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Journal articles on the topic 'House of the Vettii (Pompeii)'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 4 March 2023

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1

Severy‐Hoven, Beth. "Master Narratives and the Wall Painting of the House of the Vettii, Pompeii." Gender & History 24, no. 3 (October 24, 2012): 540–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0424.2012.01697.x.

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2

Joyce, Lillian B. "Dirce Disrobed." Classical Antiquity 20, no. 2 (October 1, 2001): 221–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2001.20.2.221.

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The Punishment of Dirce was a theme that intrigued both artists and patrons of the Roman period. It appeared in diverse locations and media, notably as a wall painting in the House of the Vettii in Pompeii and the Toro Farnese once displayed in the Baths of Caracalla in Rome. In all representations, Dirce struggles with the bull that will trample her to death. Traditional studies of this imagery have focused on the formal characteristics of these representations, studying issues of workshop practice and the relationship between originals and copies. Scholars seldom analyze the meaning of the myth in depth. While most studies note that Dirce often appears in the guise of a maenad, they dismiss this observation. Additionally, it is rarely noted that Dirce's semi-nudity has any role in this story. In fact, her nudity is highly significant, for it was not part of the literary accounts. This study offers a fresh interpretation of Dirce's punishment considering the function of gender. Using literary sources such as Euripides, Plautus, Lucian, and Petronius, as well as visual images in a variety of media including wall painting, sculpture, gems, medals, and lamps, it is argued that artists and patrons combined maenadism and nudity to portray Dirce as a specifically female social transgressor. As a semi-nude maenad, the queen abandons accepted female decorum. These attributes allow the viewer readily to identify Dirce as guilty of hubris against family and society.

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Molly Swetnam-Burland. "Encountering Ovid's Phaedra in House V.2.10–11, Pompeii." American Journal of Archaeology 119, no. 2 (2015): 217. http://dx.doi.org/10.3764/aja.119.2.0217.

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4

Jones, Rick, and Damian Robinson. "The making of an élite house: the House of the Vestals at Pompeii." Journal of Roman Archaeology 17 (2004): 107–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400008187.

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5

Bergmann, Bettina, and I. Victoria. "The Roman House as Memory Theater: The House of the Tragic Poet in Pompeii." Art Bulletin 76, no. 2 (June 1994): 225–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00043079.1994.10786585.

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Bergmann, Bettina. "The Roman House as Memory Theater: The House of the Tragic Poet in Pompeii." Art Bulletin 76, no. 2 (June 1994): 225. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3046021.

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7

Goldhill, Simon. "A Writer's Things: Edward Bulwer Lytton and the Archaeological Gaze; or, What's in a Skull?" Representations 119, no. 1 (2012): 92–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rep.2012.119.1.92.

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There are on display at Knebworth House two skulls excavated from Pompeii that are labeled with names of characters from Edward Bulwer Lytton's novel The Last Days of Pompeii. This article shows how the exhibition of these objects goes to the heart of changing Victorian discourses about the display of objects, especially skulls, the self-representation of authors, and the history of archaeology. It locates Bulwer's display between Scott at the beginning of the century and Freud at the end to show how notions of science, nationalism, and history provide the frames necessary to understanding this changing style of exhibition in the writer's workplace.

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8

Trentin, Summer. "REALITY, ARTIFICE, AND CHANGING LANDSCAPES IN THE HOUSE OF MARCUS LUCRETIUS IN POMPEII." Greece and Rome 66, no. 1 (March 11, 2019): 71–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383518000323.

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In the 1855 edition of his guide to Pompeii, the French artist and archaeologist Ernest Breton begins a chapter on the city's houses and shops with a print showing tourists in a grand Pompeian residence (figure 1). At the rear of an atrium with an enormous impluvium, a man contemplates a raised garden while a well-dressed couple approaches from the right. Behind them, in the roofless remains of the house, the garden's ancient sculptural display remains in situ; animals and deities inhabit a landscape dominated by a shrine-like niche, a pool, and pillars painted with trees. Deep shadows and encroaching vegetation set a romantic, melancholic mood. This is the House of Marcus Lucretius (IX.3.5), excavated less than a decade prior and, at the time, one of the ancient city's most famous sights. As is typical of nineteenth-century illustrations of Pompeii, the size of the house is exaggerated: while the decorative scheme and arrangement of the rooms is accurate, the garden is too highly elevated and too large in proportion to the figures. The atrium's disproportionate impluvium is a complete fabrication, the actual impluvium having been dismantled in antiquity. Despite the artistic licence, Breton and his imagined tourists follow the same path as ancient visitors to the house, drawn toward the garden and its sculptures by the manipulation of space and decoration.

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9

Ling, Roger. "A Stranger in Town: Finding the Way in an Ancient City." Greece and Rome 37, no. 2 (October 1990): 204–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500028965.

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My subject concerns the practicalities of finding one's way round an ancient city. What aids were there to guide a stranger in town? How did he trace a particular house or other destination? I propose to examine the problem with reference to one of the best known of all ancient cities, Pompeii.

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10

Benefiel, Rebecca R. "Dialogues of Ancient Graffiti in the House of Maius Castricius in Pompeii." American Journal of Archaeology 114, no. 1 (January 2010): 59–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.3764/aja.114.1.59.

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11

Bergmann, Bettina. "Houses of cards." Journal of Roman Archaeology 14 (2001): 56–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400019826.

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We have reached an important moment in the study of the Roman house. The past 20 years have been extremely active, with scholars approaching domestic space down different disciplinary and methodological avenues. Since the important essay on Campanian houses by A. Wallace-Hadrill in 1988, new excavations and scores of books and articles have changed the picture of Pompeii and, with it, that of the Roman house. Theoretical archaeologists have taken the lead, approaching Pompeii as an "archaeological laboratory" in which, armed with the interpretative tools of spatial and statistical analysis, they attempt to recover ancient behavioral patterns. The interdisciplinary picture that emerges is complex and inevitably contradictory. There is so much new information and such a tangle of perspectives that it is time to consider what we have learned and what kinds of interpretative tools we might best employ. Without doubt this is an exciting time in Roman studies. But two overviews of recent scholarship to appear this year, the present one by R. Tybout and another by P. Allison (AJA 105.2 [2001]), express considerable frustration and resort to ad hominem recriminations that signal a heated backlash, at least among some.

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12

Fredrick, David. "Beyond the Atrium to Ariadne: Erotic Painting and Visual Pleasure in the Roman House." Classical Antiquity 14, no. 2 (October 1, 1995): 266–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25011023.

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Wallace-Hadrill's reading of spatial hierarchy does not address the representation of gender in mythological paintings. However, a rough survey indicates that the majority are erotic and/or violent. Erotic depictions common on household items (mirrors, lamps, Arretine ware) suggest that the Romans were sensitive to this content; the likely use of pattern books in selecting programs for domestic decoration suggests a synoptic awareness of it. This points to the applicability of contemporary theories of representation and power, and Mulvey's model of visual pleasure in narrative film is adapted for this paper. According to Mulvey, film offers two pleasures: (1) scopophilia, which presents the woman as aesthetic-erotic fragments, suggesting but concealing her difference (culturally read as castration); (2) sadistic voyeurism, which assumes difference and then investigates, punishes, or forgives it. Both are illustrated in paintings of Ariadne abandoned and rediscovered, and in other paintings which portray either the gaze (Polyphemus at Galatea, Actaeon at Diana) or erotic violence (rapes of Cassandra, Daphne, Auge). While these paintings seem to confirm in relation to gender what the rest of the house says about class and status, some paintings confuse the issue. The male body is often fetishized (Narcissus, Endymion, Cyparissus), and attacked (Hylas, Actaeon, Pentheus); gender and role are sometimes deliberately ambiguous (Hermaphroditus). Such transgressions of the boundaries of the male body are not a part of Mulvey's theory, and they suggest the use of gender to complicate as well as confirm the class/status message of the house; two different negotiations of this use are found in the House of the Vettii and the House of the Ara Maxima. One can compare reversals and reassertions of gender, class and status in other evidence, in literature, pantomime and the games.

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13

Veal, Robyn. "Pompeii and its Hinterland Connection: The Fuel Consumption of the House of the Vestals (c. Third Century BC to AD 79)." European Journal of Archaeology 17, no. 1 (2014): 27–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/1461957113y.0000000043.

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Bio-archaeological studies can contribute significantly to understanding the economic interactions between cities and their hinterland. In Pompeii, where research has often been intramurally focussed, analysis of biological remains is often confined to bones and macro-botanicals consumed as foodstuffs. Charcoal, if collected, often remains unexamined, and yet this material is key to understanding the fuel economy of a city. This study has two goals: first, to describe an efficient method for charcoal sampling and analysis in a dense urban environment using only dry-sieved charcoals above 5 mm; and, second, in doing so, to demonstrate the dependent relationship between Pompeii and its hinterland for the provision of fuel in a case study from the House of the Vestals. A pilot study of 25 contexts from six ‘rooms’ and 750 charcoal fragments was followed by an extended study of 62 contexts over 14 rooms (a total of 1579 charcoal fragments). The extended results identified only two further (minor) taxa (represented by only three fragments). The most important wood identified was beech (Fagus sylvatica), which constituted 50–75 per cent of the fuel supply, depending on the time period. Beech grows preferentially above about 900 m in central and southern Italy. Pompeii lies at 30 m altitude with the nearest mountain areas at least 15 km away. The study suggests that a methodology that relies on collection of charcoal from routine dry sieving (5 mm grid), in soils where this is possible, can provide robust results in a cost effective manner in an urban setting.

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14

Henneberg, M., R. J. Henneberg, and A. Ciarallo. "Skeletal material from the house of C iulius polybius in Pompeii, 79 AD." Human Evolution 11, no. 3-4 (July 1996): 249–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02436628.

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15

Loar, Matthew P. "Sexual Graffiti in the House of Marcus Lucretius in Pompeii (IX.3.5, 24)." Classical World 111, no. 3 (2018): 405–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/clw.2018.0024.

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16

McClinton, Kelly E. "Applications of Photogrammetric Modeling to Roman Wall Painting: A Case Study in the House of Marcus Lucretius." Arts 8, no. 3 (July 10, 2019): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts8030089.

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Across many sites in Italy today, wall paintings face particular dangers of damage and destruction. In Pompeii, many extant fragments are open to the air and accessible to tourists. While efforts are underway to preserve the precious few examples that have come down to us today, after excavation even new finds begin to decay from the moment they are exposed to the air. Digital photogrammetry has been used for the documentation, preservation, and reconstruction of archaeological sites, small objects, and sculpture. Photogrammetry is also well-suited to the illustration and reconstruction of Roman wall painting and Roman domestic interiors. Unlike traditional photography, photogrammetry can offer three-dimensional (3D) documentation that captures the seams, cracks, and warps in the structure of the wall. In the case of an entire room, it can also preserve the orientation and visual impression of multiple walls in situ. This paper discusses the results of several photogrammetric campaigns recently undertaken to document the material record in the House of Marcus Lucretius at Pompeii (IX, 3, 5.24). In the process, it explores the combination of visual analysis with digital tools, and the use of 3D models to represent complex relationships between spaces and objects. To conclude, future avenues for research will be discussed, including the creation of an online database that would facilitate visualizing further connections within the material record.

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17

Boman, Henrik. "White Light —White Heat: The use of Fire as a Light and Heat Source in an Atrium House in Roman Pompeii." Current Swedish Archaeology 13, no. 1 (June 10, 2021): 59–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.37718/csa.2005.04.

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This article concerns the distribution of fire as light and heat source within the insula investigated by the ongoing Swedish Pompeii Project. Here the author suggests that fire installations as kitchens, ovens and baths were clustered in specific areas within this insula, and the installations were not efficiently used to heat the dwelling areas of the house. It is also proposed that the surfaces of the interior walls and floors of the Roman atrium house were polished in purpose to reflect and distribute light and, which is emphasised in the article, to soften the transition between brightly lit areas and areas in dark shadow. This contrast had to be eliminated for the human eye to adopt to the light conditions in the room and by that, to make the light as efficient as possible.

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18

HORI, Yoshiki. "AN APARTMENT HOUSE IN POMPEII : Some considerations of the housing in the so-called "Insula"." Journal of Architecture and Planning (Transactions of AIJ) 60, no. 469 (1995): 193–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3130/aija.60.193_1.

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19

Bologna, Francesca. "Water and stone: the economics of wall-painting in Pompeii (A.D. 62-79)." Journal of Roman Archaeology 32 (2019): 97–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759419000072.

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This article investigates production times, workforce, and materials involved in the creation of wall-paintings, applying figures obtained from pre-industrial building manuals and through experimental archaeology. This is a crucial yet — at least with regard to Roman wall-painting – unexploited avenue for research, one that has already been successfully applied to the study of ancient construction, stone-working, and mosaic production.1 The implications of this type of study are twofold: estimating labour figures allows us to assess painters’ working practices and workforce organization, yet it can also help uncover the burden sustained by patrons in both economic and personal terms, thereby providing a more realistic notion of what it meant to have one’s house decorated. Ultimately, this can lead to a better understanding of local markets and of the socio-economic implications of the wall-painting industry

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20

Polyakov, E. N., and A. V. Krasovskii. "AN IDEAL MODEL OF ANCIENT ROMAN MANOR HOUSE IN POMPEII IN THE 2nd–1st CENTURIES BC." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo arkhitekturno-stroitel'nogo universiteta. JOURNAL of Construction and Architecture, no. 1 (April 13, 2018): 9–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31675/1607-1859-2018-20-1-9-31.

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21

Jones, Rick, and Damian Robinson. "Water, Wealth, and Social Status at Pompeii: The House of the Vestals in the First Century." American Journal of Archaeology 109, no. 4 (October 2005): 695–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.3764/aja.109.4.695.

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22

Petersen, Lauren Hackworth. "Collecting Gods in Roman Houses: The House of the Gilded Cupids (VI.16.7, 38) at Pompeii." Arethusa 45, no. 3 (2012): 319–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/are.2012.0014.

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23

Trimble, Jennifer F. "Greek Myth, Gender, and Social Structure in a Roman House: Two Paintings of Achilles at Pompeii." Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. Supplementary Volumes 1 (2002): 225. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4238453.

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24

Tonon, C., S. E. Favero-Longo, E. Matteucci, R. Piervittori, P. Croveri, L. Appolonia, V. Meirano, M. Serino, and D. Elia. "Microenvironmental features drive the distribution of lichens in the House of the Ancient Hunt, Pompeii, Italy." International Biodeterioration & Biodegradation 136 (January 2019): 71–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ibiod.2018.10.012.

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25

Tybout, Rolf A. "Roman wall-painting and social significance." Journal of Roman Archaeology 14 (2001): 33–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400019814.

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During the last two decades a spate of publications forcefully brought to our attention the importance of the Roman house in the socio-political life of the élite in the late Republic and early Imperial period, both in Rome and in “provincial” towns like Pompeii, the metropolitan center of power setting the patterns for the lifestyle of local grandees. The focus is on the rôle of architecture in shaping the spatial, and thereby social, articulation of the domus. Literary sources concerning Roman domestic life and known for a long time are scrutinized for the light they might shed on the archaeological evidence, especially on the functions of rooms and other parts of the house. Roman wall-painting also attracts fresh attention in this context. The main focus in recent studies is on its synchronic formal variety, allowing painters, or perhaps rather their commissioners, to underline and at the same time refine the hierarchical organisation of space inherent in the architectural design.

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26

Custodi, Alberto, Giovanni Castellazzi, Stefano de Miranda, and Francesco Ubertini. "Structural Analysis of Historic Masonry and Technical Guideline Application: The Case of the Insula del Centenario [IX, 8] in Pompeii." Key Engineering Materials 624 (September 2014): 114–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/kem.624.114.

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In this paper we present the study of an archaeological structure in Pompeii and we detail the difficulties encountered applying the Italian standards and guideline when designing the new roofing structure. Following the latest Italian standards and guidelines, about the assessment and mitigation of seismic risk of cultural heritage, the analysis of the Insula has been carried out. In particular, among all the studied structures, the attention was focused on the covering of the main hall where a prototype of a roofing structure covering a portion of the hall was installed near the remaining ruins of the house. Numerical models have been developed in order to track the effect of these new roofing structures on this ancient masonry structure.

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27

Kockel, Valentin. "A cork model in Aschaffenburg (Bavaria) giving new evidence for Pompeii's House of Sallust." Journal of Roman Archaeology 31 (2018): 259–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759418001319.

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The Casa di Sallustio at Pompeii is one of the houses that belongs in every book and study on domestic life and architecture in the Roman era. The fact that it was excavated at the start of the 19th c., however, means that large parts of its decoration have long since been lost through weathering and neglect, a situation further compounded by the damage resulting from Allied bombing in 1943. In order to reconstruct, as accurately as possible, a picture of the house as it stood in antiquity, it is therefore particularly important to evaluate all the historical visual sources that document the house in a better condition. This task has already been extensively carried out in the monograph of A. Laidlaw and M. S. Stella (2014). With a similar goal, I propose to take a fresh look at a cork model dating from 1840 today housed in Aschaffenburg (Bavaria) in order to discuss its context and original function. Next, A. Laidlaw will compare the model's meticulously detailed copies of the structure and decoration, still in 1840 almost perfectly preserved, to the present battered state of the extant remains, thereby confirming the importance of the Aschaffenburg model as the primary archaeological source for the house.

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28

Allison, Penelope M. "House Contents in Pompeii: Data Collectionand Interpretative Procedures for a Reappraisal of Roman Domestic Lifeand Site Formation Processes." Journal of European Archaeology 3, no. 1 (March 1995): 145–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/096576695800688241.

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29

Fulford, Michael, and Andrew Wallace-Hadrill. "Towards a history of pre-Roman Pompeii: excavations beneath the House of Amarantus (I.9.11–12), 1995–8." Papers of the British School at Rome 67 (November 1999): 37–144. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246200004529.

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VERSO UNA STORIA DELLA POMPEI PRE-ROMANA: SCAVI AL DI SOTTO DELLA CASA DI AMARANTO (I.9.11–12), 1995–8Scavi condotti al di sotto della casa di Amaranto (I.9.11–12) a Pompei hanno prodotto evidenze della più antica occupazione dell'area. Tali ritrovamenti sono discussi nel presente articolo. Con l'eccezione di alcune tracce di presenza preistorica, la sequenza va dal VI al I secolo a.C, quando la casa fu costruita. Un resoconto della sequenza stratigrafica è presentato insieme ad una descrizione dei vari reperti, in particolare la ceramica, i resti faunistici e quelli botanici. Il recupero di una parte della struttura del sesto secolo, che ha uno stesso orientamento rispetto a quello della casa del primo secolo, e del tracciato stradale ad esse associato, porta a considerazioni sullo sviluppo e la natura della città nel periodo arcaico. Viene qui suggerito che la topografia della parte orientale della città si sia originata già alla fine del sesto secolo. Altri aspetti dell'evidenza archeologica, quali la continuità dell'occupazione, le attività economiche, le attività rituali e cambiamenti nella densità dell'occupazione, vengono anche discussi.

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30

De Sena, Eric C., and Janne P. Ikäheimo. "The Supply of Amphora-Borne Commodities and Domestic Pottery in Pompeii 150 BC–AD 79: Preliminary Evidence from the House of the Vestals." European Journal of Archaeology 6, no. 3 (2003): 301–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/eja.2003.6.3.301.

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This study discusses the changing trends in the supply of wine, olive oil, fish sauce and domestic pottery in Pompeii over a period of more than two centuries through the examination of a pottery assemblage excavated recently in the House of the Vestals. The ceramic evidence is viewed in the light of broader political and economic trends that affected production and trade over the course of time. A clear shift from regional self-sufficiency to a heavier reliance upon extra-regional goods, particularly from the Roman provinces of Africa and Spain, is observed. The authors point out that while the ceramic record is a useful indicator of general supply trends, conclusions must be drawn with caution and scholars need to consider what is not apparent in the archaeological record in order to gain a more complete picture of the past.

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Mora, Laura, Paolo Mora, Giorgio Torraca, and Virginia Anne Bonito. "A coordinated methodology for the treatment and study of the peristyle garden wallof the House of Menander, Pompeii: an interim report." Studies in Conservation 31, sup1 (January 1986): 38–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/sic.1986.31.supplement-1.38.

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Maguregui, Maite, Ulla Knuutinen, Irantzu Martínez-Arkarazo, Kepa Castro, and Juan M. Madariaga. "Thermodynamic and Spectroscopic Speciation to Explain the Blackening Process of Hematite Formed by Atmospheric SO2Impact: The Case of Marcus Lucretius House (Pompeii)." Analytical Chemistry 83, no. 9 (May 2011): 3319–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1021/ac1029192.

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Veneranda, M., N. Prieto-Taboada, S. Fdez-Ortiz de Vallejuelo, M. Maguregui, H. Morillas, I. Marcaida, K. Castro, F. J. Garcia-Diego, M. Osanna, and J. M. Madariaga. "In-situ multianalytical approach to analyze and compare the degradation pathways jeopardizing two murals exposed to different environments (Ariadne House, Pompeii, Italy)." Spectrochimica Acta Part A: Molecular and Biomolecular Spectroscopy 203 (October 2018): 201–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.saa.2018.05.115.

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34

Maio, R. Di, M. Fedi, M. La Manna, M. Grimaldi, and U. Pappalardo. "The contribution of geophysical prospecting in the reconstruction of the buried ancient environments of the house of Marcus Fabius Rufus (Pompeii, Italy)." Archaeological Prospection 17, no. 4 (October 2010): 259–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/arp.395.

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35

De Sena, E. C. "The Supply of Amphora-Borne Commodities and Domestic Pottery in Pompeii 150 BC-AD 79: Preliminary Evidence from the House of the Vestals." European Journal of Archaeology 6, no. 3 (December 1, 2003): 301–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/146195710300600305.

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36

Condello, Annette. "‘Sybaris is the land where it wishes to take us’: luxurious insertions in Picturesque gardens." Architectural Research Quarterly 15, no. 3 (September 2011): 261–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1359135511000807.

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Towards the end of the eighteenth century, the discovery of Pompeii attracted European aristocrats to include the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies (Southern Italy) on their Grand Tour itinerary. Similarly, Sybaris, an ancient Greek colonial polis also directed aristocratic attention to the region. French painter and engraver Jean-Claude Richard de Saint-Non and his entourage of architects most famously documented the ruinous Sybaris and exported its imagery back to France. In parallel with these developments, interest in recreating sybaritic images within luxurious Picturesque gardens arose. Drawing upon a pair of garden case studies, Monsieur de Monville's Broken Column House (1780–81) at Désert de Retz, Chambourcy, and Queen Marie-Antoinette's hameau (1783) within the Petit Trianon Gardens at Versailles, this paper examines the sybaritic images, their influences and the ethical values of the creators of these gardens. Monville and Marie-Antoinette were, for instance, charged of excess. This paper is concerned with the way in which these sybaritic places were configured and how they encapsulated a mythic Sybaris, and argues that the charges of excess levelled against their creators partly stemmed from the unusual and sybaritic effects to be found at their private entertainment gardens.

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Cozzolino, Marilena, Antonio De Simone, Vincenzo Gentile, Paolo Mauriello, and Amanda Piezzo. "GPR and Digital Survey for the Diagnosis and the 3D Representation of the Battle of Issus Mosaic from the House of the Faun, Pompeii (Naples, Italy)." Applied Sciences 12, no. 14 (July 9, 2022): 6965. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/app12146965.

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The application of non-invasive geophysical techniques and digital surveys to explore cultural heritage is becoming a very important research field. The capability to detect inner and superficial changes in the inspected surfaces allows for imaging spatial inhomogeneity and material features and planning targeted conservation and restoration interventions. In this work, the results of a research project carried out on the famous Battle of Issus Mosaic, also known as the “Alexander Mosaic”, are presented. It is a masterpiece of ancient art that was found in 1831 in the House of Faun, the most luxurious and spacious house in Pompeii. It is notable for its size (3.41 × 5.82 m), the quality of workmanship and the subject that represents the culminating phase of the battle between Alexander Magno’s army and the Persian one of Darius. In 1916, it was moved inside the National Archaeological Museum of Naples, where the original horizontal location was changed with a vertical arrangement supported by an inner wooden structure, whose exact manufacture is unclear. Today, the mosaic is affected by important instability phenomena highlighted by the appearance of the significant detachment of tiles, superficial lesions and swelling of the surface. Given the important need to preserve it, a high-detail diagnostic study was realized through a digital survey and non-invasive geophysical surveys using ground-penetrating radar (GPR). The investigation was repeated after two years, in 2018 and 2020, with the aim of verifying the evolution of degradation. The work provided a high-resolution estimate of the state of the health of the mosaic and allowed for obtaining a three-dimensional reconstruction of the internal mosaic structure, including the formulation of hypotheses on the engineering supporting works of the twentieth century; this provides an essential tool for the imminent conservation project, which also implies restoring the original horizontal position.

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Dicus, Kevin. "Bringing to light the chequered story of the House of Sallust in Pompeii - ANNE LAIDLAW AND MARCO SALVATORE STELLA, THE HOUSE OF SALLUST IN POMPEII (VI,2,4) (Journal of Roman Archaeology Supplementary Series no. 98; Portsmouth, RI 2014) Pp. 283, figs. 294, color pls. 23. ISBN 978-0-9913730-2-4. $109." Journal of Roman Archaeology 30 (2017): 610–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400074419.

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Graves, Kiernan, David Carson, Ilaria Catapano, Giacomo Chiari, Gianluca Gennarelli, Arlen Heginbotham, Nicola Masini, Francesca Piqué, Maria Sileo, and Leslie Rainer. "Portable in practice: investigations using portable instrumentation for materials analysis and mapping of decorated architectural surfaces in the tablinum of the House of the Bicentenary at Herculaneum." MRS Advances 2, no. 33-34 (2017): 1831–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1557/adv.2017.317.

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ABSTRACTThe conservation of the architectural surfaces in the tablinum of the House of the Bicentenary at the ancient Roman site of Herculaneum is a collaborative project of the Getty Conservation Institute, the Herculaneum Conservation Project and the Soprintendenza Pompeii. The tablinum was selected as a case study given the significance, beauty, and severe deterioration of its decorated surfaces. A multi-disciplinary team with a wide range of expertise, comprised of conservators, chemists, geo-physicists, engineers, and conservation scientists, worked in partnership across a number of institutions with the objective to study the wall paintings in the tablinum. Scientists and conservators worked together to test the feasibility of portable techniques and in situ investigations to better understand Roman painting technology; identify previous restoration materials; determine the presence of alteration products; and characterize deterioration mechanisms commonly found on architectural surfaces at archaeological sites of the Vesuvian Region. The collection and interpretation of the instrumental data has been critical to the design and implementation of appropriate passive and remedial interventions to stabilize the architectural surfaces and mitigate deterioration. The paper will present the results of the investigations using portable instrumentation along with a discussion of the capabilities and limitations of each technique and the practical implications of their use for architectural surfaces on archaeological sites.

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Clarke, John. "Looking and laughing in ancient Rome." Lampas 52, no. 2 (June 1, 2019): 195–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/lam2019.2.007.clar.

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Summary Humor, both verbal and visual, is culture-specific. This essay examines humorous visual representations in their original archaeological and social contexts to understand Roman attitude-formation, or acculturation. Social theories of humor that distinguish between humor meant for individuals within a group (intragroup humor) and humor targeting individuals outside one’s group (intergroup humor) help explain the dynamics of the humor in Roman visual culture. Pompeii offers two examples of intragroup humor: representations in the Tavern of Salvius make fun of the non-elite people who frequented the tavern; the parodies of Aeneas and Romulus from an elite house make fun of the cultural pretensions of other elites with regard to Augustus’ propaganda. The Tavern of the Seven Sages at Ostia uses intergroup humor, with non-elite men mocking the Seven Sages. In this case Mikhail Bakhtin’s hermeneutic of the carnivalesque enriches the analysis by revealing multiple strategies employed to elicit laughter, including the world-turned upside down, analogies between bodily and spatial representation, and oppositions between philosophical and colloquial speech. In both the Tavern of Salvius and that of the Seven Sages written texts, ranging from crude Latin speech-bubbles to elegant iambic senarii, indicate the levels of literacy of the audiences.

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Sbrogiò, Luca. "Parametric approach to the reconstruction of timber structures in Campanian Roman houses." Virtual Archaeology Review 13, no. 26 (January 21, 2022): 45–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/var.2022.15319.

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The virtual reconstruction of ancient architecture aims at describing the ‘original’ elevation and volume of a disappeared building. The feeble archaeological traces, often limited to their foundations, left by houses impair the reinstating of their image, in contrast to that which is made possible by the massive structures of public buildings. A twofold problem arises when dealing with timber structures during a reconstruction procedure: at the local scale of the individual beam (e.g. joists or rafters), one must define a beam’s cross-section given its span; at the overall scale, the shape of a building results from that which its structures allowed it to have been. Therefore, this work proposes a procedure to deal with the ‘local’ problem, i.e. the definition of a beam’s cross-section from its span. To that end, a simplified, parametric structural model is required. The available bits of information are organized into inputs, parameters and outputs of the analytical problem by matching each information with a structural quantity (load, cross-section, spacing, etc.). Two mathematical relationships among them are proposed, which express two equally possible dimensioning criteria, based either on joists’ strength or deformability. It seems that the joist’s strength was the option for lightly loaded joists, as in roofs or tightly spaced floor frames; conversely, heavily loaded joists conformed to the deformability criterion. Both dimensioning procedures are translated into a visual algorithm in Grasshopper, a plugin for Rhinoceros modelling software, which enables the parametric definition of objects. Finally, the proposed procedure is tentatively applied to automatically reconstruct the floor and roof frames that belonged to the domus on top of the Sarno Baths in Pompeii. The algorithm automatically picked the dimensioning criterion in relation to each frame’s span and hypothesized loads and determined joists’ orientation and minimum cross-sections. The obtained floor frames, whose structural conditions are considered as sensible, will be adopted in the overall virtual reconstruction proposal of the ruins, also based on the analytical evaluation of masonry structures.Highlights:- Proposal of a structural model for the dimensioning of timber floor beams in domestic spaces based on archaeological and literature information.- Parametrical interpretation of the model in Grasshopper for Rhinoceros software and optimization analysis of the structural parameters involved.- Application of the model to the reconstruction of floor frames in a house in the Sarno Baths complex, Pompeii.

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Malik, Shushma. "CVCVTA AB RATIONIBVS NERONIS AVGVSTI: A JOKE AT NERO'S EXPENSE?" Classical Quarterly 69, no. 2 (November 12, 2019): 783–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838819000910.

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On the outside wall and in the vestibule of the ‘House of Publius Paquius Proculus’ in Pompeii (building I.7.1) three graffiti containing the name Cucuta can be found. The first simply reads Cucuta (CIL 4.8065 [outside wall]). The second tells us that Cucuta was an attendant of the Emperor Nero (CIL 4.8066 [outside wall]): Cu(cuta) | Cucuta Ner(onis). From the third we learn that Cucuta was a financial secretary (a rationibus) of Nero (CIL 4.8075 [vestibule]): Cucuta ab ra[t]ioni[b]us | Neronis Augusti. While the meaning and significance of these graffiti may seem apparent—that one of Nero's attendants scratched his name on the wall and vestibule pillar as he waited for the emperor to return from a meeting—the closeness between Cucuta (an otherwise unattested name) and cicuta (hemlock) raises a key question: should we read Cucuta as Cicuta and therefore understand the third graffito in particular as a joke about Nero's rumoured fondness for killing family, friends and his senatorial enemies with poison? In other words, is it Poison, and not a person, that keeps Nero's finances in order? And, if so, can the Cucuta graffiti give us an alternative insight into the plethora of wall inscriptions found outside building I.7.1 greeting Publius Paquius Proculus and recommending him for office?

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Leander Touati, Anne-Marie, Thomas Staub, and Renée Forsell. "From 2D and 3D documentation to 4D interpretation. Building archaeological conclusions and workflow strategies gained by remote study of Insula V 1, Pompeii." Opuscula. Annual of the Swedish Institutes at Athens and Rome 14 (November 1, 2021): 181–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.30549/opathrom-14-11.

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The text describes new methods elaborated for and used in the building archaeological assessment of a city block, studied first on site, then remotely by members of the Swedish Pompeii Project. Use of a digital platform, with collected wall observations and analysis, systematic photographic documentation of all standing structures, and 3D models, allowed discussion to proceed after the fieldwork came to an end. The models provided new possibilities and new angles of approach, e.g. examining walls at any given point, studying boundary walls as wall-strings in their full extent, allowing all kinds of sectioning at will, introducing bird’s-eye views as a new perspective in study, and measuring wherever needed. The joint results obtained are summed up in a four-phase development of the use of space: the earliest structures; the late Samnite building boom (2nd century BC); the colony (second half of 1st century BC); the imperial era (until AD 79). This narrative includes conclusions concerning building process and development of masonry techniques and on changes in way of life. Many results affect Pompeian archaeology in general. Results of particular importance concern the character of the early plot division and the understanding of the building process creating the double-atrium house of Caecilius Iucundus, including an anchorage in time for this creation in the Claudian period. The relatively small impact in terms of damage that may be ascribed the literary recorded earthquake of AD 62/63 is also worth noting. The text ends with a suggestion of a new workflow for insula studies.

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Maguregui, M., U. Knuutinen, J. Trebolazabala, H. Morillas, K. Castro, I. Martinez-Arkarazo, and J. M. Madariaga. "Use of in situ and confocal Raman spectroscopy to study the nature and distribution of carotenoids in brown patinas from a deteriorated wall painting in Marcus Lucretius House (Pompeii)." Analytical and Bioanalytical Chemistry 402, no. 4 (August 13, 2011): 1529–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00216-011-5276-9.

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Milnor, Kristina. "Between Epigraph and Epigram: Pompeian Wall Writing and the Latin Literary Tradition." Ramus 40, no. 2 (2011): 198–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00000400.

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It has become a scholarly commonplace to remark that the ancient Roman city had, at least after the time of Augustus, a wide, varied, and almost omni-present regime of writing in public. This regime included texts of many different types, commercial, political, dedicatory; written with charcoal, paint, stylus or chisel; on stone, wood, plaster and mortar; on private houses, public monuments, temples, shops, baths, fountains and tombs. In part, this is due to what has come to be known as the ‘epigraphic habit’, the characteristically Roman practice of recording acts and events on stone. From the late Republic onwards, both public and private individuals who had even marginal means to hire a stonecutter left behind inscriptions—honorific, commemorative, funerary—which document multiple aspects of social life, from birth to death. Many of these texts have direct ties to civic authority: decrees of the Senate or the Emperor; dedicatory texts on buildings by consuls, tribunes or other magistrates; milestones, boundary markers, altars, statue bases and the like, all of which record the names of the officials responsible for their placement. The production of such publicly-readable texts, however, was not simply the purview of the state: wealthy private individuals also could and did erect monumental inscriptions, which often recorded some act of public beneficence like the construction of a building or the presentation of gladiatorial games. Other writing was less formal: thus, in Pompeii, the famouscaue canem(‘beware of the dog’) mosaic which marked the threshold of the House of the Tragic Poet; the bakery which featured a terracotta plaque with a phallus and the perhaps aspirational legendhic habitat felicitas(‘here dwells good fortune’); or the cookshop of Euxinus whose front sign announcesphoenix felix et tu(‘the phoenix is lucky, and so may you be!’). As William Harris once noted, ‘Roman cities…were full of things to read’.

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Mogetta, Marcello. "MICHAEL ANDERSON and DAMIAN ROBINSON (EDS), HOUSE OF THE SURGEON, POMPEII: EXCAVATIONS IN THE CASA DEL CHIRURGO (VI 1, 9–10.23). Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2018. Pp. xv + 647; illus., maps, plans, forms. isbn 9781785707285. £70.00." Journal of Roman Studies 110 (March 9, 2020): 251–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435820000519.

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Baker, Patricia. "Michael Anderson and Damian Robinson, eds. House of the Surgeon, Pompeii: Excavations in the Casa del Chirurgo (VI, 9-10. 23). Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2018. Pp. 664. Cloth (ISBN 978-1-78570-728-5) $110.00." New England Classical Journal 47, no. 1 (2020): 22–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.52284/necj.47.1.review.baker.

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Cova, Elisabetta. "To each his own? Intimacy in the Roman house - ANNA ANGUISSOLA (Hrsg.), PRIVATA LUXURIA. TOWARDS AN ARCHAEOLOGY OF INTIMACY IN POMPEII AND BEYOND. International Workshop Center for Advanced Studies, Ludwig-Maxmilians-Universität München (24-25 March 2011) (München Studien zur Alten Welt Bd. 8; Herbert Utz Verlag, München 2012). Pp. 239, figs., 5 colour pls. ISBN 978-3-8316-4101-7. EUR 59,00." Journal of Roman Archaeology 29 (2016): 671–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s104775940007255x.

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Ling, Roger. "The House of the Silver Wedding at Pompeii - WOLFGANG EHRHARDT, Photographien von PETER GRUNWALD und JOHANNES KRAMER, WANDGRAPHIKEN von WULFHILD AULMANN, LISA BAUER, MICHAEL SOHN, Architekturzeichnungen von ATHENASSIOS TSINGAS, CASA DELLE NOZZE D’ARGENTO (V 2,1) (Häuser in Pompeji Band 12; Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, Soprintendenza Archeologica di Pompei; Hirmer Verlag, München2004). Pp. 284, ills. 823 including many in colour. ISBN 3-7774-9460-7. Eur. 198." Journal of Roman Archaeology 19 (2006): 497–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s104775940000670x.

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Zanella, Sandra. "La casa a Pompei: revisioni stratigrafiche attraverso la casa del Chirurgo - MICHAEL A. ANDERSON and DAMIAN ROBINSON, with contributions by H. E. M. Cool, R. Hobbs, C. Murphy, J. Richardson, R. Veal, H. White, W. Wootton, HOUSE OF THE SURGEON, POMPEII. EXCAVATIONS IN THE CASA DEL CHIRURGO (VI 1, 9-10.23) (Oxbow Books, Oxford2018). Pp. xv + 647, many figures including many in colour. ISBN 978-1-78570-728-5. $110." Journal of Roman Archaeology 33 (2020): 688–700. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759420000343.

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