Dissertations / Theses: 'History War'

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Baker, Gary Paul. "The English way of war, 1360-1399." Thesis, University of Hull, 2011. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:9036.

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This thesis challenges the orthodox view that the years 1360 to 1399 witnessed a period of martial decline for the English. Several reasons are advanced to support this hypothesis: the problems of hindsight and perception (as in a comparison with the periods directly before and after the one under consideration), the fact that the ‘strengths’ of England’s enemies have been overly praised, whilst the ‘weaknesses’ of the English have been overly emphasized and her achievements either ignored or belittled. There are, however, two central arguments against the hypothesis of decline. The first is that the changes that occurred in the structure and recruitment of armies in the first-half of the fourteenth-century had by the second-half of the century, and certainly after the resumption of the Anglo-French war in 1369, profoundly altered the composition of the English military-community; the men who fought within these armies. Increasing demands from the crown for military service, not to mention exogenous demands for English soldiers, coupled with increasing fiscal expense for the individual to fight, meant that the social composition of the community changed. War became increasingly the preserve of a nascent, professional, (at least by the standards of the day), fighting force whose military experience stretched over decades. That England possessed such a fighting force, compared to those of her enemies, strongly counters the notion of a military decline. The second major argument against military decline in this period is that the English ‘conduct of war’ has long been misunderstood, and overly denigrated, due to this lack of clarity. The English, far from being on the back-foot and at the mercy of their enemies, were actually pursuing an aggressive, battle-seeking strategy, to win a decisive engagement and quickly end the conflicts in which they fought. This strategy, also employed in the first-half of the fourteenth-century with great success, was both desirable, and a financial necessity, in the period under scrutiny.

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Willey, Amanda Mae. "Fashioning femininity for war: material culture and gender performance in the WAC and WAVES during World War II." Diss., Kansas State University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/20556.

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Doctor of Philosophy
Department of History
Sue Zschoche
In 1942, the U.S. Army and Navy announced the creation of their respective women’s military services: the WAAC/WAC and the WAVES. Although American women had served alongside the military in past conflicts, the creation of women’s military corps caused uproar in American society. Placing women directly into the armed services called into question cultural expectations about “masculinity” and “femininity.” Thus, the women’s corps had to be justified to the public in accordance with American cultural assumptions regarding proper gender roles. “Fashioning Femininity for War: Material Culture and Gender Performance in the WAC and WAVES during World War II” focuses on the role of material culture in communicating a feminine image of the WAC and WAVES to the American public as well as the ways in which servicewomen engaged material culture to fashion and perform a feminine identity compatible with contemporary understandings of “femininity.” Material culture served as a mechanism to resolve public concerns regarding both the femininity and the function of women in the military. WAC and WAVES material culture linked their wearers with stereotyped characteristics specifically related to contemporary meanings of “femininity” celebrated by American society, while at the same time associating them with military organizations doing vital war work. Ultimately, the WAVES were more successful in their manipulations of material culture than the WAC, communicating both femininity and function in a way that was complementary to the established gender hierarchy. Therefore, the WAVES enjoyed a prestigious position in the mind of the American public. This dissertation also contributes to the ongoing historiographical debate regarding World War II as a turning point for women’s liberation, arguing that while the seeds of women’s liberation were sown in women’s wartime activities, those same wartime women were firmly convinced that their rightful place was in the private rather than the public sphere. The war created an opportunity to reevaluate gender roles but it would take some time before those reevaluations bore fruit.

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Cauley, Catherine S. "Queering the WAC: The World War II Military Experience of Queer Women." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2015. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/2062.

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The demands of WWII mobilization led to the creation of the first standing women's army in the US known as the Women's Army Corps (WAC). An unintended consequence of this was that the WAC provided queer women with an environment with which to explore their gender and sexuality while also giving them the cover of respectability and service that protected them from harsh societal repercussions. They could eschew family for their military careers. They could wear masculine clothing, exhibit a masculine demeanor, and engage in a homosocial environment without being seen as subversive to the American way of life. Quite the contrary: the outside world saw them as helping to protect their country. This paper looks at the life of one such queer soldier, Dorothee Gore. Dorothee's letters, journals, and memorabilia demonstrate that for many lesbians of her generation, service in the WACS during WWII was a time of relatively open camaraderie and acceptance by straight society.

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Chapman, John. "Predatory War: A History of Violence." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2013. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1552.

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This thesis attempts to explain the reasons states choose to prey on other states or territories. A way of testing significance was devised and three variables were produced: Proclivity to violence, winning coalition size, and whether or not a war of conquest took place. The scope for this project was the time period of 1900-1950 and the location was Europe. The European countries were then refined down to a list of 10 states based on power ratings used in the Correlates of War. Then the leaders of each of these states were rated on a scale of 1 – 5 on personal violence, or how inclined they were to act violently. In order to determine this number their biographies were researched and specific traits were used to determine if they were violent individuals. These include military service, criminal history, participation in violent sports, support of military action, participation in a war effort, and any other examples of violent behavior. Second, the winning coalition size of each of these leader’s states was determined as an indicator of the amount of domestic support a leader had. This was ascertained by Bruce Bueno de Mesquita’s rating system. The third variable, the occurrence of a war of conquest, was determined by finding if there was a war of conquest that took place during the tenure of the individual leaders. The hypothesis is that a leader with a high proclivity to violence and a small winning coalition size will have presided over more wars of conquest than leaders with a low proclivity to violence and a large winning coalition. The three variables were compiled at the individual leader level totaling 151 cases and 10 countries. Then they were tested using the SPSS statistical program using a binary logistic regression. The results showed no significance between the variables. When tested individually however the independent variable of proclivity towards violence showed a p-value of .054, making it nearly significant at the .05 level. This finding illustrates a potentially significant correlation between the individual violence level of a leader and whether or not they initiate or continue a war of conquest.
B.A.
Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science

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Faugstad, Jesse A. "Ike's Last War: Making War Safe for Society." Chapman University Digital Commons, 2019. https://digitalcommons.chapman.edu/war_and_society_theses/5.

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This thesis analyzes how Eisenhower defined war and its utility in his New Look defense policy and the ramifications for America’s interactions with the world through its foreign policy. It argues that Eisenhower redefined the relationship between war and society as he executed his grand strategy, further removing society from the decision for war. To avoid what he believed to be the inevitable global destruction of a general war turned nuclear, Eisenhower broadened the scope of ‘war” to balance domestic opinion for containing communism while also avoiding the devastating consequences of war in American society. By authorizing coups in Iran and Guatemala, Eisenhower blurred the line between coercive diplomacy and violent political warfare. President Eisenhower’s reliance on covert action to achieve political outcomes prevented general or nuclear war but it strengthened an emerging model for society’s relationship with war. Political warfare and covert action increased the gap between society and the commitment of American power during the Cold War. In his effort to prevent war, Eisenhower expanded presidential power and set a precedent that continues today.

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Al, Kharusi Khalid. "Dhofar War, 1965-1975." Thesis, University of Central Lancashire, 2018. http://clok.uclan.ac.uk/24029/.

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This project examines the nature of UK relations with the Omani Sultans, Sultan Said bin Taimur (1932-1970) and his son, Sultan Qaboos (1970- present), in the context of the Dhofar War (1965-1975). The internal and external circumstances of this conflict give valuable insights into Omani independence and sovereignty, thereby addressing the paucity of Omani writing on this conflict (e.g. Al Hamdani, 2010, Al Amri, 2012, Ja'boub, 2010; Muqaibl, 2002). This study utilises a qualitative descriptive analytical methodology to study documents from British, American, Egyptian, and Omani sources, including archival texts from government officials and the revolutionaries. Interviews were also conducted with key military and civilian figures in the Sultanate of Oman and Britain. Examination of the actions undertaken by Sultan Said and Sultan Qaboos in the war highlights a dichotomy between the need to ensure compatibility with British politics at that time and the desire of the Omani leaders to maintain independence in the face of British imperialism. Despite the profound differences between the policies of both Sultans, this study shows that both governments had a developing and negotiable autonomy, rather than existing as a direct colony or an informal colony (see Abdalsatar, 1989, p. 46; Fadel, 1995, p. 212; Halliday, 2008, p. 331; Miles, 1920, pp.222-230; Omar, 2008, pp. 6-7; Owtram, 2004, p. 16;Samah, 2016, p. 273; Sultan & Naqeeb, 2008, p. 26; Wilson, 2012, pp. 331-332). Importantly, the relationship with the British is shown to have been a less important factor in the events and should therefore not be over-stated as informal imperialism. The main political values in the conflict were: (1) the support of tribal leaders; (2) the role of Islam and communism; (3) the unity of the leadership; and (4) the relations between the Sultans and other Gulf leaders. Overall, the relationship between the Omani rulers and the British was one of friendship, cooperation, and exchange of interests, which the Sultans used to maintain the independent needs of Oman.

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Williams, J. Barrie. "Re-Education of German Prisoners of War in the United States during World War II." W&M ScholarWorks, 1993. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625841.

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Glassco, David Kidder. "Story and history : exploring the Great War." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1997. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/1416.

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This essay suggests that the creative imagination proved to be the most effective guide to the experiences of the Great War. The argument is that the rational consciousness and its received, discursive language proved unable to explore many of the dimensions of an experience that was characterized by the irrational. That most precious of heritages--the language-actually prevented people from seeing and saying what was going on. Most of the memoirs demonstrate a tension between that which is recognized by the rational consciousness and that which is rendered as there by the creative imagination. The various tactics employed by the memoirists to deal with that tension (most interestingly by the creation of a persona who stands in for the memoirist) are revealing in themselves. In exploring these issues we will discover that memoirs are actually a subset of fiction, and must be seen and read as such. We learn to trust the tale rather than the teller of it. The novels, too, will demonstrate a dichotomy between novelist and novel. There too, as in the memoirs, we discover that the imagination can lead us into places not readily available to the discursive mind. Ford Madox Ford's Parade's End gives us an extraordinary picture of a civilization bound and impotent, helpless to free itself from the dead hand of its past except by some apocalyptic smash-up. It suggests in a number of ways precisely how and why European civilization seemed in the end to be so eager for the war that would destroy it. H.G.Wells's Mr. Britling Sees it Through is one of the very few contemporary renditions of the war that sees it clearly as nightmare and horror. Worse, Britling must realize that even though this nightmare may consume his son he can do nothing about it. It is a lesson of impotence that is enforced. Finally D.H.Lawrence's Kangaroo starts to explore some of the implications of the war. In the end, as a result of his own experiences in England during the war, Somers has lost his faith in the England he once so cared for, in civilization, in democracy, in any kind of political action, in connecting. It is a staggering loss.

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De, Somogyi Nicholas Jan. "Shakespeare's theatre of war." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1993. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272391.

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Pierpaoli, Paul George. "The price of peace : the Korean War mobilization and Cold War rearmament, 1950-1953 /." The Ohio State University, 1995. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1346167485.

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Buzzanco, Robert. "Masters of war? : military criticism, strategy, and civil- military relations during the Vietnam war /." The Ohio State University, 1993. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487844485899365.

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Jones, Gregory R. "They Fought the War Together| Southeastern Ohio's Soldiers and Their Families During the Civil War." Thesis, Kent State University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3618882.

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Soldiers from southeastern Ohio and their families fought the Civil War (1861–1865) in a reciprocal relationship, sustaining one another throughout the course of the conflict. The soldiers needed support from their families at home. The families, likewise, relied upon the constant contact via letters for assurance that the soldiers were surviving and doing well in the ranks. This dissertation qualitatively examines the correspondence between soldiers and their families in southeastern Ohio, developing six major themes of analysis including early war patriotism, war at the front, war at home, political unrest at home, common religion, and the shared cost of the war. The source base for the project included over one thousand letters and over two hundred and fifty newspaper articles, all of which contribute to a sense of the mood of southeastern Ohioans as they struggled to fight the war together. The conclusions of the dissertation show that soldiers and their families developed a cooperative relationship throughout the war. This dissertation helps to provide a corrective to the overly romantic perspective on the Civil War that it was fought between divided families. Rather, Civil War soldiers and their families fought the war in shared suffering and in support of one another.

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Proctor, Patrick E. "The Vietnam War debate and the Cold War consensus." Diss., Kansas State University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/18665.

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Doctor of Philosophy
Department of History
Donald Mrozek
Both Presidents Johnson and Nixon used the ideology of military containment of Communism to justify U.S. military intervention in Vietnam. Until 1968, opponents of this intervention attacked the ideology of containment or its application to Vietnam. In 1968, opponents of the war switched tactics and began to focus instead on the President’s credibility. These arguments quickly became the dominant critique of the war through its end and were ultimately successful in ending it. The Gulf of Tonkin incident and the Tonkin Gulf Resolution were central to the change of opposition strategy in 1968. For Johnson, the Gulf of Tonkin incident had provided the political impetus to pass the Tonkin Gulf Resolution, which the administration used as an insurance policy against Congressional dissent. For Congressional dissenters in 1968, inconsistencies in Johnson’s version of the Gulf of Tonkin incident allowed them to undermine the Resolution as a weapon against Congress. For the American people, revelations about the administration’s dishonesty during the incident simply added to grave doubts that Americans already had about Johnson’s credibility; the American people lost confidence in Johnson, ending his Presidency. The dramatic success of this new strategy—attacking the administration’s credibility—encouraged other opponents to follow suit, permanently altering the framework of debate over the war. This change in opposition strategy in 1968 had a number of important consequences. First, this change in rhetoric ultimately ended the war. To sustain his credibility against relentless attack, President Nixon repeatedly withdrew troops to prove to the American people he was ending the war. Nixon ran out of troops to withdraw and had to accept an unfavorable peace. Second, after the war, this framework for debate of military interventions established—between advocates using the ideology of containment and opponents attacking the administration’s credibility—would reemerge nearly every time an administration contemplated military intervention through the end of the Cold War. Finally, because opponents of military intervention stopped challenging containment in 1968, the American public continued to accept the precepts of containment and the Cold War consensus survived until the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War.

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Tucci, John. "THE INTELLECTUAL HISTORY OF INTER-WAR BRITISH FASCISTS." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2005. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/3794.

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Between World Wars I and II, allied forces girded themselves to quash yet another enemy bent on world conquest: fascism. In England, however, the British fascists set about to save what they saw as a dying empire. In an effort to restore Britain's greatness, British fascism held to fascist principles and doctrine to stem the flow of immigration, which fascists saw as darkening the pure British culture. While many of the British fascists strongly admired Nazi Germany's version of fascism, they were unique in that they forged their solutions from social ills that were distinctly British. British fascists were unabashedly anti-Semitic. They feared a Jewish threat to Britain's economy and culture and sought to counter it on every front. History, according to the British fascists, was rife with conspiracies which threatened the established "order of things." Unfortunately, their fears of conspiracy were so fantastic that their rationale was at times clouded and to their detriment. Foremost in the thinking of British fascists, Britain itself and all things British stood paramount to the exclusion of all else. Only an enormous resurgence of British nationalism would serve to regain Britain's proud heritage and future. Widely held principles of British fascism included direct representation in government for all occupations. All Britons would work in the interest of Britain, placing individual interests secondary to the whole of British culture. British fascism called for all Britons to actively involve themselves in the organic body of the British fascist state. Honor, duty, and loyalty would guide all Britons to a heightened sense of nationalism which would enable the individual to flourish within the fascist state. British fascism offered a sense of greatness to the British people. When all Britons embraced the nationalism of British fascism, pride of country, strength of family, honor of the individual, and the greatness of the British Empire all would be restored.
M.A.
Department of History
Arts and Sciences
History

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15

Morales, Lisa R. Campbell Randolph B. "The financial history of the War of 1812." [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2009. http://digital.library.unt.edu/permalink/meta-dc-9922.

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Trott, Vincent Andrew. "The First World War : history, literature and myth." Thesis, Open University, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.664476.

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This thesis explores the role literature played in the creation and subsequent development of the mythology of the First World War in Britain. In this thesis, the term 'mythology' is used to denote a set of dominant symbols and narratives which characterise how the past is represented and understood. Many historians consider literature to be the source of the British mythology of the First World War, but it is argued here that previous historical approaches have paid insufficient attention to the processes by which books were published, promoted and received. Drawing on Book History methodologies, this thesis therefore also examines these processes with reference to a range of literary works, whilst employing theoretical models advanced in the field of memory studies to interrogate further the relationship between literature and evolving popular attitudes to the First World War. Through a series of case studies this thesis demonstrates that publishers, hitherto overlooked by scholars in this context, played a crucial role in constructing the mythology of the First World War between 1918 and 2014. Their identification of texts, and promotional strategies, were key processes by which this mythology was developed across the twentieth century and beyond. By examining critical and popular responses to literature this thesis also problematizes the linear narrative by which the mythology of the war is often taken to have evolved. It demonstrates that myths of the war have been constructed and contested by various groups at different times, and that the evolving memories of veterans were not always in alignment with those of the wider public. In doing so it provides a powerful counterargument to the assumption that a mythology of the First World War has become hegemonic in recent decades.

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Joseph, Rosara. "The war prerogative : history, reform and constitutional design." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:9b7c6ac7-6c0e-4a84-ac01-bd11732d0ef8.

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This thesis studies the evolution of the war prerogative in England from 1600-2010. It traces the historical theory and practice of the war prerogative and proposes reform of the constitutional arrangements for its exercise. It addresses three key questions. First, what have writers on political and constitutional theory said about the constitutional arrangements for the war prerogative, and, in particular, what justifications have been advanced for those arrangements? Secondly, in practice, has the executive in fact possessed sole and exclusive powers over war and the deployment of force, or have Parliament and the courts had a role to play in their exercise and scrutiny? Thirdly, are there better ways to organise our constitutional arrangements for the war prerogative, to enable a more substantive role for Parliament (particularly the House of Commons) in its exercise and scrutiny? On the first question, I show that orthodox theoretical and political discourses have continuously asserted the executive’s exclusive power over war, but the justifications advanced for that arrangement have changed over time. Those changes reflect the varying influence of different political theories at different times. On the second question, I find that, contrary to orthodox theoretical and political discourses, Parliament has played an active and substantive role in the exercise and scrutiny of the war prerogative. The courts have refused to intervene in the exercise of the war prerogative, but have been more ready to intervene in cases involving the exercise of powers incidental to the war prerogative. On the third question, I argue that reform of the constitutional arrangements for the war prerogative is necessary and desirable. I recommend the use of ‘institutional mechanisms’, which are small-scale rules and institutional arrangements, within existing institutions, which aim to promote certain normative goals. In particular, I propose a statute which would impose conditions on the executive’s exercise of its war prerogative. I argue that these proposals show that, through careful institutional design, democratic values, national security and operational efficiency can each be reconciled and promoted.

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Morales, Lisa R. "The Financial History of the War of 1812." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2009. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc9922/.

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The War of 1812 brought daunting financial challenges to the national government of the United States. At the onset of war, policymakers were still in the process of sifting through a developing body of American economic thought while contemplating the practicalities of banking and public finance. The young nation's wartime experience encompassed the travails of incompetent and cautious leadership, the incautious optimism that stemmed from several previous years of economic growth, the inadequacies of the banking system, and, ultimately, the temporary deterioration of the financial position of the United States. While not equivalent to great tragedy, the war did force Americans to attend to the financial infrastructure of the country and reevaluate what kinds of institutions were truly necessary. This study of the financing of the War of 1812 provides a greater understanding of how the early American economy functioned and the sources of its economic progress during that era. Financial studies have typically not been a primary focus of historians, and certainly with regard to the War of 1812, it is easy to understand a preoccupation with political and military affairs. To a large degree, however, economic realities and financial infrastructure determine a nation's capacity for growth and change as well as national strength. The War of 1812 offers a prism through which to view the tensions of economic and financial policymaking during an emergency situation and reveals an important turning point in the development of distinctly American financial ideas and institutions.

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Wilkinson, Glenn Ralph. "#The blessings of war' : depictions and images of war in Edwardian newspapers, 1899 - 1914." Thesis, Lancaster University, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.240502.

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de, Graaf Jan-Arend. "Across the Iron Curtain : European socialism between World War and Cold War, 1943-1948." Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 2015. https://researchportal.port.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/across-the-iron-curtain(a9ef5a05-2c38-4c75-b3ce-ab7a818cc70f).html.

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This thesis is a comparative history of the post-war European socialist parties, 1943-1948 – with a focus on the Czechoslovakian Social Democratic Party and the Polish Socialist Party in Eastern Europe as well as the French Socialist Party and the Italian Socialist Party in Western Europe. Its foremost aim is to demonstrate that the countries of East and West, far from already being divided by an Iron Curtain, faced much the same challenges during these first post-war years. Contrary to the conventional historiographical picture of an international socialist movement split along Cold War lines, therefore, it draws attention to the divergences within and parallels across the two putative ‘blocs’. To do so, the thesis moves the spotlight away from geo-politics and focuses upon that set of problems that really dominated the agendas of the post-war European socialist parties – the problems of post-war reconstruction. The thesis addresses socialist attitudes towards two of the key dimensions of post-war reconstruction. Its first part deals with socio-economic reconstruction. This part demonstrates that there was often a profound disconnect between socialist leaders in national government and the workers at their grassroots. Whereas rank-and-file (socialist) workers berated their leaders for their failure to improve the material situation, for their inability to clamp down upon the black market, and for the remaining inequalities of post-war life, national party leaders scolded workers for their unruliness and for their unwillingness to make sacrifices towards the greater political good. Its second part deals with political reconstruction – more specifically with the question of rebuilding democracy. This part demonstrates that, contrary to what many historians of post-war (Western) European socialism claim, there was no across-the-board socialist conversion to a parliamentary road to socialism. Yet, the fault lines between those parties insisting on a strict adherence to the rulebook of political democracy and those advocating a radical departure from representative democracy did not divide neatly between East and West.

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Mlambo, Norman. "Arms production and war supply in Southern Africa 1939-1945 : limitations of the industrial war effort of South Africa and Zimbabwe during the second world war." Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/10878.

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Bibliography: leaves 317-333.
This thesis will discuss the production of munitions of war in South Africa and Zimbabwe as a contribution to the study of the effects of the Second World War on Africa. The thesis will argue that South Africa was not well prepared for the industrial war effort mainly because there were few large factories which could be readily converted to munitions production. Such factories had to be built from scratch. Machinery for these factories had to be imported or made locally at the expense of quality.

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Gray, Corey Patrick. "Industrial modernization and the American Civil War." Thesis, The Florida State University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1600045.

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What explains why and how America fought the civil war? This thesis argues that industrial modernization can be a useful analytical tool for understanding the causes of the American Civil War. The argument is developed by analyzing the social, political, and military events of the era through the lens of industrialization. This study will show that the American Industrial Revolution lay at the core of the social, political, and military events that shaped this great conflict. Understanding the causes of human events is as critical as understanding their effects. By grasping the root causes of the war, we can better understand how and why it was fought. This analysis of American society, American politics, and the country's military establishment will provide the rich context needed to apprehend the reasons for the American Civil war beyond the dichotomy of slavery and economics.

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Waite, James David Anthony. "The end of the first Indochina war : an international history /." View abstract, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3191721.

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CHAU, Ho Yan. "Cold war strategy, immigration law reform and "assimilationism" : a study of U.S. policies towards Japanese war brides." Digital Commons @ Lingnan University, 2018. https://commons.ln.edu.hk/otd/22.

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The Japanese Emperor Hirohito accepted the Potsdam Declaration on 14 August 1945 represented the Japanese government announced the unconditional surrender. Based on the declaration, the process of the Allied occupation of Japan from 1945 to 1952 started. The period from 1945 to 1952 was special not only because it was the time of the allied occupation of Japan and also the period of Cold War. Japan as a defeated country in the WWII was occupied and the U.S. government had a special role in Japan. The Supreme Commander for the Allied Power (SCAP) had critical role in Japan in this period and it marked the change of Japan and the U.S. also made important change on the immigration policy. The U.S. occupation allowed the interracial marriage between the G.I.s and the Japanese women. Japanese war bride was the product of the occupation. They witnessed the immigration law reform, the racial problem in the society and the cooperation during the cold war. In this paper, I argue that Japanese war brides as the subject in the reform of the immigration laws. The implementation of different public laws, from only allowing non-Asia war brides to open to all war brides within the deadline show the improvement in the racial limitation requirement. The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952 and 1965 further reduced and eliminated the national origins quotas. Asians can therefore immigrate to the U.S. I also explain the racial ideas in the U.S. society by analyzing the bride schools. The war brides were encouraged to participate in the bride school before leaving Japan. They learned the history of the U.S., the culture and society of the U.S. and other skills as housewives and mothers. They were trained to match with the expectation of the U.S. society. I also analyze “assimilationism” and immigration policies. The “assimilation” of the Japanese war brides in Bride school can represent the ideology of immigration in the situation of the postwar society. The immigration laws before 1965 still contained the national origins ideas, which the Soviet Union used to attack and criticize. However, the U.S. occupation allowed the cooperation with the Japanese government. The “assimilation” of the Japanese war brides provided a special scene in showing the encounter of “assimilationism” and immigration law reform. The Japanese war brides witnessed the change in the immigration laws, “assimilationism” and Cold War policies. The Japanese war brides were the subjects in viewing the reform of the immigration policies. Using them to review the process can provide a different angle to evaluate the Cold War situation.

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Gilbert, Gladitz Georgia. "Let Our Voices Also Be Heard : Memory Pluralism in Latvian Museums About World War II and the Post-War Period." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Hugo Valentin-centrum, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-384426.

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The decades following the fall of the Soviet Union have seen drastic changes in society and culture within Europe. The desire to create a unified, pan-European historical narrative has been challenged by the expansion of the European Union. Previous Western European discourse of history has been confronted by the alternative perspectives of many former Soviet countries, such as Poland, Hungary, and the Baltic states. One of the greatest challenges to a new, inclusive pan-European narrative has been the perceived exclusion of Holocaust recognition in these former Soviet-bloc countries – a topic made more volatile considering the vast majority of the violence of the Holocaust took place in Central and Eastern Europe. Recent governmental decisions regarding the recognition of the Holocaust in Eastern Europe have been extremely disconcerting to Holocaust scholars and survivors, as well as the broad Western European community. But Eastern Europe insists that they are not neglecting Holocaust narratives in their respective countries; instead, they claim the lack of Western recognition of their suffering under Soviet rule has forced them to compensate by focusing their attention on an exploration of Soviet oppression. Eastern European scholars maintain that the best way forward is to embrace a pluralist narrative that recognizes both the victims of the Holocaust and the Soviet project. This thesis analyses the adoption of memory pluralism in two places of cultural memory of one Eastern European city – Riga, Latvia.

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Batten, Richard John. "Devon and the First World War." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/14600.

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This thesis examines the experiences and impact of wartime mobilization in the county of Devon. It argues that a crucial role was played by the county’s elites who became the self-appointed intermediaries of the war experience on a local level and who took an explicitly exhortative role, attempting to educate Devonians in the codes of ideal conduct in wartime. These armchair patriots, defined by the local commentator Stephen Reynolds as ‘provincial patriots’, superintended the patriotism of Devon’s population, evaluating that patriotism against the strength of their own. Through a critical exploration of Reynolds’ definition of Devon’s elite as the police-men and women of patriotism, this thesis reveals the ambiguities, constraints and complexities surrounding mobilization and remobilization in Devon. The evidence from Devon reveals the autonomy of Devon’s citizens as they attempted to navigate the different challenges of the war while they weighed-up individual and local interests against the competing requests that the ‘provincial patriots’ prescribed for them. In many cases, their responses to the appeals and prescriptions from Devon’s elite were informed by what they considered to be an appropriate contribution to the war effort. Therefore, the choice to participate in the measures introduced in the name of war effort in Devon was not a binary one. A tension between individual survival and national survival in the county was apparent in the encounters between Devon’s elite as agents of mobilization and the county’s populace during the war. Through various campaigns of superintendence in order to police the patriotism of Devon’s people, the ‘provincial patriots’ attempted to navigate through the terrain of these competing priorities and resolve this tension. In their endeavours to mobilize Devon’s populace, the authority of Devon’s elite was criticised and they faced constant negotiation between individual priorities and those of the nation. This analysis of the complexity of the Devonian experience of the First World War is sceptical about the ‘total’ nature of the First World War because the war to some Devonians was not the pre-eminent issue and did not absorb all of the county’s efforts. Rather, a significant part of Devon’s population was primarily concerned with individual priorities and that of the county throughout the war years.

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Robertson, Margaret. "Derby, Kansas : cold war boomtown." Thesis, Manhattan, Kan. : Kansas State University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/4120.

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Tolley, Rebecca. "Appalachian Mountains: American Indian Wars, Arabella Reynolds, Cora Weiss, War Correspondents: Mexican-American War, Isabella Edmondson." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2009. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/5663.

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Book Summary: Wars create important turning points in human history, defining our leaders and changing the lives of ordinary families and citizens. Whether fighting for independence, forging alliances, making a play for dominance, or battling a global threat, nations shape history—and the world—when they go to war. World at War: Understanding Conflict and Society presents overviews of 50 wars, rebellions, and revolutions, both those commonly taught and those less so, and provides additional analysis of causes and consequences and portraits of opponents. The effect is to elucidate the global impact of these military conflicts that have defined our world from antiquity to today such that students and researchers may develop a deeper, critical appreciation of both the history of the world and the human costs of war.

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Mayo-Bobee, Dinah. "War and Diplomacy in the Early Republic." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2016. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/738.

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Wintour, Timothy W. "The buck starts here| The Federal Reserve and monetary politics from World War to Cold War, 1941-1951." Thesis, Kent State University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3618842.

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This dissertation examines the role of the Federal Reserve System in the formation and conduct of American foreign relations between the Second World War and the Korean War. Specifically, it seeks to understand why Fed officials willingly subordinated monetary policy to the priorities of war finance during the former conflict, but actively fought for greater policy autonomy during the latter. Using a constructivist bureaucratic politics approach it examines how American central bankers understood the economic and political implications of both domestic and international policy developments. Drawing upon the perceived lessons of the interwar years, Fed officials believed that economic prosperity was a critical feature of a stable and peaceful international system. At the same time, however, they believed the situation was more complicated than a simplistic causal relationship whereby greater domestic growth resulted in greater international peace and prosperity. Instead, central bankers recognized that events in either the domestic or international political or economic arenas, if improperly handled, threatened to upset the delicate balance between prosperity and peace. The belief in these fundamental interconnections, while often not explicitly expressed, provided a coherent and logical guide to Fed policy, during the era, informing many of its internal debates and positions. This dissertation, therefore, represents the first attempt to understand the role of the American This dissertation examines the role of the Federal Reserve System in the formation and conduct of American foreign relations between the Second World War and the Korean War. Specifically, it seeks to understand why Fed officials willingly subordinated monetary policy to the priorities of war finance during the former conflict, but actively fought for greater policy autonomy during the latter. Using a constructivist bureaucratic politics approach to foreign policy analysis it examines how American central bankers understood the economic and political implications of both domestic and international policy developments. Drawing upon the perceived lessons of the interwar years, Fed officials believed that economic prosperity was a critical feature of a stable and peaceful international system. At the same time, however, they believed the situation was more complicated than a simplistic causal relationship whereby greater domestic growth resulted in greater international peace and prosperity. Instead, central bankers recognized that events in either the domestic or international political or economic arenas, if improperly handled, threatened to upset the delicate balance between prosperity and peace. The belief in these fundamental interconnections, while often not explicitly expressed, provided a coherent and logical guide to Fed policy, during the era, informing many of its internal debates and positions. This dissertation, therefore, represents the first attempt to understand the role of the American Federal Reserve System as an active participant in foreign policy-making, including its involvement in the 1944 Bretton Woods Conference, as well as discussions over the 1946 British Loan, and the Marshall Plan. Additionally, this study bridges the gap between domestic and foreign affairs, demonstrating the critical interrelationships between those two areas.

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Sevy, Ross K. "NATO History and Future." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/242.

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NATO was a powerful geopolitical force during the twentieth century. And their activity has increased after the Cold War. However, many problems have emerged and NATO's future seems uncertain. This essay is a critical look into the history and possible future of NATO.

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Milne-Walasek, Nicholas. "The History/Literature Problem in First World War Studies." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/35162.

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In a cultural context, the First World War has come to occupy an unusual existential point half-way between history and art. Modris Eksteins has described it as being “more a matter of art than of history;” Samuel Hynes calls it “a gap in history;” Paul Fussell has exclaimed “Oh what a literary war!” and placed it outside of the bounds of conventional history. The primary artistic mode through which the war continues to be encountered and remembered is that of literature—and yet the war is also a fact of history, an event, a happening. Because of this complex and often confounding mixture of history and literature, the joint roles of historiography and literary scholarship in understanding both the war and the literature it occasioned demand to be acknowledged. Novels, poems, and memoirs may be understood as engagements with and accounts of history as much as they may be understood as literary artifacts; the war and its culture have in turn generated an idiosyncratic poetics. It has conventionally been argued that the dawn of the war's modern literary scholarship and historiography can be traced back to the late 1960s and early 1970s—a period which the cultural historian Jay Winter has described as the “Vietnam Generation” of scholarship. This period was marked by an emphatic turn away from the records of cultural elites and towards an oral history preserved and delivered by those who fought the war “on the ground,” so to speak. Adrian Gregory has affirmed this period's status as the originating point for the war's modern historiography, while James Campbell similarly has placed the origins of the war's literary scholarship around the same time. I argue instead that this “turn” to the oral and the subaltern is in fact somewhat overstated, and that the fully recognizable origins of what we would consider a “modern” approach to the war can be found being developed both during the war and in its aftermath. Authors writing on the home front developed an effective language of “war writing” that then inspired the reaction of the “War Books Boom” of 1922-1939, and this boom in turn provided the tropes and concerns that have so animated modern scholarship. Through it all, from 1914 to the current era, there has been a consistent recognition of both the literariness of the war's history and the historiographical quality of its literature; this has helped shape an unbroken line of scholarship—and of literary production—from the war's earliest days to the present day.

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Good, Kit. "England goes to war 1914-15." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.272832.

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Lea-O'Mahoney, Michael James. "The navy in the English Civil War." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/4078.

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This thesis is concerned chiefly with the military role of sea power during the English Civil War. Parliament’s seizure of the Royal Navy in 1642 is examined in detail, with a discussion of the factors which led to the King’s loss of the fleet and the consequences thereafter. It is concluded that Charles I was outmanoeuvred politically, whilst Parliament’s choice to command the fleet, the Earl of Warwick, far surpassed him in popularity with the common seamen. The thesis then considers the advantages which control of the Navy provided for Parliament throughout the war, determining that the fleet’s protection of London, its ability to supply besieged outposts and its logistical support to Parliamentarian land forces was instrumental in preventing a Royalist victory. Furthermore, it is concluded that Warwick’s astute leadership went some way towards offsetting Parliament’s sporadic neglect of the Navy. The thesis demonstrates, however, that Parliament failed to establish the unchallenged command of the seas around the British Isles. This was because of the Royalists’ widespread privateering operations, aided in large part by the King’s capture of key ports in 1643, such as Dartmouth and Bristol. The Navy was able to block many, but not all, of the King’s arms shipments from abroad, thus permitting Charles to supply his armies in England. Close attention is paid to the Royalist shipping which landed reinforcements from Ireland in 1643-44. The King’s defeat in the First Civil War is then discussed, with the New Model Army, and greater resources, cited as the key factors behind Parliament’s victory, with recognition that the Navy provided essential support. Finally, the revolt of the fleet in 1648 is examined. It is concluded that the increasing radicalism of Parliament alienated a substantial section of the Navy, but that the Royalists failed to capitalise on their new-found maritime strength.

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Harari, Yuval Noah. "Renaissance military memoirs : war, history, and identity, 1450-1600 /." Woodbridge : Boydell Press, 2004. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb392083492.

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Texte remanié de: Th. Ph. D.--Oxford--Jesus College, 2002. Titre de soutenance : History and I : war and the relations between history and personal identity in Renaissance military memoirs, c. 1450-1600.
Bibliogr. p. 205-218. Index.

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Fortune, Gabrielle Ann. "'Mr Jones' wives': World War II war brides of New Zealand servicemen." Thesis, University of Auckland, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3201550.

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Frederick Jones, Minister of Defence during World War II, was responsible for the transportation to New Zealand of the foreign-born wives and fiancées of New Zealand servicemen. Between 1942 and 1948 servicemen returning from theatres of war in Europe, the Middle East and the Pacific brought over 3000 wives and 700 fiancées to New Zealand. Portrayed as homogeneous, young, working-class British housewives who made hasty ill-considered marriages, war brides, in fact, proved to be varied in origin, age, occupation and education. Whirlwind romances and short courtships were not the norm. This thesis examines the consequences of the decision to marry a New Zealander and migrate and the impact of the journey and settlement. The full glare of publicity that greeted war brides on arrival focused attention on their compatibility with, and adaptability to, the receiving society. Adjustment was however fraught with difficulties. Memory and loss are implicit in the experience of migration. War brides expressed this in terms of the rift with their pasts and a lack of shared memories. On arrival in New Zealand war brides dispersed around the country in an extreme 'pepper-potting' pattern. When their only connection with New Zealand was their locally-born husband they suffered social isolation and sometimes a devastating sense of loneliness. The resulting marginalisation they experienced was evident in their oral history narratives. Ambivalence and recourse to serendipity as an explanation for past actions were elements of the dis-composure discernable in narratives. In spite of their varied religious, social and class backgrounds, this diverse cohort formed a war bride identity based on shared experience rather than national or ethnic origin. Far from dissipating, their war-bride identity has been consolidated into an enduring image most tangibly expressed in the extant war brides' clubs, although club attendance is not a prerequisite of war bride identity.

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Quaiattini, Andrea. "Hot Off the Presses in the Cold War: Canadian Newspaper Editorial Coverage of the Korean War, 1950--1951." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28798.

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A consistent theme throughout the Canadian historiography on the Korean War is that it is Canada's forgotten war. However, as evidenced by the newspaper editorials published during the first year and a half of the war, this was simply not the case. Editorialists were keen to disseminate their opinions about the war to the Canadian public. The purpose of this thesis is to provide a detailed examination of Canadian newspaper editorials pertaining to the Korean War between 1950 and 1951. This time period was the most active of the entire war, both on the battlefield, and with governments and organizations, where issues pertaining to the war were consistently discussed. Taking into account location, language, and political orientation, seven newspapers were selected to achieve a pan-Canadian understanding of the war: the Vancouver Province, Winnipeg Free Press, Toronto Star, The Globe and Mail, Montreal Gazette, Le Devoir, and Halifax Chronicle- Herald . This thesis focuses on three major themes highlighted in the seven newspapers' editorials: the role Canada played in the war, the apparent threat of Communism, and attitudes regarding the United Nations. The English-language editorials generally argued that Canada should playa meaningful role in the Korean War, while editorials in Le Devoir raised some concerns. Furthermore, English-language newspapers were critical of the federal government's response to the war, and Canada's unprepared military, which were portrayed as leaving Canada vulnerable to Communist influence and attack. The threat of Communism was undeniable, though editorialists were unsure of its larger implications. The role the Soviet Union was playing in Korea, managing Communist China, and the influence of Communism in the United Nations were frequently debated in the newspaper editorials. In contrast to the standard historical argument that Canada has consistently been a strong supporter of the United Nations, some editorialists questioned how effective the UN could be in the Korean War. Others, however, believed the UN showed great promise. Opinion also varied as to whether the UN could dispel concerns that it was simply a renamed League of Nations, and, if it could move past this epithet, how would this be achieved. Finally, it was discussed whether the UN could even bring a lasting peace to the Korean peninsula.

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Sever, Ayseguel. "Cold war warrior of the Middle East? : Turkey, the Cold War and the Middle East 1951 - 1958." Thesis, University of Reading, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.359390.

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Grek, Ivan M. "The Chapaevization of Soviet Civil War Memory, 1922-1941." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1440544170.

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Fritz, Stephen. "Ostkrieg: Hitler's War of Extermination in the East." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2011. http://amzn.com/0813134161.

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Dilemma -- Decision -- Onslaught -- Whirlwind -- Reckoning -- All or nothing -- Total war -- Scorched earth -- Disintegration -- Death throes. On June 22, 1941, Germany launched the greatest land assault in history on the Soviet Union, an attack that Adolf Hitler deemed crucial to ensure German economic and political survival. As the key theater of the war for the Germans, the eastern front consumed enormous levels of resources and accounted for 75 percent of all German casualties. Despite the significance of this campaign to Germany and to the war as a whole, few English-language publications of the last thirty-five years have addressed these pivotal events. In Ostkrieg: Hitler's War of Extermination in the East, Stephen G. Fritz bridges the gap in scholarship by incorporating historical research from the last several decades into an accessible, comprehensive, and coherent narrative. His analysis of the Russo-German War from a German perspective covers all aspects of the eastern front, demonstrating the interrelation of military events, economic policy, resource exploitation, and racial policy that first motivated the invasion. This in-depth account challenges accepted notions about World War II and promotes greater understanding of a topic that has been neglected by historians.
https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu_books/1007/thumbnail.jpg

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RAGNVALDSSON, JOHAN. "Manoeuvring Mixed Signals : Swedish American newspapers' response to nativism during, and afterthe Great War." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-445298.

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Welter, Franklin Michael. "The American Civil War: A War of Logistics." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1434019565.

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Yager, Brian. "Northwest Ohio Political Sentiment During The Civil War." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1458746818.

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Taylor, Samantha Alisha. "A Comparative Study of America's Entries into World War I and World War II." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2009. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1860.

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This thesis studies events that preceded America's entries into the First and Second World Wars to discover similarities and dissimilarities. Comparing America's entries into the World Wars provides an insight into major events that influenced future ones and changed America. Research was conducted from primary sources of Presidents Woodrow Wilson and Franklin D. Roosevelt. In addition, secondary sources were used that study the events preceding America's entries into World War I and World War II. Research was also conducted on public opinion. In World War I, German actions angered Wilson and segments of the American public, persuading Wilson to ask for a declaration of war. While German aggression shaped American opinion in World War II, Japanese action forced the United States to enter the war. In both cases, the tone of aggression that molded the foreign policy of Presidents Wilson and Roosevelt and shaped American public opinion originated from Germany.

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Varble, Neil. "The Wehrmarcht: Soldiers and Germans During the Second World War." TopSCHOLAR®, 2007. http://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/384.

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The German Army, also known as the Wehrmacht, fought a brutal war on the Eastern Front during the Second World War. These soldiers, under the command of military officials of the Nazi state, vowed to destroy Bolshevism and Jewish populations. By examining letters from soldiers to family members on the German home front as well as letters from families to the men on the front lines, a better understanding of the motivations of war is revealed. Letters of these men and family members present insight into a vast area of research in German twentieth century history. An estimated 20 to 40 billion letters circulated throughout the German armed forces from 1939 until 1945. In addition to letters, Nazi propaganda and the Hitler Youth greatly contributed to the influx of anti-Semitic and anti-Bolshevik mindsets throughout the military ranks. Due to the events surrounding the end of the First World War, Hitler was successful in creating a vendetta against his European neighbors who betrayed Germany in 1918-1919. Revenge against Germany's enemies was constantly preached to the German population as well as soldiers serving in the Wehrmacht. These individuals would take their revenge against civilian populations and prisoners of war. The majority of German atrocities took place on the Eastern Front in Russia after the launch of operation Barbarossa in June 1941. The following research does not attempt to describe every German veteran of the Second World War; rather, it is important to realize that war is horrendous under any circumstance and the Second World War proved no different. Additional research, namely in Germany, is necessary in order to develop an even more detailed perspective of the average soldier of the Wehrmacht.

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Akulov, Mikhail. "War Without Fronts: Atamans and Commissars in Ukraine, 1917-1919." Thesis, Harvard University, 2013. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11177.

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Jameson, Sarah K. "American Soldiers' Use of Weaponry in World War I." TopSCHOLAR®, 2016. http://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/1599.

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This thesis examines how the modern weaponry shaped the American soldiers’ use of weaponry and the change of tactics during World War I. The American experience was unique as Britain, France, and Germany grew accustomed to the advancements in weaponry over time, while the American Expeditionary Force encountered this type of warfare for the first time. The American Army served mainly as a constabulary, fighting guerilla forces before the war, and had to be trained to fight a conventional war in Europe. The common soldiers would modify official doctrine to fit the realities of the battlefield in which they found themselves.

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Johnson, Dwight. "A PUBLIC HISTORY PROJECT ATBLAKELEY HISTORIC PARK, ALABAMA." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2009. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/2401.

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The public history project described herein was performed at Blakeley Historic Park, Alabama. The project included the preparation of survey maps depicting the location, size and directional orientation of Confederate and Union earthworks, which were used during the siege and battle of Fort Blakely in April 1865. The project also included historical research and documentation of findings relative to the design, construction and use of the Confederate fortifications at Blakeley Park. This research attempts to answer the questions; who ordered or directed the earthworks to be built, who designed them and supervised their construction, when were they built, and who provided the labor for their construction? Recommendations are made for the acquisition potential of earthworks found that were outside of present park boundaries. In addition, recommendations are made for preservation of existing earthworks within the park. The historical essay on the Confederate fortifications advances the argument that the design and construction effort was beset with shortages of engineers needed for design and supervision, shortages of labor needed for construction, and a shortage of troops to man the fortifications. Because this project combined modern day Global Positioning System surveying and Geographic Information System mapping technology with historical research methodology, collaboration with faculty experts in the College of Engineering and Computer Science was essential.
M.A.
Department of History
Arts and Humanities
History MA

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Willett, Adrian Schultze Buser. "Our house was divided Kentucky women and the Civil War /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3344610.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of History, 2008.
Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Oct. 6, 2009). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 70-02, Section: A, page: 0667. Adviser: Steven Stowe.

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Fujiwara, Tetsuya. "Restoring honor: Japanese Pacific War disabled war veterans from 1945 to 1963." Diss., University of Iowa, 2011. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/1457.

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This dissertation examines the lives of Japanese disabled war veterans and the activism of the Japanese Disabled Veterans Association (JDVA: Nippon Shôigunjin kai) in the early postwar period, beginning immediately following the Allied Occupation in the summer of 1945 and ending in 1963, when the National Diet passed the "Act on Special Aid to the Wounded and Sick Retired Soldiers" (Senshôbyôsha Tokubetsu Engo-hô). Established in 1952, the JDVA would play a leading role in securing welfare for Japanese disabled war veterans.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'History War'

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