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1

Teodorsson, Sven-Tage. "Eastern Literacy, Greek Alphabet, and Homer." Mnemosyne 59, no. 2 (2006): 161–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852506777069709.

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AbstractThe still ongoing discussion about the question as to when the Homeric poems were recorded in writing is paradoxical, considering that Milman Parry did not present a clear idea of this issue, while Albert Lord declared his unequivocal opinion that Homer himself dictated them. The notion of a long period of oral transmission until they were finally recorded in the Pisistratean recension can be seen as a continuation of the old 'analyst' theory. It is now time to abandon this theory, seeing that the evidence in favour of recording in the eighth century has become increasingly stronger in recent decades. Three contemporary factors in that century together form decisive evidence indicating that the recording happened at that time, (1) the intense influence of Eastern culture, not least the influence of literacy, (2) the newly invented Greek alphabet, and (3) the appearance of the genius of Homer.
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2

Gagné, Renaud. "The Poetics of exôleia in Homer." Mnemosyne 63, no. 3 (2010): 353–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852510x456156.

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AbstractThe notion of delayed generational punishment, or ancestral fault, has a long history in Greek literature. The identification of its earliest attestations in the Archaic period is contested, especially its presence in Homeric poetry. This paper aims to show that delayed generational punishment does indeed appear in Homer, where it is, however, confined to one context: the great oath of exôleia of Iliad 3.298-301 and 4.155-65. The institutional and ritual context of the generational oath is essential to understanding this earliest Greek attestation of ancestral fault, and making sense of the idea’s larger significance for narrative perspective, divine justice, and temporal order in the Homeric epic.
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3

Chadwick, John. "The Descent of the Greek Epic." Journal of Hellenic Studies 110 (November 1990): 174–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631738.

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A fundamental assumption throughout this article is that the text of Homer is no different from that of other classical authors, since it has been preserved by the same kind of manuscript tradition. The difference is that while all our texts go back to the editions of the Hellenistic scholars, the gap between these and the author is relatively short for fourth and fifth century writers, but very much longer for Homer, if we assign to him a very approximate date of the late eighth, or even early seventh, century.
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4

DAVIDSON, JOHN. "HOMER AND EURIPIDES' TROADES." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 45, no. 1 (December 1, 2001): 65–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2001.tb00232.x.

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Abstract Like all other Greek poets, Euripides falls under the shadow of Homer. The Troades is closely bound up with the Iliad, in that it represents the fulfilment of Troy's fate so clearly foreshadowed in the Homeric epic. It is not so much a question of linguistic echoes as of situational allusion associated especially with the figures of Andromache and Asyanax, widow and son of Hector. While Homeric and 5th Century values are clearly in tension, as can also be seen in the formal debate between Hecabe and Helen (which also draws the Odyssey into the intertextual nexus), and while Euripides may well to some extent be ironizing and critiquing, he appears at the same time to be offering an impassioned Homeric sequel to the Iliad itself.
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5

Vítek, Tomáš. "Greek Necromancy: Reality or Myth?" Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 60, no. 1-2 (June 24, 2021): 27–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/068.2020.00004.

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SummaryThe article investigates the extent to which Greek necromancy fits into the wider eschatological, cultic and historical context of an epoch demarcated on the one hand by Homer and on the other by the Classical period. The oldest purported necromantic ritual, with the help of which Odysseus descended into the underworld, is a literary construct inspired especially by the heroic tomb-cults. Scenes depicting funereal necromancy, written by dramatists of the Classical period, were also drawn from this source. Ability, behavior and appearance of heroes were additionally ascribed to the so-called restless spirits and revenants and later came to include all the dead. The main cause of this was a change in eschatological ideas and especially heroization, which in the Roman period spread nominally to all the dead. Reports about necromancy include a high percentage of mythical and literarily-dramatized elements that simply do not correspond with contemporary ideas about the soul, the dead, the underworld and chthonic deities. It therefore appears almost certain that, at least to the end of the period described, necromancy was not carried out in reality but remained only the literary surmise of the possibility indicated by Homer.
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6

Aune, David E., and Louise Wells. "The Greek Language of Healing from Homer to the New Testament Times." Journal of Biblical Literature 119, no. 3 (2000): 561. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3268426.

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7

Padel, Ruth. "Homer's Reader: A reading of George Seferis." Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 31 (1985): 74–132. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068673500004764.

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The reader I have in mind is a poet. My immediate interest is the example he provides of a writer's relationship with her or his reading. My aim is double: to suggest both that Homer illuminates the work of the later poet and that the later poetry can function as an interpretation of Homer which offers even to a scholar valuable ways of reading the epics, especially the Odyssey. Accordingly, I shall usually offer translations both of the modern and of the ancient Greek, since not all classicists know modern Greek intimately and those who study modern Greek do not always know the ancient language well.Let us begin by reading one of Seferis' best-known poems. He wrote it in the Thirties and many contemporary poetic influences, both French and English, are at work in it. But I want to read it now from a special perspective, which I shall argue was crucial to Seferis through all his work. I shall read it as a search for a significant but bearable relationship in his own poetry with Homer and, through Homer, with the whole ancient poetic tradition.
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8

Inglese, Guglielmo. "Connectives and discourse markers in Ancient Greek." Journal of Greek Linguistics 18, no. 1 (May 25, 2018): 93–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15699846-01801003.

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Abstract The Ancient Greek particle atár has been described as a connective device that encodes either an adversative or a progressive relation between sentences. The purpose of this paper is to revise the description of this particle by framing its analysis within a consistent and theoretically up-to-date model of clause linkage and discourse structure. Starting from previous findings on the function of atár in Homer, I undertake a corpus analysis of atár in Euripides and Aristophanes. This analysis reveals differences in usage at different stages of the language that have been previously neglected. Whereas in Homer, atár largely behaves as a connective and encodes a semantic relation of oppositive contrast between sentences, in later texts it rather behaves as a discourse marker and contributes to the management of both thematic continuity and interactional practices. These differences point to a specific diachronic path of grammaticalization that accounts for the changes undergone by atár.
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9

Shcherbakov, Fedor. "When Homer ceased laughing." European Journal of Humour Research 9, no. 2 (July 20, 2021): 63–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/ejhr2021.9.2.476.

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Since the very beginning of its proliferation, the Homeric epic has been subject to various ways of interpretation and modes of understanding. Particular attention has been paid to those passages from Homeric poems in which the gods commit obscene, absurd, or comical actions. In the opinion of critics of Iliad and Odyssey, such myths were not worthy of the appropriate faith in the Greek gods. Therefore, my article focuses on the third, “comical” group of these Homeric grey areas, and deals with the following questions: how and why did Homer’s comical passages move from a discourse of the ridiculous and the funny to a discourse of the serious by means of philosophical interpretation over the centuries? I will try to uncover the general principles and conditions of that hermeneutical mechanism which made it possible to translate Homer’s comical plots from the language of Olympic “domestic” nonsense into the language of the most important physical, ethical, and metaphysical truths. To achieve this task, my article will conditionally distinguish two ways of transition from the comical to the serious: the first, which was carried out in ancient allegorism, was to directly produce a translation, and to declare that the “superficial” meaning of the myth is false, and its deep level is true. The second way – ancient symbolism – was to turn the comical into the serious through the immediate translation of comical myths into the religious discourse of the sacred, which did not imply a stark contrast between the comical and the serious but, on the contrary, harmonized them.
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10

Sannicandro, Lisa. "Der ‚dekadente‘ Feldherr." Mnemosyne 67, no. 1 (January 14, 2014): 50–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12341636.

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Abstract The portrayal of Caesar’s dalliance with Cleopatra in Lucan’s Bellum civile (book 10) exploits the motif of the general who, seduced by a foreign woman, forgets his responsabilities to his country. This motif occurs from Homer through the Greek and Latin epic tradition to Latin historiography and Greek biography. The lexicon for the concept of forgetting is a recurring Leitmotiv.1
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11

Hope, Colin. "Miniature Codices from Kellis." Mnemosyne 59, no. 2 (2006): 226–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852506777069727.

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AbstractThis article contains a first edition of two wooden mini-codices found during Australian excavations at Ismant el-Kharab (ancient Kellis) in the Dakhleh Oasis (Egypt). The first codex contains fifteen Greek hexameters belonging to an anonymous and unknown parody of Homer; the second codex contains three Greek division tables. Both texts date from the fourth century CE and apparently come from a local school.
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12

Carnes, Jeffrey S., and Richard Garner. "From Homer to Tragedy: The Art of Allusion in Greek Poetry." American Journal of Philology 113, no. 3 (1992): 446. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/295466.

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13

Cosgrove, Charles H. "An Ancient Greek Lament Form." Journal of Hellenic Studies 138 (2018): 173–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426918000101.

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AbstractAn unusual ancient Greek lament form, hitherto overlooked by students of the subject, displays the following syntax: parallel sentences with verb in initial position (Vi) expressing the loss, followed by the grammatical subject (S). Sometimes the same verb was used in each of the parallel lines. ViS parallelism is a subliterary syntax reflecting a very old style. A number of Greek authors adopted this syntax to represent or allusively echo the form. Examples, although relatively scarce, are spread through a diverse range of ancient literature spanning at least six centuries, from the second century BC to the fourth century AD, with earlier echoes as far back as Homer.
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14

Wallace, Rex E. "Review of Powell (1991): Homer and the Origin of the Greek Alphabet." Diachronica 11, no. 2 (January 1, 1994): 263–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.11.2.10wal.

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15

Wilson, Penelope. "Reading Pope's Homer in the 1720s: The Iliad Notes of Philip Doddridge." Translation and Literature 29, no. 2 (July 2020): 163–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/tal.2020.0417.

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As a young minister in 1725, Philip Doddridge (1702–1751), later to become one of the most influential figures of eighteenth-century Dissent, embarked on a close reading of Homer's Iliad in Greek alongside Pope's English verse translation of 1715–20. As he read he recorded, in shorthand notes, detailed ‘remarks’ critically comparing the Greek and English texts as works of poetry, with a particular eye to the success or otherwise of Pope's version. The unique manuscript containing the remarks has in part survived, and is held by Dr Williams' Library, London. In this discussion, Doddridge is introduced and his remarks transcribed for the first time. They provide a contemporary reading of Pope's Iliad which in its depth and detail goes well beyond anything else available for private readers, as opposed to the professional critics and scholars whose extensive attacks and defences it elicited.
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16

Kidd, Stephen. "Greek Laughter. A Study of Cultural Psychology from Homer to Early Christianity." Mnemosyne 64, no. 2 (2011): 310–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852511x505213.

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17

Inglese, Guglielmo, and Chiara Zanchi. "Reciprocal constructions in Homeric Greek: A typological and corpus-based approach." Folia Linguistica 54, s41-s1 (December 1, 2020): 117–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/flih-2020-0005.

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Abstract Ancient Greek features a wide array of means to encode reciprocity. Even though reference grammars do mention most of these strategies, they have not been brought together and compared in a systematic way so far. In this paper, we provide a thorough corpus-based description of the three most widespread reciprocal markers in Homeric Greek: the pronoun allḗlōn, the middle voice, and the use of preverbs. Our analysis is couched within current descriptive models of reciprocal constructions developed in linguistic typology. As we argue, Homeric Greek offers a remarkably complex picture, whereby these strategies synchronically cover different semantic and syntactic sub-domains of reciprocity, and thus partly stand in complementary distribution. Already in Homer, the pronoun allḗlōn is the most productive marker of reciprocal situations, with the middle voice and preverbs playing a more limited role. By adopting a diachronic perspective, we also show that this distribution can partly be explained as the result of the different historical sources of each construction. Moreover, once properly scrutinized, the facts of Homeric Greek provide interesting cues as to the developments of reciprocal constructions in later stages of Greek.
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18

Threatte, Leslie. "Review of Woodard (1997): Greek writing from Knossos to Homer: A linguistic interpretation of the origin of the Greek alphabet and the continuity of Ancient Greek literacy." Written Language and Literacy 2, no. 1 (July 23, 1999): 145–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/wll.2.1.10thr.

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19

Finkelberg, Margalit. "Patterns of human error in Homer." Journal of Hellenic Studies 115 (November 1995): 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631641.

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It has become habitual to approach Homeric man's mental functioning with the categories used today, only to show how different this man was from the later Greek and, moreover, from the modern individual. The studies in Homer's mental terminology begun by Bruno Snell and other German scholars before World War II illustrate this tendency. Although the scholarly value of these studies, which have led us to realize that the Homeric vocabulary lacks terms explicitly designating the person as a whole, is incontestable, in everything concerning the better understanding of Homeric man their effect has been, paradoxically enough, rather negative. Indeed, insofar as such ideas as ‘self’, ‘soul’, ‘character’ are said to be irrelevant to Homer, and what is proposed instead is a loose conglomerate of the so-called ‘mental organs’, Homeric man is turned into an incognizable entity altogether estranged from everything understood as human today or in classical Greece. At the same time, the essential humanity of Homeric man is immediately felt by every reader of Homer, and the incompatibility of this experience with the image created by terminological speculations about Homeric man is strong enough to call in question the relevance of the results obtained through the terminological approach.
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20

Petrain, David. "The Archaeology of the Epigrams from the Tabulae Iliacae: Adaptation, Allusion, Alteration." Mnemosyne 65, no. 4-5 (2012): 597–635. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852512x585142.

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Abstract The epigrams and other metrical texts inscribed on the Tabulae Iliacae document an active engagement with the prior poetic tradition on the part of the artisans of these early Imperial reliefs, who adapt and reshape earlier texts in order to create for their Roman clientele a novel version of Greek myth and history. I reconsider the texts of three groups of inscriptions and argue for their significance to the history of Greek epigram. The Tabula Chigi (IG 14.1296) transmits two elegiac couplets that employ dialectal variation to characterize the speech of Alexander the Great; a metrical irregularity reveals how the couplets were adapted to their inscriptional context. Variations in the two metrical signatures of Theodorus, the creator of the Tabulae (IG 14.1284; SEG 14.626), reveal a nuanced attempt to characterize his relationship with his avowed poetic source, Homer. Verse summaries of the Iliad on the Tabula Sarti (IG 14.1286) have been misunderstood because the sole surviving image of the tablet has been misread: a new edition shows the summaries’ close adaptation of Homer and uncovers the rationale for their unusual meter (anapestic tetrameter catalectic). An appendix discusses the whereabouts of the Tabula Chigi, which is currently lost.
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21

Miola, Robert S. "Lesse Greeke? Homer in Jonson and Shakespeare." Ben Jonson Journal 23, no. 1 (May 2016): 101–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/bjj.2016.0154.

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Throughout their careers both Jonson and Shakespeare often encountered Homer, who left a deep impress on their works. Jonson read Homer directly in Greek but Shakespeare did not, or if he did, he left no evidence of that reading in extant works. Both Jonson and Shakespeare encountered Homer indirectly in Latin recollections by Vergil, Horace, Ovid and others, in English translations, in handbooks and mythographies, in derivative poems and plays, in descendant traditions, and in plentiful allusions. Though their appropriations differ significantly, Jonson and Shakespeare both present comedic impersonations of Homeric scenes and figures – the parodic replay of the council of the gods (Iliad 1) in Poetaster (1601) 4.5 and the appearance of “sweet warman” Hector (5.2.659) in the Masque of the Nine Worthies (Love's Labor's Lost, 1588–97). Homer's Vulcan and Venus furnish positive depictions of love and marriage in The Haddington Masque (1608) as do his Hector and Andromache in Julius Caesar (1599), which features other significant recollections. Both Jonson and Shakespeare recall Homer to explore the dark side of honor and fame: Circe and Ate supply the anti-masque in the Masque of Queens (1609), and scenes from Chapman's Iliad supply the comical or tragical satire, Troilus and Cressida (c. 1601). Both poets put Homer to abstract and philosophical uses: Zeus's chain and Venus's ceston (girdle), allegorized, appears throughout Jonson's work and function as central symbols in Hymenaei (1606); Homer's depiction of the tension between fate and free will, between the omnipotent gods and willing humans, though mediated, inflects the language and action of Coriolanus (c. 1608). Ben Jonson and William Shakespeare practice a kind of inventive imitatio which, according to classical and neo-classical precept, re-reads classical texts in order to make them into something new.
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22

O’Connell, Peter A. "Homer and his Legacy in Gregory of Nazianzus’ ‘On his own Affairs’." Journal of Hellenic Studies 139 (September 20, 2019): 147–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426919000673.

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AbstractThis paper investigates how Gregory of Nazianzus imitates and responds to the Greek literary tradition in the autobiographical poem ‘On his own affairs’ (2.1.1). Through six case studies, it contributes to the ongoing re-evaluation of Gregory’s literary merit. With learning, wit, subtle humour and faith, Gregory adapts and reinvents earlier poetry to express Christian themes. Imitation is at the heart of his poetic technique, but his imitations are never straight-forward. They include imitating both Homer and other poets’ imitations of Homer, learned word-play and combining references to non-Christian literature and the Septuagint. Gregory’s references add nuance to ‘On his own affairs’ and give pleasure to readers trained to judge poetry by comparing it to earlier poetry, especially the Homeric epics. They also demonstrate the breadth of his scholarship, which extends to Homeric variants, Platonic epigrams and the entirety of the New Testament and Septuagint. Above all, Gregory insists that he is a rightful participant in a living poetic tradition. He writes Greek poetry for the fourth century AD, just as Oppian did in the second century and Apollonius and Callimachus did in the Hellenistic period.
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23

Joseph, John E. "Language-Body Continuity in the Linguistics-Semiology-Poetics-Traductology of Henri Meschonnic." Comparative Critical Studies 15, no. 3 (October 2018): 311–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ccs.2018.0298.

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Henri Meschonnic criticized structuralist linguistics for assuming that progress lay with ever-increasing specialization, and for narrowing its scope to exclude the literary. For Meschonnic, a linguistics that does not take account of the poetic – particularly of rhythm – is closing its ears to the very heartbeat of language. Rhythm is at the core of a language-body continuity which structuralists ignored because they considered it unconnected to meaning. That, for Meschonnic, was their primordial error, and he argued tirelessly for ‘the continuous’ in language and linguistics. The programme he devised has certain problems. He never makes clear where the structuralism which he rejects starts and ends; indeed, he himself can be seen as a structuralist along the lines described by Cassirer. Both Saussure and Benveniste occupy a curious position in Meschonnic's structuralism. Meschonnic's tendency to idealize the Hebrew language and Biblical texts, contrasting them with Greek language and thought in a way that borders on, and sometimes crosses into, Orientalism, is also problematic. A comparison with Havelock's treatment of the evolution of Greek from Homer to Plato, however, suggests that the Romantic and Orientalizing aspects of Meschonnic's treatment are merely contingent, not essential, to the position he is taking.
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Hughes, Derek. "Dialogic Education and the Problematics of Translation in Homer and Greek Tragedy, by Jan Parker." Translation and Literature 12, no. 2 (September 2003): 274–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/tal.2003.12.2.274.

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25

O'Sullivan, Patrick, and Judith Maitland. "Greek and Latin Teaching in Australian and New Zealand Universities: A 2005 Survey." Antichthon 41 (2007): 109–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400001787.

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The study of Latin and Ancient Greek at tertiary level is crucial for the survival of Classics within the university sector. And it is not too much to say that the serious study of Greco-Roman antiquity in most, if not all, areas is simply impossible without the ancient languages. They are essential not just for the broad cross-section of philological and literary studies in poetry and prose (ranging at least from Homer to the works of the Church Fathers to Byzantine Chroniclers) but also for ancient history and historiography, philosophy, art history and aesthetics, epigraphy, and many branches of archaeology. In many Classics departments in Australia, New Zealand and elsewhere, enrolments in non-language subjects such as myth, ancient theatre or epic, or history remain healthy and cater to a broad public interest in the ancient Greco-Roman world. This is, of course, to be lauded. But the status of the ancient languages, at least in terms of enrolments, may often seem precarious compared to the more overtly popular courses taught in translation. Given the centrality of the ancient languages to our discipline as a whole, it is worth keeping an eye on how they are faring to ensure their prosperity and longevity.
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Uden, James. "TheContest of Homer and Hesiodand the ambitions of Hadrian." Journal of Hellenic Studies 130 (November 2010): 121–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426910000054.

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AbstractThis article examines the compilation known as theContest of Homer and Hesiod. More usually mined for the material it preserves from the sophist Alcidamas, here I advance a reading that seeks to make sense of the compilation as a whole and situates the work ideologically in its Imperial context. An anecdote early in the compilation depicts the emperor Hadrian enquiring about Homer's birthplace and parents from the Delphic Oracle; he is told that Telemachus was Homer's father and Ithaca his homeland. When the text says that we must believe this self-evidently absurd response on account of the status of the emperor, its author is satirizing Hadrian's ambitions to participate in the Greek intellectual world and the pressures on scholars to accept Hadrian's authority in their field. Moreover, the compiler has linked this anecdote to the long account of the poetic contest between Homer and Hesiod in order to draw an unflattering parallel between Hadrian and King Panedes, who, as writers such as Lucian and Dio Chrysostom suggested, exposed his ineptitude in choosing Hesiod over Homer as the victor of the contest.
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Celano, Giuseppe G. A. "A computational study on preverbal and postverbal accusative object nouns and pronouns in Ancient Greek." Prague Bulletin of Mathematical Linguistics 101, no. 1 (April 1, 2014): 97–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pralin-2014-0006.

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Abstract Many studies try to determine whether Ancient Greek is an OV or VO language. All of them, however, fail to conduct a research whose method is entirely clear. This paper presents the first attempt to quantify the number of verbs governing preverbal or postverbal accusative object nouns or pronouns in single or coordinate independent clauses in Homer’s Iliad and Odyssey, Herodotus’ Histories, and the New Testament, by providing results which are fully verifiable and reproducible. I prove that as for the parameter OV vs. VO there is great variation in the texts, which suggests a change over time from OV order in Homer to VO order in the New Testament. The figures for Herodotus’ Greek prove a quasi-exact match between OV order and VO order.
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Taylor, Ann. "The change from SOV to SVO in Ancient Greek." Language Variation and Change 6, no. 1 (March 1994): 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954394500001563.

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ABSTRACTAlthough the order of major sentence constituents at all stages of Ancient Greek is quite free, the distribution of clause types is not random over time, but changes from predominantly verb-final to predominantly verb-medial, suggesting a change in progress. Using the paradigm of Kroch (1989), in which it is assumed that syntactic change involves competition between grammatical systems, two models are constructed, one for the verb-final grammar of the Homeric period (pre-800 B.C.) and one for the verb-medial grammar of the Hellenistic Koiné (c. 100 A.D.). The language of an intermediate stage (Herodotus, c. 450 B.C.) is shown to pattern in part like Homer and in part like the Koiné. More strikingly, the ratio of verb-final to verb-medial structure that best fits the distribution of clause types found in Herodotus is extremely close to an independent measure of this ratio obtained from the distribution of weak pronouns and clitics.
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Nikolaev, Alexander. "The Aorist Infinitives in -EEIN in Early Greek Hexameter Poetry." Journal of Hellenic Studies 133 (2013): 81–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426913000050.

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AbstractThis paper examines the distribution of thematic infinitive endings in early Greek epic in the context of the long-standing debate about the transmission and development of Homeric epic diction. There are no aorist infinitives in -έμεν in Homer which would scan as ◡◡ – before a consonant or caesura (for example *βαλέμεν): instead we find unexplained forms in -έειν (for example βαλέειν). It is argued that this artificially ‘distended’ ending -έειν should be viewed as an actual analogical innovation of the poetic language, resulting from a proportional analogy to the ‘liquid’ futures. The total absence of aoristic -έειν in Hesiod is unlikely to be coincidental: the analogical form must have been the product of a specifically East Ionic Kunstsprache, and so could have been simply unknown in some other Ionian school of epic poetry where Hesiod was trained. Finally, the striking avoidance of anapaestic aorist infinitives in -έειν is argued to be explained better under the ‘diffusionist’ approach to the Aeolic elements in Homeric diction than under the ‘Aeolic phase’ theory.
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30

Swain, Simon. "Arrian the epic poet." Journal of Hellenic Studies 111 (November 1991): 211–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631906.

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We know of several Greek translators of works originally written in Latin. Of non-Christian, purely literary material, we know of six. First, there is Claudius' powerful freedman, Polybius, who turned Homer into Latin prose and Vergil into Greek prose (SenecaConsol. ad Polyb. 8.2, 11.5). Then, under Hadrian we have Zenobius ‘the sophist’, who translates Sallust'sHistoriesand “so-called Wars’ (Suda Z 73). The translation into Greek of Hyginus' Fabulae can be dated precisely, for its unknown author tells us that he copied it up on 11th September 207 (CGILiii 56.3off.). Similarly, the extant translation of Eutropius'Breviariumby Paianios, probably a pupil of Libanius, can be dated securely to about 380. The translation of the same by Capito (SudaK 342), which survives in excerpts, is placed with some confidence at the beginning of the sixth century. The date and identity of the last of our translators, ‘Arrian the epic poet’, who rendered theGeorgicsof Vergil (SudaA 3867), is unclear.
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Fortes, Fabio. "Between Poets and Philologists." Nuntius Antiquus 16, no. 1 (August 5, 2020): 57–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.35699/1983-3636..20985.

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Well known in the grammatical tradition as the formulator of the first treatise about the construction or syntax of the Greek language, Apollonius Dyscolus (2nd c. AD) devotes his Περὶ συντάχεως to a thorough examination of the Greek language, focusing mainly on its logical organization. However, the extensive reading of Apollonius’ work under this key has contributed to the overshadowing of the ‘philological’ dimension of this treatise perceived in the numerous analyses of constructions derived from poetic use, as well as in the quotations and allusions to poets and philologists within his work. Considering that the justification by Apollonius in his prologue was the “understanding of the writers and poets”, we ask ourselves: what role do poets and prose writers play in this study? We intend to show that Apollonius, despite never abandoning entirely the logic framework of his syntactic theory, puts in evidence a close reading of the Alexandrian philological tradition, both in the examples, quotations and allusions of poets and philologists, and in the procedure of analysis of Homer passages.
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Hylen, Susan E. "Thekla’s Epic: Identity and Classicism in the Life and Miracles of Saint Thekla." Vigiliae Christianae 74, no. 5 (June 29, 2020): 487–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341451.

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Abstract In the fifth century, the author of the Life and Miracles of Saint Thekla transformed Thekla’s story from a simple Greek work into a grand epic. He collected stories and rewrote the Acts of Thekla using methods that were similar to other Christian and non-Christian works. The author employed classicizing language and allusions to Homer and other ancient writers in order to convey the high status he deemed appropriate to the story. Like other Christian works, the author rewrote scripture as a way of reinforcing and updating its importance. Through these stylistic features, the Life and Miracles conveys an appreciation for literary education and suggests a context in which reading, writing, and devotion were mutually reinforcing.
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Novokhatko, Anna A. "Contemporary Metaphor Studies and Classical Texts." Mnemosyne 74, no. 4 (June 3, 2021): 682–703. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-bja10109.

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Abstract This article reviews recent studies on metaphor theories applied to the classical corpus and argues that approaches from cognitive linguistics are essential for the re-interpretation of Greek and Latin texts. Its main focus are two monographs, Andreas T. Zanker’s Metaphor in Homer and Tommaso Gazzarri’s Theory and Practice of Metaphors in Seneca’s Prose. The volume of collected papers on spatial metaphors in ancient texts edited by Fabian Horn and Ciliers Breytenbach proposes that the Lakoff-Johnson approach to cognitive metaphor is productive and that mappings from empirically accessible domains construct abstract concepts in spatial models of mental activity.
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Yasin, Ghulam, Shaukat Ali, and Kashif Shahzad. "Resonances of greek-latin classics in the works of Fyodor Dostoevsky: a critical analysis." Acta Scientiarum. Language and Culture 43, no. 1 (April 8, 2021): e55354. http://dx.doi.org/10.4025/actascilangcult.v43i1.55354.

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This research aims to probe the classical elements in the works of Fyodor Dostoevsky and to show the author’s bent towards the classical authors and traditions. Dostoevsky is the giant literary figure of 19th-century Russian literature and he belongs not only to a particular time but to all times like many other great classic writers. The research is significant for exposing the author’s affiliation towards the epic poetry of Homer and Hesiod and the dramas of the preeminent Athenian tragedians, Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides. Dostoevsky also becomes classic based on his dealings with the themes dealt by the classics like love, fight for honour, real-life presentation, the conflict between vice and virtue and the struggle of his tragic heroes to reach their goal. The research proves that Dostoevsky is a classic among the classics because of having close resonance with the classics in the art of characterization, the portrayal of tragic heroes, theme building and by including some elements of tragedy. The qualitative research is designed on the descriptive-analytic method by using the approach of Classicism presented by Mark Twain.
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Sifakis, G. M. "Formulas and their relatives: a semiotic approach to verse making in Homer and modern greek folksongs." Journal of Hellenic Studies 117 (November 1997): 136–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632553.

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In a book I published a few years ago, entitledTowards a Poetics of Modern Greek Folksong, I examined certain aspects of the poetics of modern folksongs in the light of the ‘oral composition theory’ of Homeric poetry, originally expounded by Milman Parry in the late twenties and early thirties and subsequently elaborated by Albert B. Lord. In this paper I propose to follow the opposite course, and inquire whether some of my findings regarding the verse-making techniques of the modern folksongs could be applied to the Homeric epics, and whether they could be made to cast some additional light on the making of ancient epic poetry. More specifically, in my study of formular and otherwise similar verses in the folksongs, I was able to distinguish five degrees of kinship, as it were, or of decreasing similarity, from identical formulas to sense units of similar type. Can a comparable scale of similarities be found in Homer, and, if it can, could it be used in modern discussions of ancient epic versification and composition, without further encumbering a terminology that is not always clear or generally agreed upon? The purpose of this exercise is not merely taxonomic; by using some basic concepts of structural linguistics as tools, I think we may perhaps come a little closer to understanding the verse-making process, which is a prerequisite for understanding Homer's manner of composition and, in the last analysis, his ‘creativity’ or even ‘originality’ vis à vis the tradition to which he belonged.
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Heath, Malcolm. "Greek Literature." Greece and Rome 62, no. 2 (September 10, 2015): 218–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001738351500008x.

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In the latest Cambridge Green and Yellow Homer, Angus Bowie tackles Odyssey 13–14, intent on ‘rescuing the reputation of these books’ (ix): a worthy project, to which he makes a significant contribution. He has good things to say on the dovetailing of the two parts of the epic, and provides illuminating analyses of some of the conversations in Book 14. He places particular stress on the major roles given to lower-status characters, in which he discerns ‘a new type of epic’ (16) – a phrase qualified by a cautious question mark. Caution is abandoned, however, when he goes on to say that ‘the ideology of the Odyssey…represents a parity of status of the rich and poor’ (22): the hyperbolic ‘parity’ distracts from a valid underlying point. As in his commentary on Herodotus 8 (G&R 56 [2009], 99), Bowie is generous in providing linguistic support. In this case, perhaps over-generous: is the attention paid to historical linguistics disproportionate to student needs? It is true that ‘if one has an idea of how linguistic forms and constructions came about, they are more comprehensible and so easier to learn and retain’ (ix); my own Greek teacher applied the principle to good effect – but less relentlessly, and with a lighter touch. (The introductory section on Homeric language has four subsections, the third of which has up to five nested sublevels: incorrect cross-references in the glossary under ‘grade’ and ‘laryngeal’ suggest that even Bowie struggled with this elaborate hierarchy.) Some points are forced. When the Phaeacians put Odysseus ashore asleep in a blanket, Bowie comments: ‘Od. is treated almost like a tiny child coming swaddled into the world for the first time; again, the idea of a new start is evoked’ (117): I am not a qualified midwife, but am fairly sure that babies do not come into the world ready-wrapped and slumbering soundly. In his note on 13.268 Bowie cites three passages in the Iliad in which ambush ‘is presented as a cowardly tactic’: one is about the use of distance weapons, not ambush (11.365–95), while the other two celebrate the target's victory without reference to the ambushers’ courage or lack of it (4.391–8, 6.188–90). Ambushes are hard to execute successfully, and therefore dangerous. That is why the best men are chosen for operations of this kind (6.188–90, 13.276–86), and why Achilles is not paying Agamemnon a compliment when he claims that he takes no part in them (1.227–8).
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Hoffman, David C. "Concerning Eikos: Social Expectation and Verisimilitude in Early Attic Rhetoric." Rhetorica 26, no. 1 (2008): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2008.26.1.1.

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Abstract This essay inquires into the meaning and usage of eikos, an important term in early Greek rhetorical theory. Based on a survey of 394 uses of the verb eoika (of which eikos is the neuter perfect participle) in texts ranging from Homer to Isocrates, it argues that the traditional translation of eikos as “probability” is in some ways misleading. Specifically, the essay proposes: 1) that “to be similar” is the core meaning of eoika, 2) that all other senses of eoika can be seen as extensions of the “similarity” sense, 3) that the “befittingness” sense of eikos continued to be of great importance in the early Attic orators, and 4) that the sense of eikos as that which is befitting or socially expected, and the sense of eikos as that which is verisimilar, work in tandem in the “profiling” strategy of some eikos arguments.
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de Jong, Irene. "Convention Versus Realism in the Homeric Epics." Mnemosyne 58, no. 1 (2005): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525053420815.

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AbstractThe Homeric epics are generally called realistic. The first part of this paper investigates what is meant by this label. It appears that there are in fact several forms of realism: historical, ontological, daily-life, and descriptive realism. In the second part it is shown that underneath this realistic surface many conventions lie hidden: highly stylized type-scenes form the basis of daily-life realism; the many speeches for which Homer is famous are possible because all the characters speak Greek and all the warriors on the Iliadic battle field know each other's name; the innumerable single fights of the Iliad are not the result of a special fighting method, but of the narrative convention of selective focus.
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Patel, P. G. "Barry B. Powell. Homer and the Origin of the Greek Alphabet. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1991. Pp. xxvi + 280. US$80.00 (hardcover)." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 39, no. 1 (March 1994): 74–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100014924.

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40

López Férez, Juan Antonio. "Sobre la presencia de éros en Eurípides." Nova Tellus 38, no. 1 (January 21, 2020): 41–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/iifl.nt.2020.38.1.0003.

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Érōs, érōtos, of the same root as éramai, recorded in Greek from Homer, with little presence in the Homeric poems, greatly increases the uses in the lyrical ones and is quite used by the tragic ones. Euripides picks it up on 79 occasions: 47, in preserved works, plus 32 in fragments. In this work I will only deal with the examples where it is related to the passion of love or to the god Eros, making a selection of the most relevant passages, translated into Spanish and accompanied by a commentary centered on the revised noun. In our language there is no complete study dedicated to this objective, so it could interest the tragic reader, both in relation to said god and in relation to the passion of love.
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41

Overduin, Floris. "Kim, L. 2010. Homer between History and Fiction in Imperial Greek Literature (Greek Culture in the Roman World). Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. xii, 246 pp. Pr. £55.00 (hb). ISBN 9780521194495." Mnemosyne 65, no. 4-5 (2012): 809–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852512x613843.

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42

Nikiforova, Viktoriia. "Conception of freedom in ancient world." Vìsnik Marìupolʹsʹkogo deržavnogo unìversitetu. Serìâ: Fìlologìâ 13, no. 23 (2020): 77–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-3055-2020-13-23-77-83.

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The aim of the study is to research the correspondence and difference of ancient Greek authors FREEDOM conception. The subject of the article is the investigation of freedom category interpretation by ancient Greek writers. The object of the study is the works of ancient Greek writers, poets, philosophers, concerned with major issues of freedom conception. The academic novelty of the investigation is as follows: the most significant definitions of FREEDOM by ancient Greek authors were researched and recapped. It was examined that humans’ freedom and their cognitive activity are the significant issues of the conception determination of freedom. The term FREEDOM is different for every person that is why we cannot insist categorically that one idea is right and the other is wrong. In this case the idea of freedom disappears. Some philosophers consider that initially no Greek word ΕΛΕΥΘΕΡΙΑ, no Latin LIBERTAS didn’t have philosophical meanings. Ancient Greeks believed that destiny, fate, necessity run humans. The idea of Freedom emerged in Ancient Greece. The ancient Greeks were first, who began to consider the issue of freedom both in the political and philosophic senses of the word. They tried to create the first state institutions defended human freedom. This concept had a lot of meanings in ancient times: the domination of intellect over emotions, conscience control, responsibility for actions, independency, and privilege for life, right to manipulate slaves. The idea of “being free” appeared much earlier than the conception of “freedom”. According to Homer to be free for person means to have an opportunity to live on your dear land. Particularly in Homer’s poems we are able to find the generation of the human right choice idea. Herodotus was the first scientist who formed the social meaning of the word FREEDOM. The definition of FREEDOM as philosophical term was used by sophists for the first time ever. According to Socrates FREEDOM is a self-control, physical instincts control. Plato in his turn considers that humans have a right of choice, but their freedom is not absolute. The analysis of the philosophical views and approaches concerning freedom conception in antiquity is conducted to prove that that freedom was the most significant value of ancient world. Ancient philosophers emphasized the polis freedom, internal and external freedom (stoics), freedom as self-control (Socrates), freedom as material independency (Plato), freedom as permissiveness (cynics), freedom as capacity for good. Ancient Greek and Modern Greek lexicographical sources show both analogies and differences of language objectification of FREEDOM conception. We consider appropriate to analyze these analogies and differences of various discourse’s types as the further prospective of this theme investigation.
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43

Mackridge, Peter. "(D.) Ricks The shade of Homer: a study in modem Greek poetry. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989. Pp. xi + 192. £25.00." Journal of Hellenic Studies 112 (November 1992): 225–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632222.

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44

Moula, Evangelia E., and Konstantinos D. Malafantis. "Homer’s Odyssey: from classical poetry to threshold graphic narratives for dual readership." Journal of Literary Education, no. 2 (December 6, 2019): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/jle.2.13779.

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This article’s focus is some unconventional adaptations of the Odyssey in graphic language, belonging to the threshold literary field and contextualized in different historical and cultural milieus. Since ancient Greek literature in general and Homer in particular, ceased to be considered as sacred scripts, they discarded the centuries-long formalistic and idealistic approach and served as a vehicle for criticism or as a mirror of each receiving culture’s present. The kind of relation established between each adaptation and its pre-text is defined by the inscribed meta-narratives in its body. The graphic adaptations under discussion, countercultural, demystifying or even subversive, participate in the so called “cross-audience phenomenon”, addressing a dual readership, both children and adults. They aim at undermining the heroic ethos, provoking skepticism and criticizing allusively the contemporary politics. They also trivialize the original by means of humorous, satiric or ironic imitation. This way they facilitate dialogue between past and present, by creating a contact zone within which pluralism is the major trait. Key words: The Odyssey, classics’ reception, comic book adaptations, threshold literature, pluralism
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Willcock, M. M. "Homer Odyssey. Books XIX and XX. Ed. R.B. Rutherford. (Cambridge Greek and Latin Classics.) Cambridge UP, 1992. Pp. xii + 248. £35 (£13.95 paper)." Journal of Hellenic Studies 114 (November 1994): 179–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632747.

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46

Koning, Hugo H. "S. Halliwell Between Ecstasy and Truth: Interpretations of Greek Poetics from Homer to Longinus. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011. Pp. xii + 419. £75. 9780199570560." Journal of Hellenic Studies 133 (2013): 186. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426913000335.

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47

Haubold, Johannes. "(M.) Carlisle and O. Levaniouk Eds. Nine Essays on Homer. (Greek Studies: Interdisciplinary Approaches). Lanham: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, 1999. Pp.xxii + 241. 0847694240. $38.25." Journal of Hellenic Studies 121 (November 2001): 181–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631843.

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48

Schironi, Francesca. "ΕΝ ΑΡΧΗΙ ΗΝ Ο ΛΟΓΟΣ: THE LONG JOURNEY OF GRAMMATICAL ANALOGY." Classical Quarterly 68, no. 2 (December 2018): 475–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000983881900017x.

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Grammar as a discipline devoted to the study of language was greatly advanced by the Alexandrian philologists, and especially by Aristarchus, as demonstrated by Stephanos Matthaios. In order to edit Homer and other literary authors, whose texts were often written in archaic Greek and presented many linguistic problems, the Alexandrians had to recognize linguistic grammatical categories and declensional patterns. In particular, to determine the correct orthography or accentuation of debated morphological forms they often employed analogy, which is generally defined as the doctrine that grammatical forms must follow strict rules of declension. Modern scholars have often opposed the Alexandrian doctrine of analogy to the Pergamene doctrine of ‘anomaly’, which favoured spoken usage to determine debated forms. Detlev Fehling and David Blank, however, have shown that this strong opposition never really existed and it is mostly due to Varro. More correctly, ancient grammarians identified inflectional rules as well as forms derived from spoken usage or otherwise aberrant forms—however, respect for spoken usage in the latter case was not labelled ‘anomaly’, which was never a technical term of ancient grammar. Rather, and especially in the Roman period, grammarians used the term ‘pathology’ to account for and explain irregular forms.
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Ruijgh, C. J. "Homer, Iliad Book XXIV, ed. by C. W. MACLEOD (Cambridge Greek and Latin Classics). Cambridge, University Press, 1982. IX, 161 p. Pr. £ 5.95 (paperback), £ 15.00 (hard cover)." Mnemosyne 38, no. 3-4 (1985): 398–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852585x00573.

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Papadopoulou, Thalia. "(R.) Scodel Credible Impossibilities. Conventions and Strategies of Verisimilitude in Homer and Greek Tragedy. Stuttgart and Leipzig: B.G. Teubner, 1999. Pp. 216. 3519076713. DM 88." Journal of Hellenic Studies 122 (November 2002): 166–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3246222.

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