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Journal articles on the topic 'Hohenzollerns'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Urbach, Karina. "Useful idiots: the Hohenzollerns and Hitler*." Historical Research 93, no. 261 (August 1, 2020): 526–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hisres/htaa018.

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Abstract Hitler needed the support of the Hohenzollern family on a national and an international level. While the national level has been researched in some detail, we do not have much information about the international aspect. This article shows what foreign connections the Hohenzollerns had and why they made them available to Hitler. Private correspondence in the papers of three Americans offers new insights. Resumption of the throne was a driving force for the Hohenzollerns who hoped to copy Mussolini’s arrangement with the Italian monarchy. But the family were not just opportunists. They shared many beliefs with the National Socialists: anti-Semitism, anti-parliamentarism and anti-communism. They also greatly admired Hitler’s wars of conquest. For the National Socialists, the Hohenzollerns’ eagerness to support them was welcome propaganda.

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2

Kampmark, Binoy. "“No Peace with the Hohenzollerns”: American Attitudes on Political Legitimacy towards Hohenzollern Germany, 1917-1918." Diplomatic History 34, no. 5 (September 29, 2010): 769–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7709.2010.00895.x.

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3

Thomas, Andrew L. "Wittelsbachs, Habsburgs, and Hohenzollerns: Gender, Kinship, and Confession in the Funeral Literature for Susanna of Bavaria." Austrian History Yearbook 48 (April 2017): 131–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237816000606.

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4

Cary, Noel D. "From Yalta to Berlin: The Cold War Struggle over Germany." Central European History 39, no. 1 (March 2006): 163–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938906350066.

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The Berlin Republic of the twenty-first century, writes W. R. Smyser, is destined to be unlike all previous German states. A status quo power and a stable democracy, it is neither the battleground of others nor dominant over them, neither reticent like Bonn nor arrogant like the Berlin of the late Hohenzollerns. The Cold War was “the essential incubator” of this “new Germany” (p. 402). It provided Germany with the tools of change—a role through which to overcome its past, and time to overcome old wounds. Aiding the incubation were contradictory Communist policies, astute Western statesmanship, and bravely pursued Eastern popular aspirations. Two Germans and two Americans, Smyser avers, stand at the heart of the eventual Communist defeat: East German leader Walter Ulbricht, West German Chancellor Willy Brandt, President Ronald Reagan, and Smyser’s onetime mentor, General Lucius Clay. Mighty assists go to British Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin, Soviet leaders Joseph Stalin and Mikhail Gorbachev, and the inspirational Polish Pope. Further down this idiosyncratic hierarchy stand Chancellors Adenauer and Kohl and U.S. President George H. W. Bush.

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Pacholski, Jan. "Was man vom Grenzgebiet Riesengebirge erwartet und was womöglich überraschen kann." Góry, Literatura, Kultura 11 (July 17, 2018): 69–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2084-4107.11.6.

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THE OBVIOUS AND NOT SO OBVIOUS BORDERS IN THE GIANT MOUNTAINSStretching over ca 36 km, the Giant Mountains Krkonoše/Karkonosze range is a naturalborder between Silesia and Bohemia, today between Poland and the Czech Republic. In the late Middle Ages and the beginning of the early modern period, i.e. when the highest range of the Sudetes separated two provinces of the Kingdom of Bohemia, its role as border mountains was notas important, although it was precisely a border dispute between Bohemian Harrach and Silesian Schaffgotsch lords of these lands that increased interest in the region, laying the foundations, in a way, for the development of tourism in the future. Side effects of the border dispute included St. Lawrence Chapel on Śnieżka and spread of the popularity of the source of the Elbe, i.e. sites that have remained the most frequently visited spots in these mountains to this day. Around the mid-18th century, when, as a result of wars, most Silesia was incorporated into the Kingdom of Prussia, the Giant Mountains border grew in importance. From that moment the highest range of the Sudetes would separate lands ruled by two different dynasties — the Austro-Bohemian Habsburgs and the Prussian Hohenzollerns, with two different and hostile religions — Catholic and Lutheran. Having become more significant, the border began to appear in literary works, from Enlightenment period travel accounts to popular novels. The author of the present article discusses literary images of this border, using several selected examples.

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Pacholski, Jan. "O oczywistych i nieoczywistych granicach karkonoskich." Góry, Literatura, Kultura 11 (July 17, 2018): 87–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2084-4107.11.7.

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THE OBVIOUS AND NOT SO OBVIOUS BORDERS IN THE GIANT MOUNTAINSStretching over ca 36 km, the Giant Mountains Krkonoše/Karkonosze range is a naturalborder between Silesia and Bohemia, today between Poland and the Czech Republic. In the late Middle Ages and the beginning of the early modern period, i.e. when the highest range of the Sudetes separated two provinces of the Kingdom of Bohemia, its role as border mountains was notas important, although it was precisely a border dispute between Bohemian Harrach and Silesian Schaffgotsch lords of these lands that increased interest in the region, laying the foundations, in a way, for the development of tourism in the future. Side effects of the border dispute included St. Lawrence Chapel on Śnieżka and spread of the popularity of the source of the Elbe, i.e. sites that have remained the most frequently visited spots in these mountains to this day. Around the mid-18th century, when, as a result of wars, most Silesia was incorporated into the Kingdom of Prussia, the Giant Mountains border grew in importance. From that moment the highest range of the Sudetes would separate lands ruled by two different dynasties — the Austro-Bohemian Habsburgs and the Prussian Hohenzollerns, with two different and hostile religions — Catholic and Lutheran. Having become more significant, the border began to appear in literary works, from Enlightenment period travel accounts to popular novels. The author of the present article discusses literary images of this border, using several selected examples.

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7

Jupp, Peter J. "The Landed Elite and Political Authority in Britain, ca. 1760–1850." Journal of British Studies 29, no. 1 (January 1990): 53–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385949.

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Significant change in the relationships between rulers, elites, and political authority is a common feature of the major European states in the last half of the eighteenth and the first half of the nineteenth centuries. In Russia, under Peter III and Catherine II, the nobility was released from the obligation to serve the state as established by Peter the Great and allowed to own property, engage in trade and manufacturing, and participate in local assemblies. In the course of the nineteenth century the hereditary landowning nobility, particularly the wealthiest elements of it, became firmly entrenched in the upper reaches of the bureaucracy without ever being able to dominate it. In Prussia, under Frederick the Great and Frederick William III, noble and gentry landowners were allowed to filter into the ranks, especially the higher ranks, of the bureaucracy; this reversed the embourgeoisement that had occurred under Frederick William I, but not so far as to threaten seriously the bureaucracy's loyalty to the Hohenzollerns or to weaken its reputation for efficiency. Thus the great reforms that followed the defeat by France in 1807 and were designed in part to lay the basis for recovery were executed by a combination of noble and non noble officials, and the latter were especially encouraged in order to ensure that merit rather than birth prevailed as the qualification for state service. In both cases, it could be argued, rulers found it necessary to recruit officials as well as an officer corps from the landed classes when war and territorial aggrandizement expanded the scope of government; they were loath to encourage the idea that landed wealth could automatically bestow political authority.

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8

Lindemann, Bernd Wolfgang. "Habsburg versus Hohenzollern." Wiener Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte 55-56, no. 1 (December 2007): 347–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/wjk.2007.5556.1.347.

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9

Krumpaszky, Hans G., A. Haas, Volker Klauß, and H. K. Selbmann. "Neuerblindungen in Württemberg-Hohenzollern." Der Ophthalmologe 94, no. 3 (March 25, 1997): 234–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s003470050108.

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10

Cecil, Lamar, and Robert r. Taylor. "Hohenzollern Berlin: Construction and Reconstruction." American Historical Review 91, no. 5 (December 1986): 1225. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1864473.

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11

Beyer, Achim. "Die Mark Brandenburg unter den frühen Hohenzollern." Jahrbuch für die Geschichte Mittel- und Ostdeutschlands 63, no. 1 (December 20, 2017): 383–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jgmo-2017-0052.

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12

Łopatecki, Karol. "„Kriegsbericht und Memorial” – pierwsze dzieło wojskowe Albrechta Hohenzollerna." Folia Toruniensia 18 (August 2, 2018): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/ft.2018.002.

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13

Albert, Siegfried. "Hallstatt-Period Grave Finds in Württemberg and Hohenzollern." Philosophy and History 24, no. 1 (1991): 116–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philhist1991241/276.

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14

Łopatecki, Karol. "Military Works of Albert of Hohenzollern. Comments on the Three Manuscripts Attributed to Albert of Hohenzollern in the Years 2009–2014." Odrodzenie i Reformacja w Polsce 61 (March 25, 2018): 245. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/oirwp.2017.si.11.

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15

Álvarez Gutiérrez, Luis. "Otra vez a escena la candidatura Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen al trono de España." Hispania 64, no. 217 (August 30, 2004): 713–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/hispania.2004.v64.i217.192.

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16

Rubio, Javier. "Die Hohenzollern-Kandidatur von 1870 erneut in der Diskussion." Forschungen zur Brandenburgischen und Preußischen Geschichte 23, no. 1 (June 2013): 61–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/fbpg.23.1.61.

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17

Faszcza, Dariusz. "Wilhelm II a kwestia przystąpienia Bułgarii do pierwszej wojny światowej. Kilka uwag na marginesie książki P. Szlanty Wilhelm II. Ostatni z Hohenzollernów, Książka i Wiedza, Warszawa 2015, ss. 376." Res Historica, no. 40 (April 27, 2016): 311. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/rh.2015.40.311.

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<p>Ostatni cesarz Niemiec Wilhelm II Hohenzollern należy do grona postaci, które budziły i nadal budzą żywe zainteresowanie historyków. Będąc jednym z najbardziej wpływowych władców swoich czasów odcisnął on silne piętno na polityce światowej. Dzięki jego postawie podczas pierwszej wojny światowej Bułgaria związała swoje losy z Niemcami. Kwestia ta latem 1915 r. była jednym z priorytetów niemieckiej polityki zagranicznej, w której aktywny udział brał władca Niemiec.</p>

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18

Eksteins, Modris, and Martin Walchner. "Entwicklung und Struktur der Tagespresse in Sudbaden und Sudwurttemberg-Hohenzollern." American Historical Review 92, no. 5 (December 1987): 1231. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1868567.

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19

Carter, Rand. "Review: Hohenzollern Berlin: Construction and Reconstruction by Robert R. Taylor." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 47, no. 1 (March 1, 1988): 92–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/990265.

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20

Vos-Camy, Jolene. "Les aventures de Marie Anne Françoise von Hohenzollern, Comtesse d'Isembourg." Women in French Studies 2018, no. 1 (2018): 61–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wfs.2018.0003.

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21

Palumbo, Margherita. "L’Accademie de Filles de qualité di Luise von Hohenzollern-Hechingen." Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 99, no. 1 (November 1, 2019): 243–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/qufiab-2019-0011.

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Zusammenfassung Luise von Hohenzollern-Hechingen übermittelte Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz 1704 einen Plan zur Gründung einer interkonfessionellen Akademie in Deutschland, die sich der Erziehung junger Mädchen katholischer, lutherischer und kalvinistischer Konfession widmen sollte. Sowohl das Dokument als auch Leibnizʼ Antwort an die Fürstin sind im Leibniz-Nachlass der Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz Bibliothek in Hannover nicht mehr erhalten. Im vatikanischen Geheimarchiv findet sich eine Fassung, die Luise vorab an Clemens XI. gesandt hatte; daraus geht ihre eigentliche Absicht hervor, die darin bestand, die „Häretikerinnen“ zum Katholizismus zu bekehren. Diese Initiative war alles andere als bedeutungslos, auch wenn die Kurie ihr ablehnend gegenüberstand. Der Plan gelangte nämlich durch Vermittlung des Lutheraners Anton Ulrich, Herzog von Wolfenbüttel, nach Rom und trug nicht wenig zu den 1709 schließlich erfolgreichen Versuchen bei, den Herzog zu bekehren. Im Anhang finden sich das von Luise übermittelte „Project“ sowie die von der Kurie und dem Kölner Nuntius geführte Korrespondenz.

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22

Smart, Sara. "HOHENZOLLERN WIVES AND A DAUGHTER: DEFINITIONS OF FEMININE DYNASTIC IDENTITY." German Life and Letters 67, no. 4 (September 24, 2014): 512–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/glal.12057.

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23

Kollander, Patricia. "Bismarck, Crown Prince Frederick William, and the Hohenzollern candidacy revisited." European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire 3, no. 2 (September 1996): 171–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507489608568161.

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24

Pokoj, Jakub. "Artykuł 58 Ordunku Górnego, czyli rzecz o początkach ubezpieczeń na Śląsku." Czasopismo Prawno-Historyczne 70, no. 2 (July 17, 2019): 173–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/cph.2018.2.6.

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Celem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza natury prawnej ubezpieczeń ustanowionych przez artykuł 58 Ordunku Górnego z 1528 roku, wydanego przez Jana II Opolskiego i Jerzego Hohenzollern-Ansbach. Jeden z jego artykułów był poświęcony problematyce ubezpieczeń górników. Artykuł 58 przewidywał, że część tygodniowego wynagrodzenia będzie zabierana i składowana w skrzyni. Pieniądze te były gromadzone i wydawane na potrzeby m.in. chorych i kalekich górników. Ponadto w artykule zawarto tłumaczenie artykułu 58 oraz krótko przedstawiono literaturę odnoszącą się do Ordunku Górnego z 1528 roku.

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25

Sevruk, Volodymyr. "NUMISMATIC REVIEW AND CLASSIFICATION OF ALBRECHT BRANDENBURG-ANSBACH HOHENZOLLERN: PART TWO." Young Scientist 1, no. 65 (January 2019): 129–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.32839/2304-5809/2019-1-65-31.

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26

Rosal Nadales, Francisco José. "Música de Boccherini en Prusia gracias al conde de Fernán Núñez (1773)." Revista de Humanidades, no. 39 (May 29, 2020): 231. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rdh.39.2020.25469.

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Resumen: La historiografía sobre Luigi Boccherini había dado como fecha de contacto entre este y el príncipe Federico Guillermo de Prusia el año 1783. A partir del estudio de los viajes que realizó el VI Conde de Fernán Núñez por Europa, se puede conocer que, en el otoño de 1773, conoció al heredero en Potsdam, le escuchó tocar el violonchelo y, como acto de cortesía, regaló al príncipe Hohenzollern unos tríos de Boccherini. Por tanto, se debe adelantar en diez años la fecha en la que Federico Guillermo conoció de primera mano la obra del compositor italiano. Sin embargo, queda averiguar qué tríos pudieron ser. En la fecha del encuentro, solo los Op. 1, 4 y 6 habían visto la luz, por lo que debe acotarse a ellos la búsqueda.Abstract: The historiography about Luigi Boccherini had given as a date of contact between this and Prince Frederick William of Prussia the year 1783. From the study of journeis made by VIº Count of Fernán Núñez through Europe, it can be know that, in the autumn of 1773, he met the heir in Potsdam, heard him play the cello and, as an act of courtesy, he gave the prince Hohenzollern some string trios of Boccherini. Therefore, the date on which Frederick William knew first hand the work of the Italian must be advanced in ten years. However, it remains to be found what string trios they could be. On the date of the meeting, only the Op. 1, 4 and 6 had seen the light, so the search should be limited to them.

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27

Birkin-Feichtinger, Ingeborg. "„Dem Fürsten meinen Respekt!“ Neue Perspektiven zu David Poppers Löwenberger Jahren 1862 bis 1868." Studia Musicologica 48, no. 3-4 (September 1, 2007): 391–448. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/smus.48.2007.3-4.7.

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David Popper wurde auf Empfehlung von Hans von Bülow als Nachfolger von Theodor Oswald in die Hofkapelle des Fürsten Friedrich Wilhelm Konstantin von Hohenzollern-Hechingen zu Löwenberg in Schlesien ab Herbst 1862 aufgenommen. In dem Kapellmeister Max Seifriz fand er einen Förderer und Freund. Beginn seiner Konzerttätigkeit, die ihn ausgehend von seiner Heimatstadt Prag in viele deutsche Städte führte, z. B. Leipzig, Breslau, Berlin, Karlsruhe, Meiningen, Stuttgart, nach Wien, London und in die Schweiz. Im Dezember 1867 begannen die Verhandlungen mit Wien. Ab Oktober 1868 wurde Popper erster Violoncellist und Solospieler im Orchester des k. k. Hofoperntheaters in Wien.

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28

Wojtyła, Arkadiusz. "La noble simplicité – wrocławska rezydencja Fryderyka II Hohenzollerna a zjawisko klasycyzacji rokoka." Biuletyn Historii Sztuki 82, no. 2 (August 12, 2020): 239–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.36744/bhs.642.

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Powściągliwa i chłodna w wyrazie dekoracja wnętrz Traktu Fryderyka II we Wrocławiu (1751–1753) nie wynikała, jak dotychczas sądzono, tylko ze względów oszczędnościowych, lecz wpisywała się w proces klasycyzacji rokoka, ogarniający w tym czasie również jego ojczyznę – Francję. Sam Fryderyk II reprezentował orientację oświeceniową i cenił architekturę Palladia, projektant architektury i dekoracji wnętrz wrocławskiego Traktu – Johann Boumann ze swej rodzimej Holandii wyniósł zamiłowanie do architektury racjonalnej w wyrazie, a wykonawca dekoracji rzeźbiarskiej, Johann Michel Hoppenhaupt preferował formy symetryczne. W programie ikonograficznym Biblioteki Traktu pojawią się też motywy masońskie. Natomiast szeroki margines dla rokokowej fantazji zagwarantowano w niektórych z martwych natur (Augustin Dubuisson) z supraport i panneaux.

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29

Marschke, Benjamin. "Die Heiraten der Hohenzollern: Verwandschaft, Politik, und Ritual in Europa 1640–1918." German History 33, no. 2 (March 3, 2015): 289–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghv018.

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30

Klahr, Douglas. "Palace versus City: Wilhelm II's Terrace Project,1892–1901." German History 39, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 201–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghab014.

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Abstract Through archival research covering ministerial letters, parliamentary records and legal texts, this article reconstructs an unprecedented delimitation of royal property ownership that occurred near the end of the 450-year Hohenzollern dynasty in Berlin. The property owner was Wilhelm II, whose proposed terrace project alongside the Berliner Schloss raised issues regarding building line, pavement, street paving and the land beneath the street. A series of legal arguments between the Kaiser’s Oberhofmarschall and Prussian ministers of state resolved these matters, but not before this modest building project had produced concerns within Berlin’s city assembly and the Prussian House of Representatives about threats to ministerial accountability, a tenet of the Prussian Constitution.

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Włodarczyk, Zdzisław. "Wojsko w mieście. Żołnierze Hohenzollernów w Prusach Południowych (1793–1806)." Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica, no. 103 (April 30, 2019): 73–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/0208-6050.103.06.

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W wyniku II rozbioru (1793) znaczna część ziem Rzeczpospolitej Obojga Narodów znalazła się we władaniu Prus. Niezwłocznie też utworzono z nich nową prowincję – Prusy Południowe (Südpreussen). Jednym z elementów nowej rzeczywistości była obecność licznych wojskowych w przestrzeni społeczno-gospodarczej prowincji. Wiele miast i miasteczek stało się siedzibami garnizonów. Nastąpiło zetknięcie dwóch zupełnie różnych zbiorowości. Z jednej strony żołnierze, którym bardzo często towarzyszyły rodziny, z drugiej zaś „miejscowi” wtłoczeni z dnia na dzień w ramy obcych struktur administracyjnych. Kształtowała się skomplikowana sieć powiązań między cywilami a wojskowymi. Zmianie uległo oblicze etniczne wielu, zwłaszcza niewielkich ośrodków miejskich. Walorem było to, że wojsko dawało możliwość zwiększenia dochodów, choćby przez świadczone na jego rzecz usługi: sprzedaż żywności, transport, wynajem kwater, stajni, powierzchni magazynowych. Jednocześnie żołnierze, kiepsko opłacani, szukali możliwości zarobkowania, najmując się do wszelkich możliwych zajęć. Wzajemne współżycie nie było pozbawione momentów trudnych, wspólne bytowanie pod jednym dachem (żołnierskie kwatery) rodziło sytuacje zapalne. Jednak to nie one decydowały o całokształcie wzajemnych relacji – o czym świadczą świadectwa współpracy w sferze niematerialnej. Wymarsz większości garnizonów na wojnę z Francją (1806) zakończył krótki okres istnienia Prus Południowych. Jednak na opuszczonych przez Prusy terenach pozostało wielu związanych z poprzednią administracją, również wojskowych.

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Lejman, Beata. "O niebezpiecznych związkach sztuki i polityki na przykładzie „żywotów równoległych” Michaela Willmanna i Philipa Bentuma." Porta Aurea, no. 19 (December 22, 2020): 114–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.26881/porta.2020.19.05.

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Michael Lucas Leopold Willmann (1630–1706) was born in Königsberg (now Kalinin grad in Russia), where his first teacher was Christian Peter, a well -off guild painter. After years of journeys of apprenticeship and learning in the Netherlands, the young artist returned to his homeland, after Matthias Czwiczek’s death in 1654 probably hoping for the position of the painter at the court of Great Elector Frederick William (1620–1688).What served to draw the ruler’s attention to himself was probably the lost painting, described by Johann Joachim von Sandrart as follows: ‘the Vulcan with his cyclops makes armour for Mars and a shield and a spear for Minerva’. The failure of these efforts led the future ‘Apelles’ to emigrate to Silesia, where he created a family painting workshop in Lubiąż (Leubus), and following the conversion from Calvinism to Catholicism, he became a Cistercian painter, creating famous works of art in religious or secular centres of Crown Bohemia. What connects him to Prussia is another painting of great importance in his career, the little -known ‘Apotheosis of the Great Elector as a Guardian of Arts’ from 1682. The successor to Great Elector Frederick III (1657–1713) was crowned in 1701 as the ‘king of Prussia’. The ceremony required an appropriate artistic setting, which prompted many artists to flock to Königsberg, including a Dutchman from Leiden, the painter Justus Bentum, a pupil of Gottfred Schalken, who reached the capital of the new kingdom together with his son Philip Christian. After studying from his father, Philip Christian Bentum (ok. 1690 – po 1757) followed in the footsteps of the famous Willmann, and went on a journey, from which he never returned to Prussia. He went first to imperial Prague, where he collaborated with Peter Brandl and converted to Catholicism, following which he travelled to Silesia. After 1731, he took part in the artistic projects of Bishop Franz Ludwig von Pfalz–Neuburg of Wrocław (Breslau) and Abbot Constantin Beyer, who completed the project begun by Freiberger and Willmann: the extension and decoration of the Cistercian Abbey in Lubiąż. It was there that he made the largest in Europe canvas -painted oil plafond of the Prince’s Hall and completed his opus magnum: covering all the library walls and vaults with painting. Those pro -Habsburg works were finished two years before the death of Emperor Charles VI (1685–1740) and the military invasion of Silesia by Frederick II Hohenzollern (1712–1786), great - -grandson of the Great Elector. The fate of the artists mentioned in the title was intertwined with Königsberg and Lubiąż. Both converts set off for the professional maturity from the Prussian capital via Prague to Silesia. They can be compared by the Dutch sources of their art and a compilation method of creating images using print ‘prototypes’. Their inner discrepancy can be seen in the choice of these patterns, as they followed both the Catholic Rubens and the Protestant Rembrandt Van Rijn. They were connected with the provinces playing a key role in Central -European politics: here the Hohenzollerns competed for power in Central Europe with the Habsburgs. They were witnessesto the game for winning Silesia, and even took part in it by creating propagandistic art. Both of them worked for Bishop Franz Ludwig von Pfalz–Neuburg (1664–1732), associated with the Emperor, a kind of the capo di tutti capi of the Counter -Reformation in Silesia. Bentum eagerly imitated selected compositions of his predecessor and master from Lubiąż, and I think he even tried to surpass him in scale and precision. The artistic competition with Willman is visible in the paintings of the library in Lubiąż. There, he presented an Allegory of Painting, which shows the image of Willmann carried by an angel, while the inscription praising the qualities of his character calls him ‘Apelles’. The work of both painters, who took their first steps in the profession as Protestants in Königsberg, but became famous through their work for Catholics, provides an interesting material for the analysis of the general topic of artistic careers on the periphery of Europe, the relationship between the centres and the periphery, as well as for two stages of re -Catholisation in Silesia treated as an instrument of power. It was usually pointed out how much separates the two painters, but no one has ever tried to show what unites them. The comparison of the sources, motifs, and outstanding achievements of both of them, especially in Lubiąż, gives a more complete picture of their activity deeply immersed in the politics of their times. This picture is not as unambiguous as it has been so far, highlighting the political and propaganda aspects of their career spreading out between the coastal Protestant north and the Catholic south. The drama of their lives took place in Silesia, where the multiple dividing lines of Europe intersected. The idea of narrating the parallel fates of two artists with great Politics in the background (as in he case of Plutarch’s ‘Parallel Lives’) came to my mind years ago when I curated the Exhibition ‘Willmann – Drawings. A Baroque Artist’s Workshop’ (2001, National Museum in Wrocław, in cooperation with Salzburg and Stuttgart). The present paper was to be included in the volume accompanying that project initiated by Andrzej Kozieł (Willmann and Others. Painting, Drawing and Graphic Arts in Silesia and Neighbouring Countries in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries, ed. A. Kozieł, B. Lejman, Wrocław 2002), but I withdrew from its publication. I am hereby publishing it, thanking Małgorzata Omilanowska for her presence at the opening of this first great exhibition of mine in 2001, as well for the excellent cooperation with my Austrian, Czech, German, and Polish colleagues. This text, referring to the topic of our discussions at the time – as on the event of the above -mentioned exhibition I spoke at a press conference in Stuttgart’s Staatsgalerie, where the curator of the German exhibition was Hans Martin Kaulbach, exactly two days after the attack on WTC.

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Ruppert, Karsten. "Pyta, Wolfram, Hindenburg - Herrschaft zwischen Hohenzollern und Hitler, 2. Aufl. Siedler, München 2009." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Germanistische Abteilung 129, no. 1 (August 1, 2012): 758–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgga.2012.129.1.758.

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Schuler, H. K. "Die Einforstung und der Kampf um die „freie Pürsch“ im Fürstentum Hohenzollern-Hechingen." Zeitschrift für Jagdwissenschaft 42, no. 4 (December 1996): 293–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02241211.

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Badowska, Katarzyna, and Wojciech Wasiak. "Ubiory Ludwika II legnicko-brzeskiego i jego żony, Elżbiety z Hohenzollernów." Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Archaeologica, no. 30 (July 4, 2017): 225–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/0208-6034.30.14.

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KOSENKOVA, Elizaveta V., and Denis V. LITVINOV. "ARCHITECTURAL PLANNING PRINCIPLES OF URBAN BRIDGES RECONSTRUCTION." Urban construction and architecture 8, no. 3 (September 15, 2018): 85–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.17673/vestnik.2018.03.17.

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The bridges and overpasses of the city of Samara are considered, their main characteristics are identifi ed. A brief historical background of the appearance of the fi rst bridges as simple engineering structures is given, the main temporary periods are highlighted. Examples of implemented solutions that characterize the main stages of the history of bridge construction are given: the Hohenzollern Bridge in Cologne, the Millennium Bridge in Gateshead, the Ponte Vecchio Bridge in Florence, the Golden Gate Bridge in San Francisco, the Russian Bridge in Vladivostok, the String Bridge in Jerusalem. The analysis helps to understand how a modern bridge, located in the city building system, aff ects it, complements and enriches it, combines many functions and advanced technologies, and also has architectural expressiveness.

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Ludwig, Bogna. "Baroque Origins of the Greenery of Urban Interiors in Lower Silesia and the Border Areas of the Former Neumark and Lusatia." Sustainability 13, no. 5 (March 1, 2021): 2623. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13052623.

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The article is the first attempt to gather information on the beginnings of using green elements in urban compositions in Lower Silesia and border areas, in the former Neumark and Lusatia. It presents Baroque urban arrangements with the use of green ground floors, tree espaliers and avenues, from the earliest ones—occurring in the aftermath of the Thirty Years’ War—and the solutions applied in private municipalities in the Habsburg, Wettin, and Hohenzollern states, which were recovering from war damage, to urban developments at the end of that period, in the areas already under Prussian rule and its strict regulations. A comparison with the achievements of European urban planning in this field allows us to trace the paths of inspiration, but also to uncover some innovative achievements.

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Knopper, Françoise. "L’autorité dynastique au service de la Parole : les testaments politiques des Hohenzollern (1667-1768)." Anglophonia/Caliban 17, no. 1 (2005): 321–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/calib.2005.1557.

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SCHUI, FLORIAN. "TAXPAYER OPPOSITION AND FISCAL REFORM IN PRUSSIA, c. 1766–1787." Historical Journal 54, no. 2 (May 11, 2011): 371–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x11000069.

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ABSTRACTIn 1787, Frederick William II of Prussia made substantial changes to the urban excise. These changes were largely the result of public pressure. Urban tax-payers had resisted the tax in different ways since Frederick II had reformed it in 1766 in order to extract more revenue from Prussia's towns. The article explores the motives that led to tax-payer criticism and resistance and the ways in which urban tax-payers opposed the state's growing fiscal appetite. The success of urban tax-payers in this political conflict with the Prussian state suggests that Prussia's burghers were important actors within the Hohenzollern polity and that they wielded considerable political power. The events described here resembled not only other contemporary conflicts over fiscal matters in the Atlantic world, but were also interconnected with debates and events outside Prussia through exchanges of individuals, arguments, and publications.

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Łopatecki, Karol. "Twórczość wojskowa Albrechta Hohenzollerna. Uwagi nad trzema manuskryptami przypisanymi w latach 2009-2014 Albrechtowi Hohenzollernowi." Odrodzenie i Reformacja w Polsce 59 (December 1, 2015): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/oirwp.2015.06.

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Neugebauer, Wolfgang. "Testamente als Politikum. Die Publikationsgeschichte der „Politischen Testamente“ der Hohenzollern im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert." Forschungen zur Brandenburgischen und Preußischen Geschichte 27, no. 1 (June 2017): 13–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/fbpg.27.1.13.

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Fuchs, K. "Intraplate seismicity induced by stress concentration at crustal heterogeneities—the Hohenzollern Graben, a case history." Geological Society, London, Special Publications 24, no. 1 (1986): 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1144/gsl.sp.1986.024.01.12.

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Ptaszyński, Maciej. "Herzog Albrecht von Preussen, die polnischen Eliten und die Reformation." Zeitschrift für Historische Forschung: Volume 46, Issue 2 46, no. 2 (April 1, 2019): 219–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/zhf.46.2.219.

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Summary Dealing with the Confessional Issue.Albrecht Duke of Prussia, the Polish Elites and the Reformation The article analyses the relations between the first Lutheran Duke in Europe, Albrecht of Hohenzollern, and the Catholic elites in the Kingdom of Poland, in the first half of the 16th century. Among the correspondents of the Duke of Prussia, the author examines the Duke’s relationship with the king’s family and the royal court, a group of high officials (like Piotr Tomicki or Krzysztof Szydłowiecki), and Catholic bishops. Despite differences in the denominational affiliation and religious outlooks, the connection between the two regions was very strong and complex. This makes it possible to cast a new light on the practices of toleration. Gifts, gossip, and people were sent across the borders and exchanged between Albrecht and Poles. The intense communication reveals that denominational differences were present, but the correspondents relied on tactics of dissimulation to marginalize these differences and deprive them of importance.

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Becker, Josef. "The Franco-Prussian Conflict of 1870 and Bismarck's Concept of a “Provoked Defensive War”: A Response to David Wetzel." Central European History 41, no. 1 (March 2008): 93–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938908000058.

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In a recent issue ofCentral European History, David Wetzel published a wide-ranging review of the first two volumes of my documentary edition on the Hohenzollern candidacy for the Spanish throne, the immediate pre-history of the Franco-Prussian war of 1870/71. It goes without saying that I read this review by the author ofA Duel of Giants: Bismarck, Napoleon III, and the Origins of the Franco-Prussian War(2001) with particular interest. My first—and lasting—impression is that here was the discussion of a specialist, one that—precisely because of Wetzel's roots in a different historiographical tradition—represents a model of scholarly fairness. In German historiography since the nineteenth century, and primarily for political reasons, comparably fair treatment of works that deal with a central historical figure such as Bismarck has not been the rule. I am no less grateful for the opportunity offered by his critical objections to make some more general and precise points.

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Lidtke, Vernon L. "Abstract Art and Left-Wing Politics in the Weimar Republic." Central European History 37, no. 1 (March 2004): 49–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916104322888998.

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In the midst of the upheaval created by military defeat, the collapse of the Hohenzollern and other German monarchies, and the threat of radical social revolution, a movement that had been taking shape for some time became a visible presence in German public life. Intellectuals, writers, visual artists, and numerous others declared that they would no longer remain aloof from the world of politics, social reform, and even revolution. On the contrary, they would seek to merge the arts and politics into a synthesis that would help to mold a new and greatly improved society. They issued manifestos and programs, founded organizations and journals, joined political parties — primarily on the left — and went to the streets, at least to observe if not also to act. The majority of the participants in this movement were, at some point in their careers, part of new artistic trends and, as such, contributors to the formation and advancement of aesthetic modernism in Germany.

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Schubert, Werner. "Quellen zur Entstehung der Verfassung von Württemberg-Hohenzollern, Teil 1, Teil 2, bearb. v. Rösslein, Thomas." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Germanistische Abteilung 126, no. 1 (August 1, 2009): 884–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgga.2009.126.1.884.

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Schroeder, Klaus-Peter. "Andreas Zekorn, Zwischen Habsburg und Hohenzollern - Verfassungs- und Sozialgeschichte der Stadt Sigmaringen im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Germanistische Abteilung 115, no. 1 (August 1, 1998): 768–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgga.1998.115.1.768.

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Wendehorst, Alfred. "Neugebauer, Wolfgang, Die Hohenzollern. Band 2 Dynastie im säkularen Wandel. Von 1740 bis in das 20. Jahrhundert." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Germanistische Abteilung 122, no. 1 (August 1, 2005): 739–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgga.2005.122.1.739.

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Raithel, Thomas. "Wie nah ist uns die Zwischenkriegszeit?" Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte 66, no. 2 (April 1, 2018): 294–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/vfzg-2018-0015.

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Abstract The interwar period was a phase of the formation of new states and of democratic awakening, but also a time of crises and the failure of democracies as well as the establishment of authoritarian and dictatorial systems. Until recently, it was largely overlooked by research and the general public. Given the recent increase of right-wing populist currents and authoritarian tendencies in Europe, interest has once again grown. The second “Contemporary History Podium” is thus dedicated to the question of how akin we are to the interwar period. How is it perceived in different countries which constituted themselves as democracies at the end of the First World War after the fall of the Romanov, Habsburg and Hohenzollern Empires? Also what is the relevance of this history for the present? Ota Konrád (Charles University Prague), Ekaterina Makhotina (University of Bonn), Anton Pelinka (Central European University Budapest), Thomas Raithel (Institute for Contemporary History Munich-Berlin) und Krzysztof Ruchniewicz (Willy Brandt Center, Wrocław University) look into these questions utilising the examples of Czechoslovakia, Lithuania, Austria, Germany and Poland.

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Ledanff, Susanne. "The Palace of the Republic versus the Stadtschloss: The Dilemmas of Planning in the Heart of Berlin." German Politics and Society 21, no. 4 (December 1, 2003): 30–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503003782353330.

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On 4 July 2002, the German Bundestag had to decide on the futureof one of the capital city’s principal historical sites: the square knownas the Schlossplatz, where the Hohenzollern Palace once stood butthat since 1976 had been the site of the German Democratic Republic’sflagship Palace of the Republic. It was not the first time thatGerman politicians had been called upon to decide issues relating toart and architecture. On previous occasions votes had been taken onthe wrapping of the Reichstag by Christo and Jeanne-Claude, SirNorman Foster’s dome, Hans Haacke’s artistic installation “DerBevölkerung” inside the Reichstag, and Peter Eisenman’s design forBerlin’s Holocaust memorial.1 Their decision to rebuild the historicalpalace, however, differed in that the politicians did not vote onan architectural design, “in eigener Sache.”2 That is, it was not abuilding or monument belonging to the governmental or politicalsphere of the capital city but rather a site likely to house culturalinstitutions. Parliamentarians, thus, were called upon to settle atwelve-year-old planning and architectural controversy after all othermeans, including architectural competitions, had failed.

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