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1
Burgtorf, Jochen. "The Military Orders and Women of the Nobility in the Crusader States." Ordines Militares Colloquia Torunensia Historica 28 (December 30, 2023): 7–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/om.2023.001.
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To assess the interaction between the military orders and women of the nobility in the Crusader states neither the narrative sources’ scattered anecdotes nor the normative texts’ stipulations pertaining to women are particularly useful or representative. Focusing on the kingdom of Jerusalem and, to a lesser extent, the principality of Antioch and the county of Tripoli in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, this article considers examples from the charter evidence to appreciate the impact of queens, princesses, countesses, and noble ladies on the history of Templars, Hospitallers, and Teutonic Knights. The first part highlights the significance of consent-giving; the second part takes a closer look at activities where ladies functioned as primary agents, namely, as issuers of charters; and the third part presents a case study of Lady Juliana of Caesarea ‒ a benefactress of both Hospitallers and Teutonic Knights in the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries ‒ whose husbands (despite their dominus/“lord” titles) only participated in the administration of her lordship iure uxoris (i.e., on the basis of Juliana’s legal title); who became a consoror (i.e., a “fellow sister”) and chose the Hospital of St. John as her final resting place; and whose second husband, Aymar of L’Ayron, later joined the Hospitallers and served as their conventual marshal during the Crusade against Damietta.
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Allen, David Frank. "St Francis De Sales and the Hospitaller Knights of St John of Jerusalem during the Catholic Reformation." Downside Review 123, no. 432 (July 2005): 170–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001258060512343203.
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Van Bueren, Truus. "Gegevens over enkele epitafen uit het Sint Jansklooster te Haarlem." Oud Holland - Quarterly for Dutch Art History 103, no. 3 (1989): 121–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187501789x00103.
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AbstractIn 1625 the Monastery of St. John's in Haarlem, which housed the local Order of the Knights of the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem (Hospitallers), was dissolved. The property, including a large collection of paintings, passed to the City of Haarlem, which claimed all the monasteries in the district of Haarlen as compensation for damage sustairted during the siege and rebellion against Spain. In the monastery's archives, now in the Haarlem Municipal Archives, memorial panels are menizoned fourteen times. Nine of thern occur in three inventories of 1573, one in a testament of 1574 and the rest in the Commander's accounts of 1572, 1573 and 1574. In the case of six of the thirteen items there is no description of the representation at all; one is simply said to depict a number of persons. Four of the six other items are Passion representations. Like The Last Judgment, such themes are in keeping with the functiort of a memorial panel. The description of one epitaph as 'in laudem artis musiccs' is not sufficiently clear to give an idea of the representation. More information is available as to the patrons or commemorated persons. All of them seem to have been members of the Order of St. John: four panels were memorials to commanders, three to ordinary hospitallers and one painting commemorated the founder of the monastery. All were priests. Nothing in the archives suggests that the church contained memorials to non-members of the order. This must nonetheless have been the case: a 'Liber- memoriarum' compiled in 1570 indicates that numerous memorial services were held for the laity, many of whom apparently chose St. John's as their last resting-place. It is thus highly likely that memorials for these worshippers were placed in the church. A 1572 inventory of St. John's Monastery makes no mention of memorial panels, probably because the contents of the church were not listed. After the monastery had been destroyed during the siege of Haarlem, three inventories were drawn up: one of the ruined monastery, one of the items - mainly paintings which were moved to Utrecht, and one of the property taken to the Sint Adriaansdoelen, the temporary home of the order after the destruction of the monastery. Only in these three inventories are epitaphs mentioned. The inventories of 1580 and 1606 were drawn up by order of the City, the claimant to the mortastery's propery. They make no mention of private possessions, not even those of the members of the Order. The 1625 inventory, drawn up after the death of the last inmate, only mentiorts the painting that was bought by the convent to be placed on the grave of its founder. Epitaphs which were not orderend by the convent were probably regarded as private property, and passed to the heirs prior to 1625. Exact dates cannot be ascertained. The author has identified two epitaphs and a painting coming from St. John's. It is not clear whether the small painting of Mary, her cousin Elizabeth and Commander Jan Willem Jansz. (1484-1514) (Staatliche Kunstsammlungen, Weimar) is (part of) an epitaph or a devotional painting (ill. 2). The 1572 inventory mentions a picture of Jan Willem. It is not described, but the painting in Weimar is a likely candidate because of its small size (72 x 50). The 1573 inventory of the property in the Adriaansdoelen lists a wing of the epitaph of 'Heer Jan', but again, the representation is not described. The 17thcentury genealogist Opt Straeten van der Moelen described the four family coats of arms on the painting, but said nothing about the representation or where he saw it. It was possible to identify the Hospitaller in the Weimar work because of the armorial shield hanging on a tree behind the kneeling figure. The arms correspond with what Opt Straeten van der Moelen described as the arms of the Hospitaller's father, and with a wax impression of Jan Willem Jansz.'s arms (ill. 1) on a document of 1494, now in the Haarlem Municipal Archive. The date and painter of the picture are not known. In the series of portraits of the Commanders of St. John's Monastery in Haarlem (Frans Hals Museum) is a second portrait of Jan Willem. In this, the seventeenth portrait in the series (ill. 3), he is grey-haired, in contrast to the Weimar painting, in which he is depicted with black hair. Jan Willem Jansz. was born in about 1450. In 1484 he was elected Commander of the order, a function which he held until his death in 1514. The Bowes Museum, Durham, owns a triptych of an Entombment (ills. 4 and 5). On the middle panel is a kneeling Knight Hospitaller; on each of the side panels are four persons, arranged in pairs. One of them, on the right wing, is another member of the Order. Coats of arms can be seen on the prie-dieu's behind which three of the four couples kneel, and on the back of the panels (ill. 6). Comparison of these arms with the one on the seal of Philips van Hogesteyn, Commander of the Order frorn 1571 to 1574, suggests that this is his epitaph (ill. 7). The memorial panel is mentioned in the 1573 inventory of property in the Adriaansdoelen. In 1570, before becoming prior of the monastery, Philips had a 'Liber memoriarum' compiled which contained the names of his grandparents and parents. His grandmother came from the Van Arkel family, whose arms bore two opposing embattled bars. This coal of arms facilitated identification of the couples on the left wing. The grandparents are kneeling behind the last prie-dieu - the Van Arkel arms are on the heraldic left of the shield. In front of them are Philips van Hogesteyn's parents. It is harder to establish the identity of the people on the right wing, but the couple kneeling behind the prie-dieu are very likely Philips' brother and sister-in-law. The woman behind them could be his sister. The brother and sister are mentioned in his will, which he made in 1568. However, it is not clear who the Hospitaller on this panel is. It could be an unknown member of the family, but it is also possible that Philips van Hogesteyn was depicted in the triplych twice, first simply as a member of the family on one wing and again, later on in life, on the middle panel as the most important patron. Besides this painted epitaph, an elegy on Philips van Hogesteyn, written bij Cornelys Schonaeus, headmaster of the Latin school in Haarlem, has been preserved. This poem only mentions the effigy of the late Philips in front of the 'worthy reader' - not a word about his family. The 1572 inventory lists two separate portraits of Philips. It is not known where he was buried, nor has it been possible to establish whether his epitaph, with or without the elegy, or a portrait plus an elegy were ever placed on his grave. The painter is not mentioned by name anywhere either. Philips van Hogesteyn took holy orders in 1553. Assuming that he was 17 years old when he joined the Order of St. John, he would have entered the monastery in 1544. If this assumption is correct and he is portrayed twice on the triplych, it could have been painted any time from 1544 on. The reason for the commission must remain unanswered. In the Catharijneconvent Museum in Utrechl is a triptych with a Crucifixion. On the left wing is a kneeling man in a chasuble and stole, and on the right wing a Hospitaller (ill. 8). Today the outsides of the panels are empty. In the catalogue of an exhibition of North-Netherlandish painting and sculpture before 1575, held in 1913, however, the vestiges of the armorial shields -- four on each panel - are mentioned. Apparently this is an epitaph for a member of the Oem van Wijngaarden family, brought to Utrecht in 1573. The Hospitaller is Tieleman Oem van Wijngaarden, who was living in St. John's Monastery in Haarlem at the beginning of the 16th century and died in 1518 person on the right-hand panel appears to be Dirk van Raaphorst -- also known as Dirk van Noordwijk. The Utrecht triptych is identified here as the Van Wijngaarden epitaph from St. John's Monastery despite the fact that the description of shield I on the right-hand panel does not point towards the Oem van Wijngaarden family. Thanks to the fourth shield on the same panel, still in fairly good condition in 1913, it was possible, by dint of invenstigating Tieleman's family, to establish him as the person portrayed on the right-hand panel (see Appendix II). Dirk van Raaphorst of Noordwijk was a canon of St. Pancras' Church in Leiden. He probably owed the name 'van Raaphorst of Noordwijk' to the fact that he was called after his maternal grandfather. For the same reason, the armorial shields on the back of the lefthand panel are not arranged in the usual manner but inverted, i being the mother's arms, II the father's (see also Appendix III). Dirk van Noordwijk was a nephew of Tieleman Oem van Wijngaarden (see Appendix IV). He died in 1502. In 15 18 Tieleman was buried in the same grave in the church of St. John's Monastery. This memorial panel, too, prompts several questions. It is not clear why distant relatives, whose deaths moreover were sixteen years apart, were commemorated on the same panel. Neither the painter nor the dale of the triptych is known. However, perhaps the source of Tieleman's portrait can be established (fig.9). The features in this portrait bear a marked resemblance to those in the portrait of the Hospitaller on the Van Wijngaarden epitaph in Utrecht. Despite publications on individual North-Netherlandish memorial panels, no scholarly examination of the total number of known pieces has yet been initiated. The author is preparing such an examination, which may yield more insight into the customs pertaining to the corramemoration of the dead and the place accupied by memorial panels.
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Karski, Karol. "The International Legal Status of the Sovereign Military Hospitaller Order of St. John of Jerusalem of Rhodes and of Malta." International Community Law Review 14, no. 1 (2012): 19–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187197312x617674.
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Abstract The Order of Malta is an entity which established its own states on Rhodes (1310–1522) and Malta (1530–1798). Since 1834, it has been located in Rome. Today, the Order is universally regarded as a subject of international law. The Order exercises right of legation and ius contrahendi. It still is not a primary, i.e., sovereign, subject of international law. Paradoxically, it is its distinguishing feature, i.e., being a religious order that prevents it from being genuinely sovereign. Sovereignty means independence from any external power. In the case of any order of the Roman Catholic Church, this is absolutely impossible. The Order’s Grand Master can be elected only from among religious in terms of canon law who have made vows of poverty, chastity and obedience and is fully subordinate to the Pope. Yet the Order undoubtedly is a secondary subject of international law whose status is determined by its recognition by primary subjects.
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Dziuba, Andrzej F. "Sovereign Military Hospitaller Order of St. John of Jerusalem of Rhodes and of Malta, 900 Years of the „Pie Postulatio Voluntatis”: Stimulus for a Renewal." Annales Canonici 12 (November 30, 2016): 202. http://dx.doi.org/10.15633/acan.1830.
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Starnawska, Maria. "Die Johanniter und die weiblichen Orden in Schlesien im Mittelalter." Ordines Militares Colloquia Torunensia Historica 27 (December 30, 2022): 161–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/om.2022.006.
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The Hospitallers of St. John and the female orders in Silesia in the Middle Ages The networks of the houses of the Hospitallers and of the female monastic orders in Silesia were similar (about 14 houses of the Hospitallers and 13 monasteries of nuns). There were many differences between these groups of clergy, too. The monasteries of nuns belong to various orders (e.g., Benedictines, Cistercian Nuns, Poor Clares, Dominican sisters, Sisters of St. Mary Magdalene, and the Canons of St. Augustine). Moreover, some houses of Beguines were active in medieval Silesia, too. The number of nuns is estimated to have been about 600, as opposed to the number of Hospitallers, which is estimated to have been about 200. The nuns were enclosed, while the Hospitallers were active in the pastoral care. The relations betwee both groups were not very intense. The priests from the Order of St. John were the chaplains and confessors of the nuns, or they coudl serve as the protectors of the property of the female monesteries (e.g., the Benedictines in Strzegom and the Beguines in Głubczyce). The Hospitallers, in return, asked the nuns for intercessory prayers in the time of the crisises, especially on the Isle of Rhodes. They also had contacts with the individual nuns, who were in some cases their relatives or neighbors. These relations were a sign of the absorption the Order of St. John by the local society.
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LUTTRELL, Anthony. "Το Βυζάντιο και οι Ιωαννίτες Ιππότες της Ρόδου (1306-1409)." BYZANTINA SYMMEIKTA 11 (September 29, 1997): 189. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/byzsym.829.
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<p>Anthony Luttrell</p><p> The Hospitallers of Rhodes and Byzantium (1306-1409)</p><p> </p><p>The Hospital of Saint John of Jerusalem constituted a Latin military order composed of professed religious who took vows of poverty, chastity and obedience, and who were devoted to a holy war against the infidel. In 1306 they occupied Rhodes and provided its Greek inhabitants with reasonable security, prosperity and a degree of religious freedom. Rhodes became a base for attacks on the neighbouring Turkish emirates and, after about 1358, for more distant campaigns against the Ottomans in mainland Greece and elsewhere. From about 1390 to 1409 the Hospitallers collaborated with Byzantine rulers, especially in the years after 1396 when they defended Corinth and the Despotate of the Morea against the Turks. Thereafter contacts between Rhodes and Constantinople became infrequent.</p>
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Dilley, Joanna. "St John Eye Hospital, Jerusalem: an optometrist's experience." International Journal of Ophthalmic Practice 4, no. 6 (December 18, 2013): 246–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.12968/ijop.2013.4.6.246.
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Hakkenberg, Michael A., and Johanna Maria van Winter. "Sources Concerning the Hospitallers of St. John in the Netherlands, 14th-18th Centuries." Sixteenth Century Journal 32, no. 2 (2001): 476. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2671759.
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Barquero Goñi, Carlos. "Transferencias de recursos de la Orden de San Juan desde España hasta el Mediterráneo Oriental durante la Edad Media = Transfer of Resources of The Order of Saint John from Spain to the Eastern Mediterranean during the Middle Ages." Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie III, Historia Medieval, no. 31 (May 11, 2018): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfiii.31.2018.21322.
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La Orden Militar de San Juan envió grandes cantidades de dinero desde España hasta el Mediterráneo Oriental durante la Edad Media. No fueron grandes sumas durante los siglos XII y XIII. Sin embargo, aumentaron mucho en los siglos XIV y XV. Los hospitalarios aragoneses, catalanes y navarros fueron los que más dinero pagaban. En cambio, los hospitalarios castellanos y portugueses dieron menos. La Orden de San Juan envió no sólo dinero sino también caballos, trigo y armas. Los reyes españoles a veces no permitieron que los hospitalarios enviaran las transferencias desde la Península Ibérica al Oriente Latino.The Military Order of Saint John sent large amounts of money from Spain to the Eastern Mediterranean during the Middle Ages. They did not amount to large sums during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. However, they increased greatly in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The Aragonese, Catalonian and Navarrese Hospitallers were the ones that paid the most money. In contrast, the Castilian and Portuguese Hospitallers gave less. The Order of St. John sent not only money but also horses, wheat and arms.
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Luttrell, Anthony. "I The Hospitallers' Western Accounts, 1373/4 and 1374/5." Camden Fourth Series 39 (July 1990): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006869050000458x.
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The military order of the Hospital of Saint John of Jerusalem had a Treasurer from the time of its early years in the mid-twelfth century; by 1268 he was employing two scribes at the Convent, the order's headquarters in Syria. A statute of 1283 provided for a monthly computum or audit to be held by the Master and a group of senior brethren. Fr Joseph Chauncey, who was Treasurer for some twentyfive years, was so competent that Edward I made him Treasurer of England in 1273. At Rhodes during the fourteenth century the Treasury apparently kept no budget showing the overall state of the Hospital's finances, though by about 1478 there was a lengthy list of the incomes of the Western priories and commanderies, of receipts from Rhodes and Cyprus, and of the Convent's expenses in the East. The dues or responsiones from the rich Commandery of Cyprus were received by the Treasurer at Rhodes and the Master issued a quittance for them. The Master had separate incomes of his own, and by 1365 these were being managed by the Seneschal of his household; the Master gave a receipt for them.
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Dickinson, Ruth. "An undergraduate placement at the St John Eye Hospital, Jerusalem." British Journal of Nursing 26, no. 11 (June 8, 2017): 612–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.12968/bjon.2017.26.11.612.
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O'shea, John G. "The St John Ophthalmic Hospital: A medical ambassador in Jerusalem." Eye 13, no. 2 (March 1999): 270–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/eye.1999.71.
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Herwaarden, J. van. "J.M. van Winter, Sources concerning the hospitallers of St. John in the Netherlands 14th-18th centuries." BMGN - Low Countries Historical Review 114, no. 4 (January 1, 1999): 563. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/bmgn-lchr.5083.
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Banayot, Riyad. "Open-globe injuries in Palestine: epidemiology and factors associated with profound visual loss at St. John Eye Hospital, Jerusalem Riyad Banayot St. John Eye Hospital, Jerusalem, Palestine." Ophthalmology Journal 6 (January 25, 2021): 165–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.5603/oj.2021.0031.
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BUTTIGIEG, EMANUEL. "KNIGHTS, JESUITS, CARNIVAL, AND THE INQUISITION IN SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY MALTA." Historical Journal 55, no. 3 (July 2012): 571–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x12000180.
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AbstractBetween 1530 and 1798, Malta, the southernmost tip of Catholic Europe, was home to the military-religious Order of St John (of Malta). This organization traced its origins to the years just before the beginning of the crusades in late eleventh-century Palestine. From Malta, the Order sought to keep up its dual mission of hospitality (hence the appellative of hospitallers) and fighting the infidel Muslim at sea. From 1592 to 1768 the Society of Jesus was present in this Catholic outpost from where it supported the mission of the Order and sought to remould hospitaller piety. The relationship between these two organizations had ramifications that spread beyond tiny Malta, both because of the issues that arose between them, as well as because of the international composition of the Order and the Society. The Carnival of 1639 proved to be a defining moment in this relationship; though generally passed over as a ‘temporary disturbance’ this article emphasizes that it was more than this by looking at the dynamics of the links between hospitallers, Jesuits, the Inquisition, and Carnival. This article is based on a wider range of sources than previous studies, which will help to bring out the nuances of the subject under investigation.
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Hamilton, Bernard. "The Order of St John of Jerusalem at Malta and its Treasures." Nottingham Medieval Studies 35 (January 1991): 161–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.nms.3.199.
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Claesson, M. "Corneal grafts at St John Eye Hospital, Jerusalem, January 2001-November 2002." British Journal of Ophthalmology 88, no. 7 (July 1, 2004): 858–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bjo.2003.035758.
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Sorsbie, Christine M. "An orthoptist’s view of St John Ophthalmic Hospital, Jerusalem before and during the Intifada." Journal of The Royal Naval Medical Service 77, no. 1 (March 1991): 17–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/jrnms-77-17.
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Edgington, Susan B. "Administrative Regulations for the Hospital of St John in Jerusalem dating from the 1180s." Crusades 4, no. 1 (December 31, 2005): 21–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/28327861.2005.12220417.
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Freller, Thomas. ""Adversus Infideles": Some Notes On the Cavalier's Tour, the Fleet of the Order of St. John, and the Maltese Corsairs." Journal of Early Modern History 4, no. 3-4 (2000): 405–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006500x00060.
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AbstractOriginally a charitable monastic institution devoted to the care of Christian pilgrims in the Holy Land, the Hospitallers of St. John became a military order during the twelfth century. The arrival of the Order of St. John in Malta in 1530 brought this island to the attention of European leaders and their subjects; indeed, the number of visitors who wrote about their sojourns on the island in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries is remarkable. At this time private military tours to Malta came to be integrated into what was called the Cavalier's Tour. The famous caravans of the fleet of the Order of St. John played a special role in this development, since participation in the caravans-usually involving naval engagements against the infidel-was considered an integral part of a gentleman's education. The survival of the chivalric Order of St. John seems to testify to the spiritual and cultural continuity of the Crusades up through the period of the Counter Reformation. But closer examination of individual European travelers suggests a rather pragmatic and quite "tolerant" approach to the foreign world. This essay concentratcs on Northern European sources, as it was mainly the Northerners who made the Cavalier's Tour a regular ritual, often entailing the compilation of a detailed travel diary. The accounts of the travelers from Prussia, the Scandinavian countries and central and south Germany show that both Catholics and Protestants alike came to Malta, mainly for reasons of fame, career and the acquisition of military and nautical experience. By the middle of the eighteenth century the Order and its fleet had degenerated to an ornamental show. This decline coincided with the end of the phenomenon dealt with here. In the so-called "Grand Tour" of the second half of the eighteenth century-mostly undertaken by rich Englishmen-there was no space for a trip "adversus infideles." This new type of tour was meant for private pleasure and cultural education. The Ottoman empire was no longer seen as a threat. In contrast to the old emnity, there was a new vogue for things "oriental." The island of Malta and the state of the Knights became an object of curiosity and romantic chivalry.
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SINCLAIR. "THE ANGLO-NORMAN MIRACLES OF THE FOUNDATION OF THE HOSPITAL OF ST JOHN IN JERUSALEM." Medium Ævum 55, no. 1 (1986): 102. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/43628954.
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Frøyshov, Stig Simeon R., Aleksandra Nikiforova, and Natalia Smelova. "Byzantine Influence before Byzantinisation: The Tropologion Sinai Greek NE ΜΓ 56+5 Compared with the Georgian and Syriac Melkite Versions." Religions 14, no. 11 (October 27, 2023): 1363. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14111363.
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The article examines a selection of hymns of potentially Byzantine origin in the eighth-to-tenth-century manuscripts of the New Tropologion, which was the hymnal of the Anastasis cathedral of Jerusalem and in churches that followed its rite. Such adoption in the rite of Jerusalem represented a Byzantine influence before the wave of liturgical Byzantinisation that started in the late ninth and tenth centuries. For the first time, three versions of the New Tropologion are studied together: the Greek original and the Syriac and Georgian translations. The Greek Tropologion Sinai MS NE MΓ 56+5 is the primary material, compared with Sinai MS Syriac 48 and several Georgian New Iadgari manuscripts from Sinai. The study identifies one certain Byzantine element in the New Tropologion: parts of the feast of St. John Chrysostom, archbishop of Constantinople, and several probable Byzantine elements: the interpolation of the second ode in three canons by Kosmas of Jerusalem and one by John, and parts of the stichera series Aἱ ἀγγελικαὶ προπορεύεσθε δυνάμεις attributed to Romanos the Melodist. By contrast, the interpolated ode 1 in Kosmas’ canon for Great Saturday seems to be of Palestinian origin, and therefore not a Byzantine loan, contrary to traditional views. The article shows that there is considerable variation between the different versions of the New Tropologion.
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Fagone, Mario, Tommaso Rotunno, and Silvia Briccoli Bati. "The Groin Vaults of St. John Hospital in Jerusalem: An Experimental Analysis on a Scale Model." International Journal of Architectural Heritage 10, no. 7 (March 4, 2016): 903–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15583058.2016.1158331.
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Lange, Tadeusz W. "Nieco nowego światła na niektóre z najstarszych dokumentów placówki joannitów w Poznaniu." Przegląd Archiwalno-Historyczny 8 (December 2021): 183–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2391-890xpah.21.009.15314.
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Digitalizacja średniowiecznych dyplomów znajdujących się w posiadaniu Biblioteki Litewskiej Akademii Nauk im. Wróblewskich (dawnej Państwowej Biblioteki im. Eustachego i Emili Wróblewskich w W ilnie) i udostępnienie ich badaczom w kolorze i wysokiej rozdzielczości pozwalają na weryfikację dotychczasowych wyników badań dotyczących niektórych z najstarszych dokumentów poznańskiej komandorii joannitów, konkretnie dyplomów o nr. 104, 117 i w pewnym stopniu 213 z Kodeksu Dyplomatycznego Wielkopolski, T 1. Shedding new light on some of the oldest documents from the monastery of the Knights of the Order of St John of Jerusalem in Poznań The digitization of medieval diplomas that are the property of the Wróblewski Library at the Lithuanian Academy of Sciences (formerly the Eustachy and Emilia Wróblewscy State Library in Vilnius) and sharing them with scholars in color and high resolution has enabled the verification of previous findings regarding some of the oldest documents of the Poznań commandery of the Knights of the Order of St John — namely, diplomas no. 104 and 117, and to some degree diploma no. 213, from the Greater Poland Diplomatic Code, vol. 1.
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Reedy, William T. "The Cartulary of the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem in England, Secunda Camera: Essex. Michael Gervers." Speculum 60, no. 4 (October 1985): 979–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2853752.
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Banayot, Riyad, Yahya Swaiti, and Islam Al-hashash. "Acute ocular chemical injury: a descriptive assessment and management review at St. John Eye Hospital, Jerusalem, Palestine." Ophthalmology Journal 6 (January 25, 2021): 171–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5603/oj.2021.0032.
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Szçzepanowska, Hanna, and Elisabeth West FitzHugh. "Fourteenth-century documents of the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem: analysis of inks, parchment and seals." Paper Conservator 23, no. 1 (January 1999): 36–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03094227.1999.9638615.
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Jávor, Anna. "Die "Taufe Christi" im Werk von Johann Lucas Kracker." Opuscula historiae artium, no. 1-2 (2022): 94–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/oha2022-1-2-8.
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In recent years, the set of drawings by Johann Lucas Kracker (1719–1779) has been enlarged with 12 pieces. The sheets preserved in the museum of Debrecen include a sketch showing the baptism of Christ in the Jordan. It is the first variant of the high altar of the Premonstratensian abbey in Jasov. Two exquisite painted oil sketches for the enormous picture of the high altar signed in 1762 (Košice / Jasov, Bratislava, Slovak National Gallery) have long been known. The drawing is a far simpler composition with few figures, reminiscently of Daniel Gran's painting for the high altar of Vienna's church of the Brothers Hospitallers (1736). The painted sketches were extended with genre figures from the motivic set of Paul Troger (1698–1762) and with the large angel holding a drapery behind Jesus. Kracker painted another two reduced versions on the basis of the sketches: for a side altar in the remonstratensian church in Nová Říše and a small mural for the church of Rancířov (1763). To the picture of the high altar in Jasov a monumental fresco cycle belongs narrating the legend of John the Baptist; their epic character suggests the inspiration of the Gospels according to Matthew, Mark and Luke, while the drawn sketch was presumably inspired by St John's Gospel. The commission was given by abbot Andreas Sauberer (1700–1779).
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Каширина, Варвара Викторовна. "The Lavra of St. Sabbas the Sanctified in Jerusalem in the Memoirs of Russian Pilgrims of the XIX Century." Theological Herald, no. 1(40) (March 15, 2021): 228–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/gb.2021.40.1.012.
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При воссоздании духовной истории Палестины важное значение имеет комплексное изучение паломнической литературы. Цель настоящей статьи - проанализировать воспоминания паломников XIX в. о Лавре св. Саввы Освященного не только как литературные произведения, но и как важные источники по истории палестинского подвижничества. Методология исследования базируется на комплексном применении традиционных научных методов: источниковедческого, историко-логического и сравнительно-исторического. В статье по воспоминаниям паломников XIX в. реконструирован уклад монашеской жизни савваитов, рассказано о духовном облике настоятеля Лавры игумена Иоасафа. В отдельных разделах проанализировано влияние рукописного наследия Лавры на литературное наследие членов Русской духовной миссии, известных русских богословов XIX в. свт. Феофана Затворника и архимандрита Леонида (Кавелина). Lavra of St. Sava the Sanctified was founded by Saint Sava in the end of the fifth century. Monastery located in the Judean desert, in the valley of Cedron. In the monastery lived many hermits, among them St. John of Damascus, Church hymnography, author of the well-known Church hymns. The historical and spiritual significance of the Lavra of St. Sava the Consecrated for Palestine was precisely determined by A. N. Muravyov in «Letters from the East», comparing it with the Lavra of St. Sergius. Therefore, the memoirs of pilgrims can be considered not only as literary works, but also as an important historical source on the history of Palestinian asceticism in the XIX century. The research methodology is based on the complex application of traditional scientific methods: source-based, historical-logical and comparative-historical. In this article, based on the memoirs of pilgrims of the XIX century, the way of monastic life of the savaites is reconstructed, and the spiritual appearance of the Abbot of the Lavra, Abbot Joasaph, is described. Russian Russian spiritual mission members, famous Russian theologians of the XIX century, Saint Theophan the Recluse and Archimandrite Leonid (Kavelin) are analyzed in separate sections for their influence on the literary heritage of the Lavra.
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GOODRICH, RICHARD J. "Vir Maxime Catholicus: Sulpicius Severus' Use and Abuse of Jerome in the Dialogi." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 58, no. 2 (March 28, 2007): 189–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046906008931.
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This article examines Sulpicius Severus' use of the image of St Jerome in his Dialogi, a work intended to defend Sulpicius' earlier Vita Martini, as well as to censure the low standards of the Gallic clergy and ascetics. Sulpicius, by misrepresenting the contents of Jerome's epistle xxii, was able to offer an indirect critique of his compatriots. Moreover he played to a secondary pro-Rufinian audience by reworking Rufinus' arguments and casting them in Jerome's face. These included such sore points as the reception of Jerome's epistle xxii, his volte-face on the question of Origen and his excommunication by John of Jerusalem. This use of figured speech adds another dimension to this text, one which suggests that Sulpicius was not as friendly towards Jerome as has previously been thought.
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Coppack, Glyn. "Excavations at the Priory of the Order of the Hospital of St John of Jerusalem, Clerkenwell, London. By BarneySloaneand GordonMalcolm." Archaeological Journal 162, no. 1 (January 2005): 353. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00665983.2005.11020652.
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Milani, Gabriele, Marco Valente, Mario Fagone, Tommaso Rotunno, and Claudio Alessandri. "Advanced non-linear numerical modeling of masonry groin vaults of major historical importance: St John Hospital case study in Jerusalem." Engineering Structures 194 (September 2019): 458–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.engstruct.2019.05.021.
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Łobodzińska, Patrycja. "Crucifixus dolorosus z kościoła Bożego Ciała we Wrocławiu." Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Sklodowska, sectio L – Artes 15, no. 1 (December 8, 2017): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/l.2017.15.1.7.
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<p>Krucyfiks z kościoła Bożego Ciała we Wrocławiu, należącego niegdyś do zakonu joannitów, znajduje się dziś w Muzeum Narodowym w Warszawie. Rzeźba jest różnie datowana przez badaczy, od drugiej do czwartej ćwierci XIV wieku. Dokładny opis formalno-stylistyczny figury z kościoła Bożego Ciała pozwala na uchwycenie właściwości wizualnych, które częściowo potwierdzają postulowaną przez badaczy łączność z czternastowiecznym nurtem c<em>rucifixi dolorosi.</em>Bliskie formalnie rozwiązania sylwetki Ukrzyżowanego pochodzą z różnych terenów europejskich, jednocześnie jednak dzieło wrocławskie jawi się jako osobne na tle przywołanej grupy rzeźb pod względem stopnia wyniszczenia ciała, silnego przechylenia korpusu w prawą stronę, mocnego podkurczenia nóg i poszczególnych detali rzeźbiarskich. Figura wrocławska nawiązuje do zgeometryzowanych form znanych z krucyfiksów bolesnych z pierwszej połowy XIV wieku i jednocześnie w miękkości wygięcia torsu, w płynności kształtów żeber dostrzec można antycypację stylu pięknego. Zestawienie krucyfiksu z kościoła Bożego Ciała z wybranymi przykładami czternastowiecznej rzeźby śląskiej także wyklucza związki formalno-stylistyczne oraz warsztatowe. Jego wyraz ideowy, pokrewny Piecie z Lubiąża, łączy się ze specyficzną dla drugiej połowy XIII i całego XIV wieku pobożnością, zorientowaną na rozpatrywanie Męki Pańskiej i indywidualne przeżycie religijne. Choć poszczególne detale rzeźbiarskie właściwie figurze z kościoła joannitów, można łączyć z niektórymi wrocławskimi krucyfiksami, tak ekspresyjne ujęcie ciała nie znajduje sobie równych.</p><p>SUMMARY</p><p>The crucifi x from the Corpus Christi church in Wroclaw, which (the church) used to belong to the Hospitallers of St. John of God, is now the property of the National Museum in Warsaw. According to the art theorists, the sculpture is dated from the second to the fourth quarter of the fourteenth century. The detailed, formal and stylistic description of the sculpture from the Corpus Christi church enables the rendering of visual properties which partially confi rm the suggested connection between this fi gure and the fourteenth-century trend in sculpture known as crucifi xi dolorosi. The formally related structural solutions of the silhouette of the Crucifi ed come from different parts of Europe; at the same time, however, the sculpture from Wrocław seems to stand out as compared with the sculptures in question as regards the destroyed body of Christ, the strong inclination of His torso to the right, the squatted legs and particular sculptural details. The fi gure from the church in Wrocław refers to geometrized forms known from crucifi xi dolorosi of the fi rst half of the fourteenth century; at the same time the softness of the curved torso and the smoothness of the ribs anticipate the emergence of the beau style. The comparison of the crucifi x from the Corpus-Christi church with the selected examples of fourteenth- century Silesian sculptures also excludes formal-stylistic and technical connections. Its ideological meaning is close to the Pietà of Lubiąż (Leubus) and is associated with the specifi c type of devotion – typical of the second part of the thirteenth and the whole fourteenth century – oriented towards considering the Passion of Christ, and towards individual religious experiences. Although individual sculptural details characteristic of the Hospitallers of St. John church can be linked with some other Wrocław crucifi xes, the presentation of the body in such an expressive manner is unmatchable.</p>
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Storozhuk, S. S. "NATURAL AND CULTURAL FEATURES OF THE CITY OF OHRID, NORTH MACEDONIA." Regional problems of architecture and urban planning, no. 17 (October 17, 2023): 34–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31650/2707-403x-2023-17-34-40.
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The article examines the natural and cultural features of the city of Ohrid. North Macedonia is unique for its natural features, located in the north and west in the Vardar River valley. In the southwest are the large Lake Ohrid and Prespa, partly belonging to North Macedonia, and in the southeast is the large Lake Dojran. Lake Ohrid is the deepest and oldest lake on the Balkan Peninsula, on the eastern shore of which the city of Ohrid is located. In 1980, Ohrid and Lake Ohrid were included in the list of UNESCO World Heritage Sites. The city of Ohrid is a tourist city that is a jewel of Macedonia and is famous for having once had 365 churches and was called the "Jerusalem of the Balkans" or "Slavic Jerusalem". Of the 365 original churches, only 70 have survived, for their unique heritage values (natural and cultural), it was the oldest and most complete architectural ensemble in the southeastern part of Europe, which deserved one of the places of honor in the list of UNESCO heritage pearls. This town with a population of only 60 thousand is an inexhaustible potential site for excavations and art history research. Ohrid – one of the oldest European settlements, was founded in ancient times (II – III century BC) and was called Lihnidos – the city of light. As a result of the conquests and control of Alexander the Great, the Roman Empire, the Byzantine Empire and the Ottoman Empire, Macedonia has a significant ethno-cultural diversity, which has preserved a rich cultural heritage. The most famous sights of architecture in Ohrid are: the ancient amphitheater of the times of the Macedonian kingdom; Plaošnik hill with the Church of St. Panteleimon (XXI century); a fortress built by Tsar Samuil during the Bulgarian Empire; 70 churches, the most famous are the Church of St. Sophia, the Church of St. John Kaneo, etc.
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Goncharova, N. N. "THE COMPOSITION OF ANTON CHEKHOVʼs “THE STEPPE” AND THE ARCHITECTURE OF THE CATHEDRAL OF ST BASIL THE BLESSED." Bulletin of Udmurt University. Series History and Philology 32, no. 2 (April 29, 2022): 326–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2412-9534-2022-32-2-326-334.
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The composition of “The Steppe” is considered within the linguo-semiotic approach, first, as a metaphor for the architecture of the Cathedral of St Basil; second, as a metaphor for the historical process, with the idea of Moscow as the Third Rome and the New Israel emphasized. The connection between the chapters and the deities and saints to whom the churches of the cathedral are dedicated is shown. The Church of St Nicholas of N. can be correlated with the southern Side-church of St Nicholas Velikoretsky. Chapter 2 mentions Alexander I of Russia. In Chapter 3 allusions to the story of Abrahamʼs hospitality are found. Panteley, Emelyan, and Vasya parody the three holy hierarchs; the gentleman and lady from the church parody St Cyprian and Justina. St Gregory of Armenia is referred to by mentioning Armenian settlements. Chapter 7 describes the entry of the waggons into the city. Chapter 8 contains allusions to the life and а posthumous miracle of St Barlaam of Khutyn. Analogies are drawn with the Book of Amos, after whom Alexander Svirsky was named. The journey takes place in the opposite direction to the movement of the sun, with which the Church of the Intercession of Our Lady is identified, and in terms of its duration corresponds to Godʼs creation. The historical process is limited by the events described in the Book of Genesis and the Revelation of St John the Divine. Classical antiquity is represented by Deniska, the Old Testament period by Moisei Moiseichʼs family, the period of religious syncretism by the drivers, the New Testament period by Konstantin Zvonyk. Going round the cathedral is an allusion to the story of the fall of Jericho and Jesusʼs words about the destruction of the Temple of Jerusalem.
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Clark, Elaine. "The Cartulary of the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem in England, Part 2, edited by Michael GerversThe Cartulary of the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem in England, Part 2, edited by Michael Gervers. Don Mills, Ontario, Oxford University Press, 1996. cxii, 324 pp. $150.00." Canadian Journal of History 32, no. 2 (August 1997): 246–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.32.2.246.
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Joffé, E. G. H. "Relations between Libya, Tunisia and Malta up to the British Occupation of Malta." Libyan Studies 21 (1990): 65–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900001485.
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AbstractThe conventional view is that Malta has been on the ‘forgotten frontier’ of Christian maritime resistance to Islamic expansionism since the Islamic invasions of North Africa in the seventh century. The limited archival and archeological evidence suggests that, up to the arrival of the Order of the Knights of St John of Jerusalem in Malta in 1530, this picture is not accurate. The Islamic occupation of the Maltese archipelago in 870 created a cosmopolitan Muslim society which persisted until the mid-thirteenth century, despite the Norman conquest of the region in 1090. Indeed, the formal end of Muslim society in Malta only came in 1224, as a side-result of the Hohenstauffen suppression of a Muslim rebellion in Sicily.Even under the Order of St John contacts with the Muslim world were far closer than is conventionally supposed. The Grand Master of the Order maintained close contacts with the Qaramanlis in Tripoli and the Beys of Tunis during the eighteenth century, despite the continuation of the corso. In reality, contacts had always existed and had been recognised as essential by the Holy See because Malta could not sustain its population once it had exceeded 10,000 persons. Sicily, the obvious source of supply, often exerted undesirable political pressure and the Barbary coast was the only other alternative. The main legacy of the close contacts between Malta and the North African Muslim world, however, is to be found, even today, in the Maltese language, which is really a Medieval variant of North African Arabic.
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Sawicki, Doroteusz. "Krótka historia Prawosławnego Autonomicznego Kościoła Świętej Góry Synaj." Elpis 12 (2010): 365–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/elpis.2010.12.18.
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The Holy mountain Sinai was known and venerated in the Old Testament. On this mountain, moses saw God in the form of a burning bush and heard His name – Jahwe (I am, who I am). When returning from bondage in Egypt, moses received the ten commandments on stone tablets and instructed Israel. also, the Prophet Elijah hid himself from the wrath of Queen Isabel on mount Sinai.In the times of the New Testament, the caves of Sinai became a dwelling place for Christian recluses in the III century. after the relics of St. Catherine the martyr were found on the top of mount Sinai, anchoritic monasticism began to give way to monastic communities. The first church was built by St. Helen here in the IV century, and later in the VI century, a monastery was established by the Emperor Justinian. The monks of this monastery, such as St. John Climacus and St. Gregory of Sinai, significantly contributed to the development of Christian teaching and asceticism. The monastery on mount Sinai engaged itself in the theological debates of this time, fighting against monotheletism and iconoclasm. mount Sinai did not lose its importance when the arabs and later Turks occupied the whole Sinai Peninsula.In the VII century, the monastery of St. Catherine was made the seat of the bishop of Pharan. In the IX century, it was raised to the honour of archbishop. The diocese was made into an autonomous Church by the Patriarch of Constantinople in 1575. although Sinai was canonically dependant on Jerusalem, it was granted much independence. The Church safely survived both world wars and Israeli-Egyptian conflicts. although the Church in Sinai consists of the fewest people in any local church, its importance still remains. The icon collection is the richest in the world, the archives and library is second largest in the world and the Codex Sinaiticus of the Holy Scriptures is a world treasure. The relics of St. Catherine and the Burning Bush of moses also give loftiness to the image of the autonomous Church of Sinai.
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Binski, Paul. "III. Abbot Berkyng's Tapestries and Matthew Paris's Life of St Edward the Confessor." Archaeologia 109 (1991): 85–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026134090001403x.
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According to John Flete, the fifteenth-century historian of Westminster Abbey, Abbot Richard de Berkyng (d. 1246) bequeathed to the Abbey two curtains or dorsalia which he had procured for the choir, depicting the story of the Saviour and St Edward. Nothing is known about the appearance of these textiles; but they were presumably of fine quality, befitting the patronage of a Treasurer of England, and were evidently intended to hang in the choir stalls. There they remained until after the Dissolution. According to a sixteenth-century commentary with transcriptions of the original texts in the hangings by Robert Hare, discovered by M. R. James (Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge, MS 391 [611], they were of ‘faire arras worke’, and so were tapestries rather than embroideries; they were also described as ‘wrought in the cloth of Arras’ by Weever in 1631. They hung in the church until 1644, whence they were removed to the chamber of the House of Commons in the Palace; according to Brayley ‘a large remnant’ of the scene of the Circumcision was still preserved in the Jerusalem Chamber at the Abbey in the early nineteenth century. The tapestries were one of the most extensive recorded instances of English thirteenth-century textile production. They provide evidence too for a genre of monastic choir decoration analogous to the lost Old Testament narratives in the choir at Bury St Edmund's and the typological pictures formerly adorning the choir-stalls of Peterborough Abbey. Moreover, they anticipate the mixture of purely narrative material in the surviving fourteenth-century paintings above the dossals of the choir stalls of Cologne Cathedral, and especially the tapestries depicting the lives of St Piat and St Eleutherius from the choir of Tournai Cathedral, Arras work dated 1402.
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Riall, Nicholas. "Excavations at the priory of the Order of the Hospital of St John of Jerusalem, Clerkenwell, London by Barney Sloane and Gordon Malcolm." Renaissance Studies 20, no. 1 (February 2006): 123–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-4658.2006.138-13.x.
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Miduch, Maria. "Eschatologiczny wymiar pielgrzymowania na Święto Namiotów (por. Za 14,16nn, Ap 7,9nn)." Sympozjum 27, no. 1 (44) (2023): 11–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/25443283sym.23.002.18463.
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Pielgrzymowanie jest wpisane w tradycję narodu wybranego, a także chrześcijan. Teksty biblijne Starego i Nowego Testamentu podejmują ów temat. Dostrzeżenie wątku pielgrzymowania w tradycji apokaliptycznej wydaje się szczególnie interesujące. Artykuł prezentuje dwa teksty biblijne: perykopę z Księgi Zachariasza (por. Za 14) oraz z Apokalipsy św. Jana (por. Ap 7,9-17), które nawiązują do Święta Namiotów i związanego z nim pielgrzymowania do Jerozolimy. Poprzez swoją specyfikę nadają one pielgrzymowaniu wymiaru eschatologicznego. The eschatological dimension of the pilgrimage to the Feast of Tabernacles (Zechariah 14:16ff, Rev 7:9ff): Pilgrimage is inscribed in the tradition of the Chosen People and also Christians. The biblical texts of the Old and New Testaments deal with this theme. Seeing the theme of pilgrimage in the apocalyptic tradition seems particularly interesting. The article presents two biblical texts: the pericope from the Book of Zechariah (Zechariah 14) and the Apocalypse of St. John (Rev 7:9-17), which refer to the Feast of Tabernacles and the pilgrimage to Jerusalem associated with it. Through their specificity, they give the pilgrimage an eschatological dimension.
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Sarot, Marcel. "Transformative Poetry. A Case Study of W. H. Auden’s Musée Des Beaux Arts and General Conclusions." Perichoresis 14, no. 2 (October 1, 2016): 81–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/perc-2016-0012.
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Abstract This article situates Auden’s poem Musée des Beaux Arts in the process of his conversion to Christianity. The author argues for the layered intertextuality of the poem, in which allusions to Bruegel’s Landscape with the Fall of Icarus, The Census at Jerusalem, and The Massacre of the Innocents can be recognised. Moreover, Philippe de Champaigne’s Presentation in the Temple and Peter Paul Rubens’s The Martyrdom of St Livinus (in the same museum in Brussels) seem also to have influenced the poem. Finally, there is reason to suppose that John Singer Sargent’s Crashed Aeroplane influenced Auden. In an analysis of the structure of the poem, the author argues that there is a clear structure hidden under the surface of day-to-day language. He connects this hidden structure with Auden’s poem The Hidden Law, and suggests that Auden wished to claim that even though we cannot understand suffering, it has a hidden meaning known only to God. This hidden meaning connects our suffering with the self-emptying of Christ, a connection which the author demonstrates is in fact also made in Musée des Beaux Arts.
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Czyżewski, Bogdan. "Teologiczny i antropologiczny wymiar obrzędów chrzcielnych w Kościele IV wieku." Vox Patrum 63 (July 15, 2015): 113–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3552.
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The Holy Baptism in Church in period of the first centuries was considered as an extra ordinary and important event, both in life of the baptized person, as well as in the entire Church community. Almost exact information on baptism in Church of the 4th century is available in existing documents of empathetical discourses on baptism by four great Fathers of the Church: St. Cyril of Jerusalem, St. John Chrysostom, St. Ambrose of Milan, and Theodor, bishop of Mopsuestia. Thus in this paper I have decided to present only the Baptismal Rites and their theological and anthropological significance. In terms of the mentioned authors’ writings, we can find two parts of the baptismal liturgy where they consist of particular Rites. The first part is devoted to so called the rites preceding a ceremony of baptism, It means to surrender Satan, take off cloths and apply the holy oil before one’s baptism. Another Rite, i.e. taking off clothes of the candidates to be baptized, was significant for the new way of life of a certain human being, and rejection of the old man with his all affairs and matters. Authors of baptismal discourses also paid their attention to application of the holy oil. The second part of Baptismal Rites was related to baptismal immersion itself. First of all, there was the following order: to reach the baptismal tank, immerse in waters three times, then leave it and put on the white clothes. The theological interpretation of particular Baptismal Rites in writings of the Church of the 4th century was rather compact. Even in case of some differences available, they were not concerned with the principal aspects, but strictly devoted to the baptism itself in order to understand the ceremony, and all particular order of the Baptismal Rites.
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Иванова, Климентина. "Материали към каталожното описание на ръкописи, ексцерпирани за Bibliotheca Homiletica Balcano-Slavica (BHomBS). Уточнения към състава на два триодни панигирика (BAR152 и НБКМ1049)." Palaeobulgarica 47, no. 4 (December 2023): 119–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.59076/2603-2899.2023.4.06.
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The article is part of a series of publications preceding the final formation of the BHomBS manual. The series is devoted to some primary sources included in BHomBS if they require a preliminary investigation. The article presents two calendar collections which need further analysis because for various reasons their bookblock integrity was damaged. The first manuscript is from the collection of the Library of the Romanian Academy in Bucharest No. 152 (BAR152), and it was neither filmed nor digitized. The primary composition, the place of the later additions and the omissions in the manuscript are identified, as well as the fact that by its genre type it is a Menaion and Triodion Panegyric from the end of the fourteenth century with additions from the fifteenth century. It is one of the early no-yus brief-composition panegyrics structured by the new Jerusalem typicon and originally included selected texts for the most important feasts of the entire triodion period – from the beginning of the preparatory Sundays to the Sunday of All Saints. Most of it has been preserved to this day. The contents of the triodion part in BAR152 is compared with the full Jerusalem typicon Athonite-Tarnovo triodion panegyrics and it was ascertained that its texts belong to the same translations. There is an interesting exception: for the Sunday of the Myrrhbearers was included a work by John of Thessalonica (CPG, III, 7922), which has not received distribution as part of the triodion panegyrics neither in Byzantium nor in Bulgaria. The study of BAR152 is followed by an annex with a new description of its contents. The second manuscript is from the collection of the National Library “St. Cyril and Methodius”, No.1049 (NBKM1049). The codex was in very poor condition with losses and folia damaged by dampness and fire, of which only small fragments remain. Described in 1963 by Hr. Kodov, it was later restored. The purpose of the present study is to specify the contents of NBKM1049 after its restoration. The fragments containing 156 little text are identified, the incorrectly restored folia are pointed at, and its contents are found to include 6 more works which were previously not listed in the inventory. The preserved parts of NBKM1049 are compared with the Athonite-Tarnovo triodion panegyrics structured after the Jerusalem typicon. It is established that NBKM1049 is a Triodion festal panegyric structured after the Jerusalem typicon for the period from the Wednesday of the fifth week after the Resurrection, written in the first decade of the seventeenth century.
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Гончарова, Н. Н. "ST. JOHN DAMASCENE’S CANON OF PASCHA AS A SOURCE OF THE COMPOSITION OF ANTON CHEKHOV’S “THE STEPPE”." Актуальные вопросы современной филологии и журналистики, no. 1(44) (March 25, 2022): 66–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.36622/aqmpj.2022.44.65.010.
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В статье рассматриваются аллюзии к пасхальному канону прп. Иоанна Дамаскина в «Степи» А.П. Чехова. Показано, что пасхальный канон служит одним из источников деления повести на главки. Выявлены сходства на уровне образности и композиции с библейскими песнями. Обнаруженные параллели, в основном, сводятся к следующим. Вишневый сад N-ского кладбища и степь, переход через которую рассматривается как таинство Крещения, сопоставимы с Красным морем из песни Моисея; вспомогательными образами крещения и воскресения служат купание в реке; пожар, в котором погибла семья Пантелея; гроза. Эпизоды купания и пожара содержат аллюзии к Книге пророка Даниила. Пророчица Анна представлена поющей женщиной, матерью Тита. Пришествие Бога, Которого ожидает пророк Аввакум, сравнимо с приездом графини Драницкой на постоялый двор, образ которой отсылает к притче о десяти девах. Спасенный Иона (и воскресший Христос) отображен в персонаже господина из церкви. Образ Настасьи Петровны Тоскуновой связан с Богородицей, речь о которой идет в девятой песне. Обнаружены структурные параллели с Книгой пророка Даниила, основанные на приеме обратного параллелизма, что позволяет соотнести основную тему повести с противостоянием Вавилона и Иерусалима. Концовка отражает событие Воскресения мертвых, брачный пир Пасхи. Проведено сравнение с пасхальным богослужением в целом; выявлены аллюзии к крестному ходу, открытию царских и дьяконских врат. Новизна работы заключается в том, что рассматриваемые параллели, насколько известно нам, пока не попадали в поле зрения исследователей. ____________________________ © Гончарова Н.Н., 2022 The paper deals with the allusions to St John Damascene’s Canon of Pascha in Anton Chekhov’s “The Steppe”. The Canon of Pascha is shown to be one of the sources of the novellaʼs division into chapters. A number of similarities in imagery and composition to the biblical canticles is revealed. The parallels are, mainly, as follows. The cherry orchard of N.ʼs cemetery and the steppe, the journey across which is regarded as the sacrament of baptism, are comparable to the Red Sea from the Song of Moses, the ancillary images of baptism and resurrection being bathing in a river; the fire, in which Panteleyʼs family died; the thunderstorm. The episodes of the bathing and of the fire contain allusions to the Book of Daniel. The prophetess Anna is represented by the singing woman, Titʼs mother. The Coming of the Lord, expected by St Habakkuk, corresponds to the Countess Dranitskayaʼs visit to the inn, this character referring to the parable of the ten virgins. Jonah, saved by God (and the risen Christ), is reflected by the gentleman in the church. Nastasya Petrovna Toskunova is connected with the Virgin Mary, who is focused on in Ode 9. Structural parallels with the Book of Daniel, based on reverse parallelism, are found, which allows to relate the main theme of the novella to the opposition between Babylon and Jerusalem. The ending reflects the resurrection of the dead, the wedding banquet of Easter. A comparison with the Paschal Service as a whole is made; allusions to the religious procession and the opening of the Holy and Deaconʼs Doors are brought to light. The novelty of the work lies in the fact that the parallels under examination do not appear to have сome into the view of scholars yet.
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Nehring, Przemysław. "Dwie monastyczne koncepcje – o tym co łączy a zarazem dzieli Jana Kasjana i św. Augustyna." Vox Patrum 69 (December 16, 2018): 527–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3273.
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Author of this paper juxtaposes several issues which are fundamental for monastic concepts of St. Augustine and John Cassian, two figures that had the greatest impact on the development of the western pre-Benedictine monasticism. The difference in intellectual inspirations, personal monastic experiences, addressees of their monastic works and positions held by them in the institutional Church influenced very deeply their teaching. Thus they interpret in a different manner an account on the Jerusalem community (Acts 4:31-35) that – in their common opinion – began the history of monasticism. Cassian sees in it just the historical outset for this phenomenon while Augustine perceives it as a still valid model of behavior for his monks. They look differently at the relation of monastic communities towards the community of the Church but also at inner rules governing the life of monks in monasteries. Unlike Augustine, Cassian sees possibility of spiritual growth gained by monks through ascetical practices and decisions made on their free will. This anthropological optimism had played the key-role for the statement that Cassian made in the face of radical views of Augustine on the Grace and free will, formulated by him during the Pelagian controversy but also in other controversial issue, namely of possible legitimacy of lying under particular circumstances.
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Bezzina, Edwin. "Where Two Crosses Met: Religious Accommodation between a Reformed Protestant Community and a Commandery of the Order of Malta (Loudun, circa 1560–1660)." Church History 81, no. 4 (December 2012): 815–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640712001916.
Full textAbstract:
This article represents a local study investigating the relations between the commandery of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem and a Reformed Protestant community from about 1560 to 1660. The chosen locality is the French provincial town of Loudun and the article spans the French Wars of Religion and the period of recovery and reconstruction beyond. The relationship between Loudun's commandery and Reformed community manifests the sometimes astonishing interplay of conflict, accommodation, and necessity. The Protestant use of the commandery's church enabled the Reformed community to entrench itself in Loudun and remain there until the Crown revoked all the civil and religious prerogatives that it had granted to this religious minority. For its part, the commandery's fortunes and misfortunes became tied to that Reformed Protestant presence. The commandery's recovery in the first half of the seventeenth century in part drew upon the momentum of the Catholic resurgence, but the earlier Protestant use of the commandery's church and the repairs that the Protestants effectuated on the edifice gave the commandery a foothold in that process of recovery. This at times begrudged interdependence between commandery and Reformed community allowed for something resembling cross-confessional relations where one would least expect to find them.
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Zarzo, Manuel. "Pure or Noble Materials for Jewish Ritual Vessels: Passover Meal and the First Eucharistic Chalice (Holy Grail)." Religions 15, no. 3 (March 6, 2024): 321. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel15030321.
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Very little is known about the chalice used by Jesus of Nazareth at the Last Supper. The first Christians used a cup of blessing for the Eucharistic celebration (1Cor 10:16), which insinuates that Jesus used a ritual cup. An exegetical study of the synoptic gospels reveals that this ritual dinner was celebrated in the home of a wealthy disciple of Jesus, who would have lent him the most valuable cup of blessing owned by the family. Hence, it is unlikely that this cup was made of common and cheap materials, such as ceramic or wood. The only mention of this cup in the early centuries is due to St. John Chrysostom, who states (ca. 395 AD) that it was not made of silver. However, its veracity is not reliable due to the lack of earlier comments. In recent decades, archaeological excavations in the Holy Land have revealed that, at the time of Jesus, the use of vessels carved in limestone was common in Jerusalem for ritual practices in the domestic sphere because they were considered unsusceptible to impurity. This fact suggests that the chalice of the Last Supper might have been a valued cup of carved stone, which is consistent with the use of such bowls in the Hellenistic–Roman period among the aristocratic classes.
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Розалия Моисеевна, Рупова,. "Reflection of the Symbolism of the Vestment of the Old Testament High Priest in the Description of Heavenly Jerusalem." Библейские схолии, no. 1(2) (June 15, 2022): 107–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/bsch.2022.2.1.006.
Full textAbstract:
Статья посвящена анализу соответствий между двумя библейскими текстами. Один из них - Книга Исход (28, 15-21), где приводится список драгоценных минералов, которыми пророк Моисей по Божьему повелению должен особым образом украсить элемент облачения первосвященника, а именно нарамник. Этих ценных камней должно быть двенадцать по числу колен Израилевых. Другой рассматриваемый текст - Откровение св. апостола и евангелиста Иоанна Богослова (21, 19-20). В нём также подробно описаны драгоценные камни, число которых двенадцать, составляющие основание Небесного Иерусалима. В работе рассматривается также вопрос об «урим и туммим», имеющий непосредственное отношение к ветхозаветному культу. Из проведённого анализа сделаны следующие выводы: 1. Еврейская библейская традиция более точно, чем славянские переводы, отслеживает присутствие колен Израилевых в мистерии Нового Иерусалима. 2. Текст Священного Писания отражает исторические изменения названий многих камней, а также перенос названий с одних минералов на другие. Этот вывод может быть полезен не только для библейской экзегезы, но и для истории минералогии и естествознания в целом, открывает перспективу историко-культурологических исследований. The article is devoted to the analysis of the correspondences between the two biblical texts. One of them is the book of Exodus (28, 15-21), which indicates the minerals with which the prophet Moses, according to God’s command, should decorate the elements of the high priest’s vestments, an ephod and an amice. These precious stones should be twelve according to the number of the tribes of Israel. Another text is the Revelation of St. Apostle John the Theologian (21, 19-20). It describes the twelve stones that make up the foundation of the Heavenly Jerusalem. The question about «Urim and Thummim» is also considered, which is also related to the Old Testament cult. The following conclusions were drawn from the analysis: 1. The Jewish biblical tradition, more accurately than the Slavic translations, traces the presence of the tribes of Israel in the mysteries of New Jerusalem. 2. The text of the Holy Scriptures reflects the historical changes in the names of many stones, as well as the transfer of names from one mineral to another. This conclusion can be useful not only for biblical exegesis, but also for the history of mineralogy and natural science in general, opens the prospect of historical and cultural research.