.

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This review is an analysis of the monograph of Roman Osin, candidate of philosophy, associate Professor of the Department of fundamental legal and social-humanitarian disciplines at synergy University "Left forces and spontaneous protest: history, lessons, modernity, prospects". The monograph examines the political and socio-class nature of the mass protests of 2011-2013 from the perspective of Marxist methodology and tactics of the Russian left movement in them. The monograph is of interest both from the point of view of studying the protest and left-wing movements of the early 2010s, and fro
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Lai, Daniela. "Practicing Solidarity: ‘Reconciliation’ and Bosnian Protest Movements." Ethnopolitics 19, no. 2 (2019): 168–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2019.1653016.

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27

Brock, Peter, and April Carter. "Peace Movements: International Protest and World Politics since 1945." American Historical Review 98, no. 2 (1993): 474. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2166860.

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28

Rosa, Paulina. "Archiving social movement(s)." Conceição/Conception 13 (December 20, 2024): e024013. https://doi.org/10.20396/conce.v13i00.8678230.

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This paper argues that the history of social movements is a history of embodied movement, but it is rarely presented as such in traditional archives. By exploring the central role that performance has in protest and in the shaping of public memory, this paper seeks to contribute to the ongoing conversation on decolonizing archival practices. Looking at case studies from Argentina, it analyzes how affect and embodied experiences can be included in the archiving of social movement(s) and in the transmission of these archives.
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Kulaev, Maksim. "Lifestyle Media and Changing Political Perceptions Among Russian Protesters in the Second Half of the 2000s." Russian Politics 6, no. 3 (2021): 377–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/24518921-00603005.

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Abstract Protests in today’s Russia are still influenced by trends emerged in the 2000s. According to Graeme B. Robertson, in the second half of the 2000s, the repertoire of the Russian protest changed and direct actions were replaced by symbolic actions. The article argues that protest trends and changes in the repertoire of actions were accompanied by the formation of widespread political perceptions among protesters. These perceptions reflected and influenced transformations of Russian protest movements. The article analyzes political discourses of three lifestyle media outlets, namely Afis
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Kadhem, Fouad. "The New Shi’a Mahdawi Movements in Iraq: Religious Discontent or Political Protest?" Protest 4, no. 1 (2024): 49–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667372x-bja10060.

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Abstract Mahdawi ‘protest’ movements have played a significant role throughout Islamic history. As salvation movements, they often incorporated religious principles with social and economic demands to protest against authorities in order to bring about political change. Historically, Iraq has always been, and still is, the centre of Mahdawi movements in the Islamic world. Immediately after 2003, a host of new Shi’a Mahdawi movements emerged. These movements nonetheless were active underground since the late 1980s. They demonstrated an evident negative stance towards both Baghdad’s government a
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Hall, Simon. "Protest Movements in the 1970s: The Long 1960s." Journal of Contemporary History 43, no. 4 (2008): 655–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009408095421.

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Gun Cuninghame, Patrick. "“A Laughter That Will Bury You All”: Irony as Protest and Language as Struggle in the Italian 1977 Movement." International Review of Social History 52, S15 (2007): 153–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859007003173.

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Perhaps the most innovative aspect of the Italian “1977 Movement” in its conflict with the grey, humourless political system was its use of irony to ridicule its opponents. Irony was central to the identity of the movement and its cultural and political break with the institutional old and vanguardist new lefts. Its use, particularly by the “Metropolitan Indians”, the transversalists and other “creatives”, marked a social revolt by mainly marginalized young people, who invented a new political counter-culture based on linguistic experimentation in circumstances far from the optimism of 1968. T
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Danbom, David B., Patrick H. Mooney, and Theo J. Majka. "Farmers' and Farm Workers' Movements: Social Protest in American Agriculture." Journal of American History 82, no. 4 (1996): 1546. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2945323.

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Van Bostelen, Luke. "Analyzing the Civil Rights Movement: The Significance of Nonviolent Protest, International Influences, the Media, and Pre-existing Organizations." Political Science Undergraduate Review 6, no. 1 (2021): 53–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/psur185.

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This essay is an analysis of the success of the mid-20th century civil rights movement in the United States. The civil rights movement was a seminal event in American history and resulted in several legislative victories, including the 1964 Civil Rights Act, and the 1965 Voting Rights Act. After a brief overview of segregation and Jim Crow laws in the southern U.S., I will argue that the success of the civil rights movement can be attributed to a combination of factors. One of these factors was the effective strategy of nonviolent protests, in which the American public witnessed the contrastin
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Kosevich, E. "Multiple Sources of Protest Movements in Latin America." International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 18, no. 2 (2020): 92–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2020.18.2.61.5.

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Social outbreaks which have been characteristic of the political landscape of Latin America throughout the course of history of this region , reached their peak in the late 90s of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century. It can be argued without exaggeration that a special culture of mass protests has already formed in this part of the world. It functions as an independent “pressure mechanism” aimed at expanding rights and reducing historical injustice. In the fall of 2019 Latin America became the epicenter of social protests. Residents of the highest income inequality region of
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Gammage, Justin. "Black Power in Philadelphia: Selective Patronage and the Effectiveness of Direct Action Protest." Journal of Black Studies 48, no. 4 (2017): 373–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934717696791.

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Black Power during the 1960s is a shift in direct action protest with its aim at procuring power (economic, political, educational, etc.). The manifestation of Black Power in Philadelphia in the late 1960s provides us an elaborate model of direct action protest that included central components of the African American community. Moreover, the selective patronage movement successfully maintained organization and momentum without the prototypical one leader model that was prominent in the civil rights movement that preceded it. Much like the Black Lives Matter movement, the selective patronage mo
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Scalmer, Sean, Beverley Symons, Rowan Cahill, and Greg Mallory. "A Turbulent Decade: Social Protest Movements and the Labour Movement, 1965-1975." Labour History, no. 92 (2007): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27516208.

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Makarenko, Kirill, and Liliia Pankratova. "Contemporary State and Prospects of Female Protest Development: from Deprivation to Mobilization." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija 26, no. 3 (2021): 182–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.3.16.

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Introduction. The article presents the analysis of the сontemporary state and prospects for the development of women’s protest in a global perspective. The research focuses on the study of the causes and nature of mass women’s protest in the context of the formation of a new system of relations between the authorities and society represented by certain social groups. The relevance of the problem is determined by the need for a political science analysis of modern practices, causes and forms of women’s protest, making a forecast of the prospects for the development of women’s social movements.
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Tóth, György. "The Case for a Native American 1968 and Its Transnational Legacy." Review of International American Studies 12, no. 2 (2019): 49–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/rias.7355.

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Partly as a result of compartmentalized academic specializations and history teaching, in accounts of the global upheavals of 1968, Native Americans are either not mentioned, or at best are tagged on as an afterthought. “Was there a Native American 1968?” is the central question this article aims to answer. Native American activism in the 1960s was no less flashy, dramatic or confrontational than the protests by the era’s other struggles – it is simply overshadowed by later actions of the movement. Using approaches from Transnational American Studies and the history of social movements, this a
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Lacouture, Matthew. "Privatizing the Commons: Protest and the Moral Economy of National Resources in Jordan." International Review of Social History 66, S29 (2021): 113–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002085902100016x.

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AbstractThis article interrogates the social impact of one aspect of structural adjustment in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan: privatization. In the mid-2000s, King Abdullah II privatized Jordan's minerals industry as part of the regime's accelerated neoliberal project. While many of these privatizations elicited responses ranging from general approval to ambivalence, the opaque and seemingly corrupt sale of the Jordan Phosphate Mines Company (JPMC) in 2006 was understood differently, as an illegitimate appropriation of Jordan's national resources and, by extension, an abrogation of the state'
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Stobaugh, James E., and Sean Huss. "Before the Court and in the Press: Newspaper Coverage of Creationism and School Prayer Movements' Legal Framing." Studies in Media and Communication 12, no. 2 (2024): 88. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/smc.v12i2.6636.

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During the last century, social movement organizations have mobilized around what role religion should play in school. These struggles have focused on teaching creationism and evolution in the science classroom and the appropriateness of school prayer and Bible reading in public schools. Court cases like Scopes and Engel are infamous in American history, while others are much less well-known. This project explores media coverage of social movements that do not engage in typical protest activity and instead choose to operate in more institutional contexts. This paper will begin by presenting th
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McDonald, Daniel. "Setting History in Motion." American Historical Review 129, no. 4 (2024): 1703–31. https://doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhae469.

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Abstract This article examines the video essay in this issue, “Visualizing Resilience from the Periphery: Social Movements, Visual Archives, and the Megacity,” and the video essay as a form of historical argumentation. First, the article traces how the video essay reconstructs a visual lexicon that fostered resilience among social movements from the urban peripheries of South America’s most populous city, São Paulo, during Brazil’s civil-military dictatorship (1964–85) and the democratic transition that followed. Popular artists illustrated movement paraphernalia with hand-drawn images of dive
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Wilson, Constance M. "The Holy Man in the History of Thailand and Laos." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 28, no. 2 (1997): 345–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400014491.

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Holy men were respected leaders in early Thai and Lao society. As Thai society became more complex, traditional holy men disappeared, to be replaced by modern charismatic monks. But, in Southern Laos and the Khorat Plateau, holy men found a new role as leaders of protest movements.
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Reynolds-Stenson, Heidi, and Jennifer Earl. "CLASHES OF CONSCIENCE:EXPLAINING COUNTERDEMONSTRATION AT PROTESTS*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 23, no. 3 (2018): 263–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-23-3-263.

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Whether in contemporary protests or in key movements in United States history, protesters must often contend with police and sometimes also with counterprotesters. Clashes with counterprotesters are often tense, ripe with the possibility of violence, and increase the chance of a police response. Although there is research on countermovements, there is little on counterprotesting. We conduct a systematic, cross-movement analysis to forward a strategic threatbased explanation of counterprotesting. We examine the frequency of counterdemonstration, the relative merits of threat versus weakness exp
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Zeghal, Malika. "Resistance Movements, the State, and National Identities." International Journal of Middle East Studies 43, no. 3 (2011): 390. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743811000511.

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The uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) were primarily centered on profound economic grievances, which protestors addressed directly to state institutions, thereby making the grievances political. As a political scientist, I ask: under what conditions does economic protest transform into political demands? How and why did this happen in the MENA region, and why now? A deep exploration of authoritarian state institutions will be necessary to understand how a young generation that graduated from public educational institutions was unable to find economic opportunities and eventu
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Keys, Barbara. "The Telephone and Its Uses in 1980s U.S. Activism." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 48, no. 4 (2018): 485–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_01196.

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Claims that today’s digital technologies are unprecedented in their effect on society are founded on a weak understanding of the roles played by pre-digital technologies. Although the landline phone was the most ubiquitous American technology of the twentieth century, and an important influence on social and political life, it has received little attention in most fields of scholarship. But widespread use of the landline telephone is key to explaining how activists in the U.S. Central America movement of the 1980s sustained their commitment and sense of community. Telephony’s emotional and sen
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Casanellas, Pau. "Joint Efforts in the Fight against Franco: Protest and Repression during the Spanish Long ’68." Contemporary European History 31, no. 2 (2022): 271–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777321000163.

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As in many other countries, Spanish society also underwent its own ’68. In response, the Franco regime increased repression: it became much harsher, and much broader. After that, opposition to state brutality became the anti-Franco movement's main cause and a unifying element for its many different actors. This is the process addressed by this article. Specifically, it aims to explore how repression facilitated the encounters between activists coming from different social movements and political organisations. At the same time, it tries to show the importance of diversifying the analyses on th
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Levsen, Sonja. "Sexualität und Politik um 1968: Eine transnationale Geschichte?" Journal of Modern European History 17, no. 1 (2019): 98–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894418820269.

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Zusammenfassung Recent historiography stresses the ‘fundamentally transnational’ character of ‘1968’. The revolt against traditional sexual mores in this vein appears to be one aspect of a transnational or even global ‘youth revolt’. However, when looking beyond slogans such as ‘Make love, not war’ and the iconic images of Berlin’s ‘Kommune 1’, we discover fundamental differences in the ways in which protest movements dealt with sexuality. While ‘liberating’ sexuality in the early 1960s became a core concern of the German New Left, the respective French and British movements paid the topic onl
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Pearce, Jenny, and Iván Garzón Vallejo. "The role of protests on the journey to a politics without violence." Deusto Journal of Human Rights, no. 10 (December 30, 2022): 77–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.18543/djhr.2623.

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This article explores the relationship between protest, violence and the possibility of a politics without violence. It argues that protest is not only a valid but also a necessary vehicle for the journey towards a politics without violence. Nevertheless, violence can emerge within protests as well as in response to them. The article will propose a thinking tool for understanding violence as a phenomenon with multiple expressions. It discusses movements to de-sanction violence and the research that has highlighted the role of non-violent protest, constructive nonviolent action and civil resist
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Rocchi, Tony. "The Russian Black Hundreds Movement and its Place in the Past and Present of European Populist Parties and Movements: an Exercise in Comparative analysis." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 102 (March 1, 2020): 316–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2020-0-1-316-334.

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The history of the prerevolutionary Russian Black Hundreds movement is an integral part of the general European history of populist parties and movements, especially of the far-right type. However, the European context of the Black Hundreds is not reflected in Russian and foreign historiography. This absence of a broader context for the study of the Black Hundreds constitutes a huge blank spot in our understanding of this complex and often contradictory political phenomenon. This article examines the groundbreaking possibilities of studying the Black Hundreds phenomenon in a European context o
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