Relevant bibliographies by topics / Hitler, Adolf, Fascism Germany

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Academic literature on the topic 'Hitler, Adolf, Fascism Germany'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Hitler, Adolf, Fascism Germany"

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GOESCHEL, CHRISTIAN. "STAGING FRIENDSHIP: MUSSOLINI AND HITLER IN GERMANY IN 1937." Historical Journal 60, no. 1 (July 15, 2016): 149–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x15000540.

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ABSTRACTIn September 1937, Benito Mussolini and Adolf Hitler met in Germany. Millions of ostensibly enthusiastic Germans welcomed the Duce. Here were the world's first two fascist dictators, purportedly united in solidarity, representing the ‘115 million’ Germans and Italians against the Western powers and Bolshevism. Most historians have dismissed the 1937 dictators’ encounter as insignificant because no concrete political decisions were made. In contrast, I explore this meeting in terms of the confluence of culture and politics and argue that the meeting was highly significant. Its choreography combined rituals of traditional state visits with a new emphasis on the personality of both leaders and their alleged ‘friendship’, emblematic of the ‘friendship’ between the Italian and German peoples. Seen through this lens, the meeting pioneered a new style of face-to-face diplomacy, which challenged the culture of liberal internationalism and represented the aim of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany to create a New Order in Europe. At the same time, analysis of this meeting reveals some deep-seated tensions between both regimes, an observation that has significant implications for the study of fascist international collaboration.
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Baxa, Paul. "A Pagan Landscape: Pope Pius XI, Fascism, and the Struggle over the Roman Cityscape." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 17, no. 1 (July 23, 2007): 107–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/016104ar.

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Abstract This article examines the two visions of Rome put forward by Fascist dictator Benito Mussolini and Pope Pius XI and the tensions they caused. The rivalry between the two men over the meaning of the Roman landscape became sharper in the 1930s when the Fascist regime transformed the Eternal City through extensive demolition and increasing archaeological activity in the city. Pius XI increasingly viewed these activities as an attempt to “paganize” Rome. The Pope’s fears over paganism came to a head in the days of Adolf Hitler’s famous visit to Italy in May 1938. The development of closer relations between Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany made Pius XI increasingly concerned about what he called the “neo-pagan” nature of these ideologies. Ultimately, the cityscape of Rome was transformed into a kulturkampf between Fascism and the Vatican which not only gives us a fuller picture of the seemingly cordial relations between Pius and Mussolini in the 1930s, but also reveals Fascism as a political religion inevitably in conflict with the other religion, Catholicism, which saw Rome as its own.
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Rosenfeld, Gavriel D. "An American Führer? Nazi Analogies and the Struggle to Explain Donald Trump." Central European History 52, no. 4 (December 2019): 554–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938919000840.

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AbstractEver since Donald Trump announced his candidacy for the US presidency in June 2015, journalists, scholars, and other commentators in the United States have attempted to explain his political success with the aid of historical analogies. In so doing, they have sparked a wider debate about whether the Nazi past helps to make sense of the US present. One group in the debate has contended that Trump's ascent bears a worrisome resemblance to interwar European fascism, especially the National Socialist movement of Adolf Hitler. By contrast, a second group has rejected this comparison and sought analogies for Trump in other historical figures from European and US history. This article surveys the course, and assesses the results, of the debate from its origins up to the present day. It shows that historians of Germany have played a prominent role in helping to make sense of Trump, but notes that their use of Nazi analogies may be distorting, rather than deepening, our understanding of contemporary political trends. By examining the merits and drawbacks of Nazi analogies in present-day popular discourse, the article recommends that scholars draw on both the German and American historical experience in order to best assess the United States's present political movement.
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Roche, Helen. "Mussolini’s ‘Third Rome’, Hitler’s Third Reich and the Allure of Antiquity: Classicizing Chronopolitics as a Remedy for Unstable National Identity?" Fascism 8, no. 2 (December 17, 2019): 127–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00802004.

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Abstract While it is generally acknowledged that fascist movements tend to glorify the national past of the country in which they arise, sometimes, fascist regimes seek to resurrect a past even more ancient, and more glorious still; the turn towards ancient Greece and Rome. This phenomenon is particularly marked in the case of the two most powerful and indisputably ‘fascist’ regimes of all: Benito Mussolini’s Italy and Adolf Hitler’s Germany. The author suggests that this twin turn towards antiquity was no mere accident, but was rather motivated by certain commonalities in national experience. By placing these two fascist regimes alongside each other and considering their seduction by antique myths in tandem, it is argued that – without putting forward some kind of classicizing Sonderweg – we can better appreciate the historic rootedness of this particular form of ‘chronopolitics’ in a complex nexus of political and social causes, many of which lie far deeper than the traumatic events of the Great War and its aftermath.
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Zhu, Stella. "The The War Guilt Clause and the Rise of Adolf Hitler." European Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 1, no. 3 (June 24, 2021): 41–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejsocial.2021.1.3.68.

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After the fall of Nazi Germany during World War II, the allied powers issued harsh reparation payments that burdened the German economy and humiliated the Germans. Most importantly, the War Guilt Clause led Germany into an economic and social turmoil, which in turn paved the path for the rise of radical extremists like Adolf Hitler.
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Baumert, Anna, WilhelmX Hofmann, and Gabriela Blum. "Laughing About Hitler?" Journal of Media Psychology 20, no. 2 (January 2008): 43–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/1864-1105.20.2.43.

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Effects of the movie My Fuehrer – The Truly Truest Truth About Adolf Hitler by Dani Levy were tested with regard to: (a) attitudes toward Hitler, (b) the perceived role of the German population in Nazi Germany, (c) the perception of present danger from national socialist tendencies, and (d) the subjective need for continued preoccupation with German history. A total of 110 Germans were invited to a cinema and randomly assigned to the control group that filled in the relevant questionnaire before the movie, or to the film group that filled in the questionnaire after the movie. The film group reported fewer negative attitudes toward Hitler than the control group and saw the German population less as victims. Attitudes toward right-wing political parties and empathy, as well as demographic variables, exerted significant moderator effects. Results are discussed with regard to the public controversy concerning a potential trivialization of Hitler and National Socialism by the movie.
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Majeed, Hussam Al-Din Ali. "Fascism and how to eradicate it in Germany from the perspective of George Lukacs." Tikrit Journal For Political Science, no. 18 (March 26, 2020): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v0i18.205.

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During the period between the two world wars, and among the socialists who are not Marxists in particular, the topic of re-reading and reviewing Marx's writings intellectually and building intellectual and political lines against fascism and extremism in general and Nazi in particular emerged, so that the star of a group of thinkers in this regard, and perhaps most prominent among them George Lukacs and Georg Luck Cyrus, Karl Mannheim, Walter Benjamin, and others. In such an intellectual milieu, the angle of view of the fascist phenomenon varied in terms of it being a general phenomenon or a group of special cases. There are those who believe that the term fascism should be restricted to Mussolini's case only. That is, we should call the Nazi regime Hitler, and fascism a Mussolini system, and all similar movements have their own names, given that each of them is a phenomenon that is independent and separate from the other cases.
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Griech-Polelle, Beth Ann. "Jesuits, Jews, Christianity, and Bolshevism: An Existential Threat to Germany?" Journal of Jesuit Studies 5, no. 1 (December 21, 2018): 33–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00501003.

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The long-standing stereotypes of Jesuits as secretive, cunning, manipulative, and greedy for both material goods as well as for world domination led many early members of the National Socialist German Workers’ Party to connect Jesuits with “Jewishness.” Adolf Hitler, Alfred Rosenberg, Dietrich Eckart, and others connect Jesuits to Jews in their writings and speeches, conflating Catholicism and Judaism with Bolshevism, pinpointing Jesuits as supposedly being a part of the larger “Judeo-Bolshevik conspiracy” aiming to destroy the German people. Jesuits were lumped in with Jews as “internal enemies” and this led to further discrimination against the members of the order.
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Krake, Kristina. "Reconsidering the Crisis Agreements of the 1930s: The Defence of Democracy in a Comparative Scandinavian Perspective." Contemporary European History 29, no. 1 (November 29, 2018): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777318000607.

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This article examines the Scandinavian countries’ response to extreme political movements in the interwar period. Historians have considered the crisis agreements of the 1930s as pivotal to Scandinavian resistance to fascism. The present article revises this explanation by conducting a comparative empirical study of political practice and rhetoric. The comparison makes it clear that the socio-economic measures were primarily aimed at combating the economic crisis. However, the social democratic labour parties conceptualised their social and economic policy as a defence of democracy after Hitler seized power in Germany. The findings indicate that the social democratic solution to the depression in Scandinavia left no political space for either communism or fascism.
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Kirpenko, Pavlo. "International Situation in Europe and USSR’S Foreign Policy prior to and after the Outbreak of World War II." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XXI (2020): 117–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2020-6.

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The article is devoted to the international situation in Europe and USSR’s foreign policy before and after the outbreak of World War II. The author states that from the very begin¬ning the fascist regime in Germany was favourably received by Stalin’s USSR. Hitler also claimed that the German government was ready to develop friendly relations with the Soviet Union. However, such a situation in the bilateral relations was short-lived. Seeking benevolence from Western European countries, Hitler assumed the role of an anti-communist crusader. With a view to strengthening the country’s security, countering Germany and fascism, Stalin gave up his ideological dogmas in line with the situation. Moscow came to vigorously support all politi¬cal forces, which were advocating closer relations with the USSR against fascism. After Germany attacked the Soviet Union, Stalin’s foreign policy suffered a total collapse, which was a devastating blow to the myth of his brilliance and sagacity. The glorification of fascism and the policy of its befriending came at a cost. Nearly 50 million Soviet citizens per¬ished in the war against the fascist Germany, of which 10 million were Ukrainian nationals. In Russia, both public officials and scholars still avoid the truth about the foreign policy activity of the Soviet leadership in 1939 and 1940s. In this regard, the Ukrainian histo¬rian and specialist in international relations, professor at Kyiv Pedagogical University Anatolii Trubaichuk was the first in the Soviet Union to tell the truth in his writings and lectures about the essence of the Soviet foreign policy before and after the beginning of World War II based on his profound scientific research. The author stresses that the search for full truth is to be continued. To that end, it is neces¬sary that all the archives in Russia be opened and access to documents relating to the period of World War II be provided. Keywords: World War II, foreign policy, Soviet Union, Stalin, Germany.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Hitler, Adolf, Fascism Germany"

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Wolmarans, Frederik Gerhardus. "Political leadership in Germany between 1921 and 1945 linking charisma and totalitarianism /." Pretoria : [S.n.], 2006. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-02272006-162616.

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Lai, Chun-yue Eric. "Reading Hitler British newspapers' representation of Nazism, 1930-39 /." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2004. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/HKUTO/record/B38628673.

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McCollum, Jonathon C. "Carlyle, Fascism, and Frederick : from victorian prophet to Fascist ideologue /." Diss., CLICK HERE for online access, 2007. http://contentdm.lib.byu.edu/ETD/image/etd2044.pdf.

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Morris, Judith J. White. "Albert Speer, the Hitler years : views of a reich minister." Virtual Press, 1987. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/497010.

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The rationale for this study is Albert Speer's unique value as a source of information concerning the Third Reich and Adolf Hitler. Although there is a wealth of information available on Nazi Germany and Hitler, the observations of this intelligent man who was an important official of the regime and a close associate of Hitler himself carry weight that no other report can match. He was a well-educated, intellectual, and articulate man who left behind three comprehensive books and many articles and interviews. In addition to such publications, there are, in the National Archives in Washington, D.C., many records of interviews with Speer conducted by Allied personnel immediately following the war. Those documents have been used extensively in this study.There is no attempt either to indict or to vindicate Speer, as many authors have done, but rather the purpose is to present in narrative form an analytical study of the relationship between the two men. The central focus throughout examines Speer and Hitler in juxtaposition and forms conclusions on the nature of their complex and compelling attachment. In the process, historical events form the backdrop as Speer describes them for us. It is always Speer, not Hitler, with whom the primary interest lies.The question of how anyone of Speer's background and intelligence could have given his life to a regime devoted to gutter politics, conquest of a continent, and genocide always arises in any study of Speer. The strange hold the Nazis exert on the world's imagination seems to ebb and flow, but does not die out, nor does the awful suspicion that something similar could happen again. Speer used his writings to describe the process and warn against its resurrection, especially in light of the tremendous leap in technology we have seen. Do not look for monsters, he counseled, for monsters are easily identified and avoided. Beware the manipulators who orchestrate on a national scale those policies which bring harm to whole populations, men who loudly proclaim their humanness and ordinariness.This inquiry is not an attempt to prove a predetermined hypothesis, since it embodies a historical approach rather than an experimental one. Information is drawn from the books and papers of Speer, as well as official documents, but secondary works to corroborate the basic sources are cited at times. There is still no definitive biography of Speer, although he appears as a central figure in many works. Perhaps one of the reasons for this is that the Speer family has put his personal papers in Heidelberg beyond the reach of anyone until 1999, probably as a result of his negative treatment in various publications.The technical papers from the Ministry of Armaments and War Production are housed in the Bundesarchiv at Koblenz, but were not pertinent to this study. The Institut fur Zeitgeschichte in Munich houses official papers, as does the Berlin Document Center, while the Washington has the transcripts of Library of Congress in Hitler's Table Talks, some parts of which are used in this study. Speer's books and published material give an extensive look at his part in the Third Reich, his relationship with Hitler, and his own feelings and observations concerning both. The International Military Tribunal records from Nuremberg are both extensive and enlightening. One may also view the collection of Heinrich Hoffmann, Hitler's personal photographer, in the Special Collections section at Bracken Library.Chapter I deals with Speer in the pre-war years as he rose to fame and became part of Hitler's inner circle, while Chapter II views the war years through Speer's experiences. In Chapter III the early relationship between Speer and Hitler is developed, and in Chapter IV the war, the collapse of the Third Reich, and the attendant disasters are covered.
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Baur, Tobias. "Das ungeliebte Erbe : ein Vergleich der zivilen und militärischen Rezeption des 20. Juli 1944 im Westdeutschland der Nachkriegszeit." Frankfurt am Main [u.a.] Lang, 2007. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&docl̲ibrary=BVB01&docn̲umber=015598772&linen̲umber=0002&funcc̲ode=DBR̲ECORDS&servicet̲ype=MEDIA.

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Kelty, Margaret Claire. "From Heaven to Hell: Christianity in the Third Reich and Christian Imagery in Nazi Propaganda." Thesis, Boston College, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/388.

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Thesis advisor: John Michalczyk
Although the National Socialists' ultimate intentions in regard to religion were concealed from the pubic under layers of political rhetoric, their objectives were nonetheless clear. The National Socialists sought the destruction of the Christian religion, whose teachings and values were seen as inimical to those of the State, and the establishment of a Reichskirche that would preach the doctrines of National Socialism. The German government during the Third Reich was a totalitarian regime, but there was one matter in which the Nazi Party did not have carte blanche, religion, which made it an intrinsic threat to the authority of the State. Many Nazi officials saw Christianity as the inherent and irreconcilable enemy of National Socialism, but they knew they risked losing the support of the German people if they instantly dissolved the Christian Churches. Instead of vehemently attacking the Christian confessions the way they did in Poland, in Germany the National Socialists set up a mirage of support for and acceptance of religious institutions, all while working to undermine the Christian tradition that they considered of greatest detriment and danger to their State
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2004
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: College Honors Program
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Shockley, Steven W. "A Match Made in Heaven or Hell: Historians Debate the Influence of Richard Wagner on Adolf Hitler and the Third Reich." [Johnson City, Tenn. : East Tennessee State University], 2001. http://etd-submit.etsu.edu/etd/theses/available/etd-0827101-153554/restricted/shockleys100401.pdf.

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Carlson, Verner Reinhold 1931. "The impact of Hitler's ideology on his military decisions." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/277049.

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Hitler claimed to have studied Clausewitz and Machiavelli, but violated the tenets of both by permitting ideology to override strategy. Hitler's ideology is revealed from documentary sources: Mein Kampf, his speeches, and Tischreden (table talks.) Operation Sea Lion, the planned 1940 invasion of England, was cancelled because the Fuhrer regarded the British as nordic cousins. Operation Citadel, the 1943 Battle of Kursk, was conceived because he decided the racially inferior Slav must be subdued. Doomed from the outset, Hitler nevertheless launched Citadel and squandered most of Germany's remaining armor and elite troops. A general staff officer is interviewed as witness to the period. His background, training, and opinions of the Fuhrer are presented. Thesis conclusion: flawed ideology brought disastrous decisions.
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Sherry, Stephanie. "Hitler's Racial Ideology: The ideas Behind the Holocaust." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2006. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/998.

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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.
Bachelors
Office of Undergraduate Studies
Liberal Studies
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Stedman, Alison. "The imaginary country: The Soviet Union in British public discourse, 1929-1943." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Humanities, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/5507.

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For historians of twentieth-century British affairs, the decade of the 1930s is very significant. It was marked not only by a devastating economic crisis at the outset, but also by the rise of fascism in Europe and the onset of the Second World War at its close. These issues were problematic in themselves, but Britain’s response to them was complicated still further by the deep divisions between the Left and the Right over socialism and over the Soviet Union. The presence of the USSR in the East and its influence in Britain loomed over the internal debates that took place, affecting British responses to difficult situations in drastic and far-reaching ways. People of both anti-Soviet and pro-Soviet persuasions were forced to account for events that did not tally with their most strongly held beliefs, hopes or fears. This dissertation explores the ways in which British people of a variety of political leanings publicly processed and coped with the role of the Soviet Union in these debates. Using a range of sources including contemporary newspapers, books and pamphlets, I will trace the evolution of attitudes to the Soviet Union from 1929, the first year of the economic crisis, up until 1943, the high point of the Anglo-Soviet wartime alliance. My analysis will show how people with fundamentally different belief systems mirrored each other in their responses to intellectual challenges, and how interactions between different groups sustained or exaggerated each group’s response to the Soviet Union. I will also critique the analyses of some historians who have limited the parameters of their studies to take in only single groups or single events, and in so doing have become unfairly critical of individuals who struggled to process a large number of difficult and confusing events.
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Books on the topic "Hitler, Adolf, Fascism Germany"

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Spielvogel, Jackson J. Hitler and Nazi Germany: A history. 6th ed. Boston: Prentice Hall, 2010.

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Spielvogel, Jackson J. Hitler and Nazi Germany: A history. 2nd ed. Englewood Cliffs, N.J: Prentice Hall, 1992.

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Spielvogel, Jackson J. Hitler and Nazi Germany: A history. 6th ed. Boston: Prentice Hall, 2009.

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Spielvogel, Jackson J. Hitler and Nazi Germany: A history. 6th ed. Boston: Prentice Hall, 2010.

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Hitler and Nazi Germany: A history. 4th ed. Upper Saddle River, N.J: Prentice Hall, 2001.

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Hitler and Nazi Germany: A history. 3rd ed. Upper Saddle River, N.J: Prentice Hall, 1996.

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David, Redles, ed. Hitler and Nazi Germany: A history. 6th ed. Boston: Prentice Hall, 2009.

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Spielvogel, Jackson J. Hitler and Nazi Germany: A history. Englewood Cliffs, N.J: Prentice Hall, 1988.

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Spielvogel, Jackson J. Hitler and Nazi Germany: A history. 2nd ed. Englewood Cliffs, N.J: Prentice Hall, 1992.

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The pursuit of the Nazi mind: Hitler, Hess, and the analysts. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012.

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Book chapters on the topic "Hitler, Adolf, Fascism Germany"

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Hull, Katy. "The Garden of Fascism." In The Machine Has a Soul, 116–49. Princeton University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691208107.003.0006.

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This chapter addresses how American fascist sympathizers used Italo Balbo's 1933 North Atlantic flight to insist on the peaceful intentions of Benito Mussolini's regime. While it had been easy for most Americans to agree with fascist sympathizers' characterizations of Italo Balbo in July of 1933, the claims that Italy represented beauty, transcendence, and peace felt more farfetched as the decade progressed. Balbo alighted in Chicago only a few months after Adolf Hitler assumed dictatorial powers in Germany. The Italian airmen's flight helped to distance Italy under Mussolini — seemingly so beautiful and benign — from Germany under Hitler — blatantly brutal and threatening. These distinctions between Nazism and fascism became increasingly important for fascist sympathizers over the course of the mid-1930s, under mounting evidence that the two regimes were drawing closer together, both in style and in fact. Metaphors of the garden, which seemed so natural for many Americans on the occasion of Balbo's flight in 1933, felt increasingly false, forced, and strained by 1937, given the realities of life in Italy and the foreign policy of the fascist state.
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Glassheim, Eagle. "Ambivalent Capitalists: The Roots of Fascist Ideology among Bohemian Nobles, 1880–1938." In Czechoslovakia in a Nationalist and Fascist Europe, 1918–1948. British Academy, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197263914.003.0003.

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Although fascism has often been considered a plebeian, even radically egalitarian ideology, many of its outspoken proponents were members of the old European elite: nobles, clericalists and representatives of the haute bourgeoisie. Historians of Nazi Germany have puzzled over the affinity of German conservatives such as Paul von Hindenburg and Franz von Papen to Adolf Hitler's National Socialist version of fascism. A small but extremely wealthy noble elite struggled to maintain its long-standing social, economic and political influence in Bohemia. By the late nineteenth century, the Bohemian nobility was a self-consciously traditional social group with a decidedly modern economic relationship to agrarian and industrial capitalism. This chapter examines the response of the Bohemian aristocracy to the new state of Czechoslovakia. This restricted caste of cosmopolitan latifundist families was more German than Czech in sentiment, and further alienated by land reform. The aristocrats entertained divergent assessments of Nazism and responded in different ways to the crisis of the state by 1938.
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"Hitler Wave and Fascinating Fascism." In Adolf Hitler in American Culture, 353–408. Verlag Ferdinand Schöningh, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/9783657777198_008.

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"I ADOLF HITLER, PERSONAL AND DÆMONIC." In Germany Possessed, 23–63. Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315516974-8.

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Catlin, George. "Internationalism and Fascism: Benito Mussolini, Adolf Hitler." In A History of the Political Philosophers, 700–744. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429351655-21.

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"MUSSOLINI AND THE GHOST OF ADOLF HITLER." In Mussolini and the Eclipse of Italian Fascism, 8–31. Yale University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv1jpf6bt.6.

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Cornwall, Mark. "‘A Leap into Ice-Cold Water’: The Manoeuvres of the Henlein Movement in Czechoslovakia, 1933–1938." In Czechoslovakia in a Nationalist and Fascist Europe, 1918–1948. British Academy, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197263914.003.0008.

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The democratic bastion of Czechoslovakia, which was accused of treating its minorities much better than other east European states, was allegedly destroyed in the 1930s through the machinations of the Nazi Henlein movement the Sudetendeutsche Partei (SdP) — which acted from the start as a ‘Trojan horse’ for Adolf Hitler's Third Reich. If we turn to consider the Henlein movement of the 1930s, we can start by challenging one widespread myth in much of the historiography: that the movement would not have arisen but for the economic crisis and Hitler's accession to power in Germany. This chapter examines the divergent views of whether Konrad Henlein and his SdP genuinely sought concessions from the government which might have kept them loyal to Czechoslovakia, or else from the beginning in the pocket of the Nazis across the border in the Reich. In its struggle at home and abroad for some breakthrough after 1935, the Henlein leadership was never aiming at minority rights of a kind envisaged by the Czech authorities.
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Campbell, Ian. "The Cover-Up." In The Addis Ababa Massacre, 333–50. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190674724.003.0012.

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The author describes how the Italian government attempted to deny or minimize the reports of the massacre in the international press. Although the British, American and French envoys wrote detailed reports, they were largely ignored by their respective governments. The British government, in particular wanted to appease Mussolini to prevent him joining forces with Adolf Hitler’s Nazi movement, so they avoided charging Mussolini with war crimes. However, following Germany’s invasion of Poland, which led Britain to declare war on Germany, in 1940 Mussolini declared war on Britain, which meant that Italy was now Britain’s enemy. Deploying Commonwealth troops, Britain invaded Italian-occupied Ethiopia and arranged for Emperor Haile Selassie to leave his exile in England and return to Addis Ababa. Ethiopia attempted to have the Italian officials who had authorized atrocities in Ethiopia committed to trial under the UN War Crimes Commission, but failed due to further obstruction by the British government, which favored an Italian government run by former Fascists as a bulwark against the rising tide of communism in Europe.
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Yogerst, Chris. "Hollywood, Fascism, and Jew-Baiting Prior to 1939." In Hollywood Hates Hitler!, 5–15. University Press of Mississippi, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781496829757.003.0002.

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Abstract:
The years leading up to 1939 saw an influx of fascist organizations in Los Angeles. This made the Hollywood moguls ultra-sensitive to homegrown fascism as they began to fight back by funding an underground espionage network, led by attorney Leon Lewis. More public pushback came from the Hollywood Anti-Nazi League, made up of individuals from across the Popular Front. Pro-fascist support began to surface in the form of the Friends of New Germany, German-American Bund, and the Silver Shirt who each had factions in Los Angeles. As the conflict in Europe developed, so did anti-war sentiments in the United States (many were still miffed about our involvement in World War I). This period also saw the rise of anti-Semitic and isolationist voices ranging from Father Charles Coughlin to members of the America First movement.
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10

"From Buddha To Adolf Hitler: Walther Wüst And The Aryan Tradition." In The Study of Religion under the Impact of Fascism, 105–77. BRILL, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/ej.9789004163263.i-663.16.

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