Journal articles on the topic 'House riverside'

The development of Musi Riveside house was influenced by the role of the river. The form of Musi riverside house is a riverside house and a stilt house. The choice to build stilt house is inseparable from the condition of the land in South Sumatra, which is generally in the form of wetlands. The level / height of the stage of flooring house is influenced by the condition of the house in the settlement layer, given the higher volume of water due to the denser density of the riverside houses. The high pole of the house is a form of adaptation to the high volume / tide of river water in the rainy season. The stilt house or pillar houses is a sustainable alternative to the Musi Palembang riverside community. Changes in house elements from wood material to permanent material resulting in riverside houses characterized by land houses.

The development of the Musi River edge house was influenced by the role of the river. The form of a house on the banks of the Musi river is a riverbank house and a stilt house. The choice to build a stilt house is inseparable from the land conditions in South Sumatra, which are generally wetlands. The level/height of the stage of the riverbank house is influenced by the condition of the house in the settlement layer, given the higher volume of water due to the denser density of the riverside houses. The high pole of the house is a form of adaptation to the high volume/tide of river water in the rainy season. One form of vernacular architecture on the banks of the Musi River is a sustainable home in the face of climate and weather in Palembang. The house on stilts or pillar houses is a sustainable alternative to the Musi Palembang riverbank community. The purpose of this study was to determine the trend of the adaptation of the stage floor height to the volume of water at the tidal currents of the Palembang Musi River. In achieving this goal, a study was conducted to identify architectural traces, explore activities and ideas of the Musi coastal communities. Data collection is done through field observations, in-depth interviews, and literature studies. Analysis was carried out qualitatively on variables, process characteristics, and products from identification of riverbank settlements. The results show that most of the houses on the banks of the river experience physical changes in buildings, both in terms of functions and building materials. Changes in the constituent elements of the house from wood material to permanent material occurred in most of the stilt houses on the Musi riverside settlement, resulting in riverside houses characterized by land houses.

Most of the settlement in Indonesia are located along big river. Kampung Pahandut is one of riverside settlement, thatis to observe in this research. Kampung Pahandut is a first settlement before growth to urban area. Kampung Pahandut is a source of life and ease to access of transport between regions. Research of settlement integration is one of alternative to solve of settlement problem in Indonesia. Settlement consist of: (1) nature; (2) shell/house; (3) network; (4) man; and (5) community. This research only focus on analysis of physical integration (1) nature; (2) shell/house; and (3) network especially natural settlement with the unique of riverside architecture. The objective of this research was to explore the pattern of settlements as an adaptation to the physical environment riverside area and to analyses the physical, economic and social apart of integration of urban riverside settlement. Research method used a combination (mix-used method) based on field observation and quesioner with 50 sample representated on one villages of Pahandut. The results showed there are threevariables that affect to riverside settlement, namely: (1) nature; (2) settlement; and (3) network.. The three variable of the settlement pattern support settlements in those areas riverside towards sustainable development through to riverside area.

ABSTRAK. Kota Banjarmasin merupakan kota yang dipengaruhi oleh lingkungan sungai. Keberadaan sungai berperan terhadap pembentukan karakteristik identitas Kota Banjarmasin yang dapat dilihat dari permukiman tepian sungainya. Salah satu permukiman tepian sungai yang masih memiliki unsur kelokalan dan kebudayaan sungai yang kuat, yaitu pada permukiman tepian Delta Pulau Bromo. Lingkungan sungai sangat berpengaruh terhadap kehidupan dan aktivitas masyarakat pada permukiman ini. Aktivitas masyarakat yang banyak dilakukan di sungai membuat masyarakat cenderung membangun hunian atau tempat tinggalnya di tepian sungai, hal ini dilakukan agar memudahkan akses untuk melakukan aktivitas di sungai. Rumah-rumah masyarakat dibangun dengan menyesuaikan dan beradaptasi dengan lingkungannya. Penggunaan jenis struktur, konstruksi dan material pembentuk rumah menjadi pertimbangan dalam membangun rumah. Metode yang dipakai untuk melihat pengaruh lingkungan terhadap bentukan rumah pada permukiman tepian sungai ini memakai metode deskriptif kualitatif. Hasil dari penelitian ini didapati bahwa, konstruksi kayu dengan material alam, serta struktur pondasi panggung atau terapung menjadi pilihan pada rumah tepian sungai untuk merespon lingkungannya. Selain itu terdapat pula elemen penunjang pada rumah, seperti titian, batang, dermaga dan jamban yang menjadi akses penghubung penghuni untuk berinteraksi dengan lingkungan sungai. Kata kunci: Rumah Tepian Sungai, Lingkungan Sungai, Kota Banjarmasin ABSTRACT. Banjarmasin is the city that has been influenced by the environment of the river. The existence of the river plays a role to establish the identity of Banjarmasin that can be seen from the riverside settlements. One of the places which still have the local-wisdom element and dominant river cultures is Bromo Island Delta. The environment of the river is very influential in the lives and activities of the community in the settlement. The activities at the riverside make the community tend to build a residence on it, and this is done to facilitate access to have an activity on the riverside. The community houses built by adjusting and adapting to its environment. The use of structures, constructions, and material forming of the house is considered in creating them. The method that used to see the influence of the environment to the house in the riverside settlement was a qualitative descriptive method. The result of this research found that the wood construction with natural materials and the structure of the foundation stage or floated are the choice of the river house as a community respond to its environment. Besides, there are also supporting elements at home, such as terrace, logs, piers, and toilet which are being accessed connecting residents to interact with the environment of the river. Keywords: Riverside Settlement House, River Environment, Banjarmasin

Natural and environmental conditions were the main factor that caused people make adjustments to their residences. People need houses with the reasons are usually to meet the needs of privacy, comfort, storage of possessions, acquisition, storage and preparation of food, shelter from the weather protection from insects and/or pests, safety, kinship and social, gathering and travel, and movement. The condition of balance is achieved by the design adjustments made so that the buildings cause the least amount of impact on the surrounding environment. The advantages of the stage house for a hot and humid climate area of West Kalimantan is done to responds the ecological advantages of surrounding environment. The raised floor feature has been the best mitigation feature not only to keep dry from constant flood but also to built into the nature whilst living near riverside area. The stage house with modern concept can be designed to allow for cross ventilation, natural lighting, thermal comfort, privacy (visual and social), functionality and the effective cost for house handling.

Weriagar District is located in estuary area and is prone to land loss, due to river and coastal erosion. Without any prevention efforts, Weriagar land might be disappear due to erosion on coastal and riverside. The Shore Housing Improvement Program was developed in 2014 to improve the environment, housing and settlement in Weriagar District. Based on the preliminary site observation and further site survey, the program continued in conducting in-depth analysis consists of house assessment method prior to concept select matrix development, in which design criteria were obtained. The results from analysis phase shows that it is necessary to design a house and settlement that can fulfil the needs of indigenous people, both functionally and aesthetically. Functionally, the house is designed to provide spaces for both private and public needs of the family. It can be used either as a family private space or as a public gathering space between family and their neighbours. Aesthetically, houses’ architectural form is designed to identify the locality of Weriagar District. The houses’ design feature highlighted in using local material, rainwater harvesting system, high pitched roof feature as a response to hot-humid climate and elevated-floor feature as response to tidal condition in estuary area.

Background Cryptosporidium infection is often found in children,especially children below three years old. Many risk factors canaffect cryptosporidiosis prevalence. At this moment, the prevalenceand risk factors of cryptosporidiosis in children in Jakarta areunknown.Objectives To determine the cryptosporidiosis prevalence, clinicalmanifestations, and risk factors in children below three years old.Methods This cross sectional study involved 474 subjects betweenthe age of 0 to 35 months in Ciliwung riverside, Kampung Melayuvillage, from December 2005 until April 2006. Stool specimenswere examined using modified acid-fast staining. Nutritional statuswas measured based on actual body weight over ideal body weightratio (NCHS-CDC 2000).Results Cryptosporidium cysts were found in stool sample of 10/474 subject (2.1%). Most of the cases used ground water as asource for drinking and washing. All positive cases lived in houseswith bad sanitation, flooded house and 9/10 cases had a crowdedhousehold. Cat and mice were the two most frequently foundanimals around the house. We found five asymptomatic cases andall of the cases were undernourished.Conclusions The prevalence of cryptosporidiosis in this study is2.1%. Due to small number of cases no risk factor could beidentified. Use of groundwater as a water source, bad sanitation,cat and mice around the house, flooded house, crowded householdand undernourishment might be related to cryptosporidiosisprevalence. Half of the infected children were asymptomatic.

At the beginning of the 20th century, the terms genotype and phenotype in biology were adopted into architecture. In the science of architecture genotype was an abstract relational model that governs the arrangement of space, and the principle of organizing space while phenotype was a physical form of architecture. Genotype passed from generation to generation thus informing an identity in the community. The development of globalization and the environment can influence the identity of architectural diversity in each region. Vulnerability in the transformation of architectural forms can have an impact on identities that can survive or disappear. Malay traditional houses in West Kalimantan are on stilts and are located on the riverside. the sample used is a traditional Malay house around the palace in West Kalimantan with a sample of 8 cities and uses 69 sample houses. The method in this study uses the Levi Strauss structuralism and configuration space. External structure analysis has an informed of variation phenotype. through configuration space to finding archetypes. Then, continue to inner structure analysis to finding genotype from that archetype. The result from this study found the value and meanings of principle and arrangement space in traditional Malay house in West Kalimantan in the form of zoning of men and women as well as clean and dirty zones which have always been passed down from generation to generation.

The riverside communities devised a community-based program to negotiate with the local government to avoid eviction. As an intervention package,-which aims to upgrade the living environment and increase the residents’ pro-environmental behaviour-, this program consists of organization and information, combined with social interaction, commitment and feedback performance. Intensive observations were used to examine the effectiveness of the program to environmental behaviour change and upgrading settlement. The findings reveal that having a common objective of renovation is the most influential variable in motivating individuals to increase environmentally friendly behaviour on the upgrading environment. Keywords: behavior change, community-based, social interaction © 2017. The Authors. Published for AMER ABRA by e-International Publishing House, Ltd., UK. This is an open access article under the CC BYNC-ND license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/). Peer–review under responsibility of AMER (Association of Malaysian Environment-Behaviour Researchers), ABRA (Association of Behavioural Researchers on Asians) and cE-Bs (Centre for Environment-Behaviour Studies), Faculty of Architecture, Planning & Surveying, Universiti Teknologi MARA, Malaysia.

River is a first transportation for connection city to village and central for economic community. Nowadays, land transportation is a trend for connection city to village. River transportation have been not priority, due to land transportation more easy to access, low cost and faster rather than river transportation. River have been not priority for infrastructure and river is a backward. River is facing serious problems such as physical and environmental problem. River are still occupy for lower income people as a reason house can built by themselves and close to work location with a location in green belt area. Thispaper try to arguehow is a problem in river transportation. The location of this research is Kahayan River, Palangkaraya City. This research aim is to reveal of potential of river transportation and unique of moda transportation will be revitalize of Kahayan riverside area of Palangkaraya City, Central Kalimantan.River is a first transportation for connection city to village and central for economic community. Nowadays, land transportation is a trend for connection city to village. River transportation have been not priority, due to land transportation more easy to access, low cost and faster rather than river transportation. River have been not priority for infrastructure and river is a backward. River is facing serious problems such as physical and environmental problem. River are still occupy for lower income people as a reason house can built by themselves and close to work location with a location in green belt area. Thispaper try to arguehow is a problem in river transportation. The location of this research is Kahayan River, Palangkaraya City. This research aim is to reveal of potential of river transportation and unique of moda transportation will be revitalize of Kahayan riverside area of Palangkaraya City, Central Kalimantan.

During his 75 years of life from the 9th of March 1942 until the 28th of September 2017 Nicholas Wilkinson was a very productive and hardworking individual. He grew up in the north east of England in Corbridge, a small rural town in Northumberland. He was the third child of Zara and Tom Wilkinson and grew up together with his brother Warwick, his sister Joanna. He told me that as a child he played a lot by the riverside, and in their large family house garden and that, amongst other things, his outdoor childhood promoted a deep love of nature in him. His mother Zara had artistic abilities and his father, Tom a very good sense of judgement; Nicholas inherited these talents and characteristics from them. He was educated at Corchester Preparatory School in Corbridge and then at Bryanston School in Blanford, Dorset.

Abstract: Nowadays, the majority of Indonesian people live in the dense urban kampungs. Some of those kampungs laid on the riverside, as a marginal area -- due to their low economic value of the land. They have specific conditions especially on the limitation of infrastructures and facilities for children activities in the settlement area. This research is a part of my dissertation paper, which aims to gain how children (mainly school-age children) coping with such condition. This study is a qualitative exploratory research, meanwhile, observation and interview were used as collecting data methods. Kampung Ngampilan in Yogyakarta, Indonesia, was chosen as a case area, because of its unique characteristics: located on the riverside of Winongo River, had a high density, and most people have low economics. As the result, this study found that natural setting, especially river area and its surrounding vegetation, is a focus location for children to release live stress in their settlement, due to two space aspects: thermal comfort and visual comfort. This condition was triggered by the limited area of their house so that the children prefer to go out from their house especially after attending school in the afternoon. This results will be useful as a reference for urban kampung planning, especially in riverfront area.Keywords: children, kampung, environmental press, natural settingAbstrak: Mayoritas penduduk kota Indonesia tinggal di kampung berkepadatan tinggi. Sebagian dari kampung -kampung berada di bantaran sungai sebagai salah satu area kota yang dianggap marginal karena nilai ekonomi lahan rendah. Kampung-kampung umumnya berkondisi khas dan memiliki keterbatasan infrastruktur termasuk fasilitas untuk kegiatan anak-anak di permukiman. Studi ini merupakan bagian dari disertasi penulis, yang bertujuan mengetahui bagaimana anak-anak (terutama anak usia sekolah dasar) menghadapi tekanan lingkungan. Kampung Ngampilan dipilih karena merupakan kampung kota yang sangat padat, terletak di tepi sungai, berkontur curam, dan warganya termasuk kelompok ekonomi menengah ke bawah. Kajian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif eksploratif, dan penggalian data dilakukan dengan metode observasi lapangan dan wawancara. Penelitian menemukan, seting alami kampung, khususnya sungai dan vegetasi di sekitarnya, merupakan area pilihan utama anak bermain, karena memiliki dua aspek kenyamanan, yaitu kenyamanan termal dan kenyamanan visual. Pilihan anak-anak dipicu oleh kondisi rumah mereka yang sempit, sehingga mereka lebih memilih keluar rumah sepulang sekolah atau sore hari. Temuan ini dapat menjadi acuan bagi pengembangan kampung kota Indonesia yang lebih kondusif untuk anak, khususnya kampung tepi sungai.Kata kunci: seting alami, tekanan lingkungan, kampung kota, anak

Is there a specific lesbian theatre aesthetic? If so, is butch and femme at the heart of it? Or androgyny? Or the freedom-confinement dynamic? Or, on another level, distancing role from ‘essential being’, and ‘woman’ and ‘man’ as social constructs from male and female as biological entities? By focusing on a number of lesbian texts, including her own work, Nina Rapi explores both the theory and practice of an emerging aesthetic that reveals the ‘performance of being’, seeking to ‘shift the axis of categorization’, and so to create a new and exciting theatre language. Nina Rapi is a playwright and translator whose theatre work includes Ithaka (Riverside Studios, June 1989; Link Theatre, staged readings, April 1992; published in Seven Plays by Women, 1991), Critical Moments, a trilogy of shorts (Soho Poly Theatre, June 1990), Johnny Is Dead (First One Person Play Festival, Etcetera Theatre, March 1991), Dreamhouse (Oval House and Chat's Palace, April-May 1991), Dance of Guns (touring production, including King's Head and Jackson's Lane Theatres, April-May 1992), and Dangerous Oasis (Finborough, March 1993).

This study is based on Open Defecation Free Zone and Their Practice in Jorayal Gaunpalika -4, Doti District. The main objective of the study is to analyze the practice of open defecation free zone. Out of 310 total households, only 150 households were selected for the study. The cluster sampling method was applied to collect necessary information. The study area was divided into 6 clusters and from each cluster 25 households were selected randomly. According to the study, hand wash practice is very high, that is, 85.3 percent wash their hands with soap and water and 14.7 percent use soil and water. The high majority of the respondents (88.7%) said that they maintained the garden and the toilet, 7.3 percent said that they kept the courtyard of the house plain. Most of the respondents (82.7%) cleaned the toilet every day. Most of the respondents (70.7%) expressed that they defecated in the field, and 28.7 percent respondents said that they defecated along the riverside and remaining others used the road. Based on study findings, the government and non-government sectors are suggested to support such open defecation free zone area ensuring adequate environmental sanitation. The municipality should make people aware of the importance of a good environmental hygiene.

The study is based on Open Defecation Free Zone and Their Practice in Jorayal Gaunpalika -4, Doti District. The main objective of the study is to analyze the practice of open defecation free zone. Out of 310 total households, only 150 households were selected for the study. The cluster sampling method was applied to collect necessary information. The study area was divided into 6 clusters and from each cluster 25 households were selected randomly. According to the study, hand wash practice is very high that is 85.3 percent wash their hands with soap and water and 14.7 percent use soil and water. The high majority of the respondents (88.7 percent) said that they maintained the garden and the toilet, 7.3 percent said that they kept the courtyard of the house plain. Most of the respondents (82.7 percent) cleaned the toilet every day. Most of the respondents (70.7) expressed that they defecated in the field, and 28.7 percent respondents said that they defecated along the riverside and remaining others used the road. In this study, the researcher gives suggestions to the concerned department and to possible future researchers. The government and non-government sectors should support such open defecation free zone area ensuring adequate environmental sanitation. The municipality should be made aware of the importance of a good environmental hygiene. Furthermore, such studies should be conducted at the national level.

<div class="Section1"><p><em>The upland agro ecosystem wet climate and lowland agro ecosystem succulence on riverside that occur Brebes Regency potential for sector food plant and livestock development. The destination of survey for knows farming contribution buffalo into food plant farming system in upland and lowland agro ecosystem. The study application with survey method used questioner. The central livestock each village sample collected on district all over buffalo population. The based result debriefing to respondent know farming that application farmer largely is rice’s, corns, onions and buffalos. The Brebes Regency having wide rice’s land is 63.266 Ha. The feed capacities rice waste to livestock is 1.064.38,87 tons digested dry matter/livestock unit. The capacities corns waste to livestock is 78.386,01 tons digested dry matter/livestock unit and the capacities onions waste to livestock is 43.551,51 tons digested dry matter/livestock unit. The conclusion of study that buffalo breeding application as side effort (land plow, save, married child, house repaired) so that traditional bred management. The main farm is rice plants, corns and onion. The value of R/C ratio </em><em>output more than one, farmer application farming system still reasonable for effort. The farming on lowland agro ecosystem big contribution in onions farm is 75,78%. At upland agro ecosystem big contribution in buffalo farm is 57,78%.</em></p></div><p><em> </em></p><p><em>Key words: integrated, food plants, buffalo, agroecosystem</em></p>

The Kampong Bharu community was established by the Colonial British government in the late nineteenth century as a 'Malay Agricultural Settlement' - a riverside area strategically removed from the old city centre of Kuala Lumpur, where many of the economic activities fuelled the city's early growth. Ethnic Malay families from several villages were relocated here and given exclusive land rights to maintain a 'village life'. Due to complex land rights enactment, entitlements and inheritance laws, many parcels in this neighbourhood have remained untouched for more than a century. The appearance and lifestyle associated with Kampong Bharu today are seemingly at odds with a city that aggressively grows around it. This paper explores the neighbourhood and documents the complexities and contradictions of urban development that the area encapsulates. Kampong Bharu today sits in the heart of the city. Many parcels of the land have changed ownership. The agricultural land with its modest original house gradually expanded into a sprawling, ramshackle home for dozens of extended families. It has become the hotspot for resettlement for new urban migrants that come to the city to resettle during pre and post- independence. Many historical events have happened here and it has become one of the most well-known neighbourhood in the city. Efforts by the authority to develop this area failed due to various reasons. They had tried to establish a balance between the concerns of long-term inhabitants and the demands of modern development. This paper examines the reasons and also explores how stakeholders in Kampong Bharu have been involved in recent redevelopment efforts. Key stakeholders including landowners, residents, village heads, and leaders of local associations were interviewed, and their concerns and aspirations were documented.

Banjarmasin as the city of a thousand rivers has become a region with strong riverside character. From its history, traditional kampungs grow along the riverbanks with unique features and characteristics. Along with the development of time and progress in all fields, the riverside kampung undergoes transformation that threatens the fading of the identity and existence of riverside architecture in Banjarmasin City. This study aims to identify the character of riverside architecture in Kampung Sasirangan and dwelling components that became the background of the character. The location of Kampung Sasirangan chosen based on the criteria of finding lanting houses, riverbank houses, titian, trunks, toilets, docks and bridges as part of the riverside architecture This research uses rationalistic method with typology as a classification analysis tool of mapping of residence typology and its physical component. The findings of this study illustrate the trend of changes and transformation of riverbanks and lanting houses in the area of Kampung Sasirangan that is happening and is real. These changes are generally not in the form of architectural form but in the material forming content and functions that exist in each of these houses. The strong influence of the road to the attraction of orientation and the changing factor of the community profession in Kampung Sasirangan, which is based on the main factor that is the economic accessibility that becomes the base of the changing factor of the area.

Between 1902 and 1932, Harvard University embarked on an unprecedented expansion program. The Harvard Riverside Associates and President Abbott Lawrence Lowell used proxy real estate agents to obtain the necessary land for undergraduate houses, a tactic that brought the ire of local residents, property owners, and state officials.

The unpublished work of Heinrich Schenker (1868–1935) has long fascinated scholars interested in the origins and development of his analytic method. Most of his unpublished papers can be found in two archives: the Oster Collection, housed in the New York Public Library, and the Oswald Jonas Memorial Collection, located at the University of California at Riverside.1.

On the one hand, the hyper-urbanization phenomenon gives numerous advancements in urban living quality, yet on the other hand, it also raises an equal amount of problems. Environmental issues come in the form of density issues, the existence of slums, floods, social inequality, and urban architectural identity. As a city with “City of a Thousand Rivers” as its brand, Banjarmasin now faces a shift in an urban architectural image from a river based city to a land-based city due to the rapid land-based infrastructure development. This resulted in the degradation of environmental and architectural quality of river-based village (kampong) settlement, the main component of Banjarmasin river front city, due to a strong paradigm shift. Kuin, a river side residential area/riverside tourist destination that is currently experiencing a degradation of environmental quality and place identity, is undergoing an urban renewal. Unfortunately, the policy approaches to urban planning that has been implemented are based on general formal guidelines; guidelines which do not take the informal nature of kampong river-side settlements, due to the lack of guidelines based on riverside place identity. This paper aims to explore the characteristics of riverside settlement using architectural image observation method, space syntax method for analyzing settlement configuration genotype, connectivity, interface and interlink territory integration, as well as questionnaire and interview methods to assess the perceptions of residents and municipal authorities. From the results of this research, five compositions forms have been identified: attachment to riverside settlement identity in the form of pilling, spanning, floating, embracing, and ascending with elements such as waterfront alleys, jukung (traditional boat), lanting (floating houses) as well as floating traditional markets that serves as the frame to the configuration. The identification process is done by using the approach of observing the spaceuse appropriation and the space-user perception on how to consider its sustainability aspect as a means to determine a level of adjustment. The result shows that self organized and self customized kampong residents and tourist are aware towards the river environment, the assets of local floating markets as well as the local social space. On the other hand, municipal authorities gave more attention to formal normative and regulative aspects. This analysis is used as the basis for recommendations for kampong riverside settlement design consolidation, which is done through guided participatory design workshops. The result of this study is constructed as a concept for urban riverfront composition architecture, amphibious space territory, and urban riverfront settlement identity and expected to be able to further advance the knowledge surrounding the subject of urbanism and territoriality.

Resilience is a term largely applied to the urban environment due to the need to absorb impacts toward minimizing possible damages caused by adversities, such as floods. This research aimed to study the perception of a population sample about the term resilience and its implications for the daily lives of citizens. A conceptual project was proposed to render resilient a region in the city of Londrina, PR, Brazil, periodically affected by this calamity. It consists of lowering a riverside park in order to create a buffer basin into which water is drained on days of heavy rain and prevented from reaching the streets and houses in the region. The sample’s perception was obtained from surveys applied on-site. The collected data indicate that 54% of the respondents have prior knowledge of resilience, 46% out of whom are younger than 30 years old. A total of 87% of the respondents are for the proposal, with the negatively affected ones being more likely to support the idea. The main hindrance is the difficulty in moving around on flooding days, according to 46% of the sample. The theoretical knowledge of the term resilience is greater among the younger ones, but it is not linked to its actual use, as residents and business owners in the region who did not know the word present resilient measures developed by the need for adaptation. Suggestions provided by the participants can be useful for a more in-depth study on means to make a riverside location resilient to flooding.

Abstract Researchers have increasingly used autonomous monitoring units to record animal sounds, track phenology with timed photographs, and snap images when triggered by motion. We piloted the use of smartphones to monitor wildlife in the Riverside East Solar Energy Zone (California) and at Indiana Dunes National Park (Indiana). For both efforts, we established remote autonomous monitoring stations in which we housed an Android smartphone in a weather-proof box mounted to a pole and powered by solar panels. We connected each smartphone to a Google account, and the smartphone received its recording/photo schedule daily via a Google Calendar connection when in data transmission mode. Phones were automated by Tasker, an Android application for automating cell phone tasks. We describe a simple approach that could be adopted by others who wish to use nonproprietary methods of data collection and analysis.

it is proposed to discuss the relationship of the artifacts made by the riverside of the Mapuá river with the way of life of these peoples. Mapuá is one of the most extensive rivers in the municipality of Breves, archipelago of Marajó (PA). Along its length are its communities, formed by families, living in isolated houses and grouped in villages. Accompanying the dynamics of these communities, I mapped different artifacts produced by ribeirinhos with materials taken from the forest and used in various ways in everyday life. With a methodological combination involving the bibliographical survey and the field research, I show that the set of artifacts produced by the riverside mediate their relationship with the environment, with each other, with others and with materiality. They are artifacts that form their material and archaeological patrimony, a concept that contributes to demonstrate that the form of appropriation of this category can not do without the way of life of the traditional populations in the contemporary world. Os “Artefatos” dos ribeirinhos do Rio Mapuá, Marajó-PA, Brasil Propõe-se discutir a relação dos artefatos – objetos artesanais – confeccionados pelos ribeirinhos do rio Mapuá, com o modo de vida desses povos. O Mapuá é um dos rios mais extensos do município de Breves, arquipélago de Marajó, Estado do Pará. Ao longo de sua extensão encontram-se suas comunidades, formadas por famílias que moram em casas isoladas e agrupadas em vilas. Acompanhando a dinâmica dessas famílias, mapeei diferentes artefatos por elas construídos a partir de produtos retirados da floresta e utilizados de várias formas na vida cotidiana. São objetos que para elas formam seu patrimônio material e caracterizam-se como estratégias do saber-fazer e das relações estabelecidas com o meio ambiente amazônico. Neste texto trabalho com uma combinação metodológica que envolve a análise qualitativa do levantamento bibliográfico e da pesquisa de campo, com foco para a fotografia, observação e entrevistas com interlocutores envolvidos com a temática investigada.

Abstract. In order to fully use the newly-built hydrologic stations in small and medium rivers for flood warning and prevention, based on the technical line of the investigation and evaluation of flash flood disasters, different historical flood information of the warning river section was investigated, while the elevations of riverain houses were measured. The relationship between the stations and affected population has been established for the study region. According to integrated flood control capability of riverside residents, the characteristic water levers and rainfall threshold values were determined in this case. The results indicate that the warning and safety levels are 54.0 and 55.3 m, respectively. The analysis results show that the warning should be issued when the net rainfall intensity is 70 mm h−1 or 110 mm for 6 h condition. And considering the effectiveness of disaster avoidance, variable characteristic water levers of the hydrologic station for flood warning in different village were determined on the basis of the flood control capability of each village. The relationship between hydrologic numerical value and inundating influence was established in a one-to-n way.

Kampung Al Munawar is a tourist village located in the Palembang city. This place is interesting because located on the banks of the Musi river and has a nice layout form. There is an interesting term in naming the place in this village, there are land and sea area. Land area is part of the village tends towards the land, sea area is part of the village located on the banks of the Musi big river. Some unique elements in this village are found by visitors' sight and remembered in their minds, in a form known as a mental map or mental image. This research combines descriptive, graphical and quantitative analysis methods to describe mental map or mental image recorded in observer’s mind. The results of the mental image show the unique gradation of places and objects remembered by visitors. The result shows the land entrance area and river pier area are both remembered only by 86% of observers. Row of houses leading to the sea remembered by 93% of observers. Row of houses and open space in the center of the village remembered by all of observers. This means that the core area attracts more visitors than its entrance and river’s banks area. Though Kampung Al Munawar can be a more interesting place if it is reached from the riverside. Therefore need to develop more activities in the riverbank area and increase the pier aesthetics, to attract visitors through the river and make the seaside more meaningful.

The behavior of woody debris has become a critical issue in river dynamics. It is still not widely understood, particularly during a flood event. Field investigations were performed to investigate the characteristics of woody debris production and deposition during the 2012 and 2013 floods in Yabe and Tsuwano River Basin, Japan. Ground-level photos, aerial photos, and direct measurements were used to measure the length and diameter of woody debris, characteristics of obstacles (length. width, diameter, and shape). These investigations revealed that woody debris deposition was divided into two types: the rest of individual woody debris pieces on the riverside slope or floodplain and the formation of a woody debris jam at obstacles such as bridges, riparian trees, houses, and irregular topographic relief. Individual woody debris pieces at the production sites are around two times longer than those at the deposition sites. However, the variation coefficient of piece length at the production sites is smaller than that at the deposition site. Our results also show that the most extended piece in the jam and horizontal scale of the obstacle are two essential factors in jam formation. An empirical equation for predicting the apparent volume of jam at an obstacle is also proposed.

Purpose Enhancing community flood resilience is a critical aspect of flood risk management that requires a systematic process of capacity building through incorporating mitigation measures. The inhabitants of South Rishipara, a riverside settlement of Bangladesh, are accommodating themselves in a flood-prone location through modifying their built environment. The purpose of this study is to conduct a detailed investigation regarding the built environment development and find out roles of different actors and contributing factors for enhancing community flood resilience. Design/methodology/approach This case study-based post-positivist research uses multiple lines of inquiries, which include focus group discussions, transect walks, in-depth semi-structured interviews, pair-wise comparisons and a questionnaire survey, mostly in a participatory appraisal manner to obtain data about community experiences and perceptions. Findings About 66.7 per cent of respondents identified themselves as severely affected by flood before the recent development with increased elevation of land, flood protection walls, reclaimed land from the river, underground drainage system, a new layout of plots and houses of better quality. In the post-development situation, not a single respondent identified him/ her in that condition. “Coordination and cooperation among GOs, NGOs and donor agency” (GO: governmental organization; NGO: nongovernmental organization) and “awareness about the flood vulnerability” were identified as key factors and the NGO was identified as the key actor for enhancing community flood resilience by the survey participants. Originality/value This research, through exploring the nuanced relationship between built environment development and community resilience, will contribute to address uncertainties associated with community capacities to respond to risks.

Tropical moist climate in Manipur supports rich and luxuriant growth of Bambusa tulda Roxb. locally known as Saneibi, which is endemic to northeastern region and West Bengal of India. It represents one of the most costly species of bamboo in Manipur, its price ranging from Rs. 70-150/-per mature bamboo culm. The meitei Manipuris have a rich traditional knowledge for utilization of this particular bamboo species. In fact, it has got multipurpose use covering several aspects from religious to industrial. Because of its strength and durability it is of great demand on the market. Its young shoots (ushoi) and the fermented young shoots (soibum) represent a significant vegetable for local people. Ushoi costs Rs.10-50/- per piece while soibum cost Rs. 30-50/- per kg. Local medicine man use this for healing properties. It forms a good raw material for various handicraft works, house building, paper industries, fencing, and several other useful equipments for day to day life. This bamboo species could yield more than 15 very commonly used and highly marketable articles with prices ranging from Rs.10/-to Rs 300/-per piece. Therefore, the development of small scale industries with highly skilled handicraftsmen can be profitable. Plantation of this bamboo species on farmland, borders of home garden, foothills, riversides, sides of ponds will prove to be a good business as well as a proper help in the conservation and sustainable management of this endemic species. Traditional mode of propagation is done successfully through off-set planting method. This paper presents a detailed study on this particular bamboo species regarding taxonomy, status of distribution, density, regeneration capacity, traditional uses, methods of processing and its commercial implications highlighting the eco-friendly nature of bamboo plantation and bamboo products.

The development and change of stilt house on the Musi riverside are influenced by river geography. Model houses on the banks of the river Musi in the form of houses on stilts. The effort to build a stilts houseis inseparable from the condition of the Musi river, which is generally in the form of wetlands, so that housing is needed that can adapt to the water environment. In the initial conditions of settlements, under the riverfront house stage functioned as allowing air to move so as to minimize the humidity that is under the stage. With the current settlement conditions, people make adjustments or change the settlement environment as a form of adaptation to the tidal Musiriver. Stilt houses are an alternative place to stay that continues in the Palembang river community in dealing with climate and weather. This study aims to determine the tendency of morphological changes in the development of space under the stilt house. In achieving the objectives of the study carried out to identify architectural models, explore the activities of community settlements on the banks of the Musiriver. Data collection is done through field observations, literature studies, and in-depth interviews. Data analysis was carried out qualitatively on the variable elements of the building, with identification of riverfront stilt house models. The results show that the house on the river bank has experienced physical changes in the model house on stilts, both in terms of function and building materials. Changes in the physical elements of houses from wood to fabrication occurred in some of the stilt houses on the banks of the river Musi, resulting in river bank settlements dominated by brick or terrestrial houses.

Keberadaan sungai Kapuas sebagai sumber kehidupan dan jalur transportasi air, memunculkan permukiman-permukiman di tepian sungai Kapuas.Rumah-rumah yang berada di pemukiman tepian sungai Kapuas umumnya didirikan langsung di tepian sungai Kapuas.Rumah tersebut sebagian besar berupa rumah kayu yang terhubung dengan gertak-gertak sebagai jalur penghubung antar rumah.Konstruksi rumah kayu ini menarik untuk diamati mengingat keadaan tepian sungai perlu diselesaikan oleh bangunan agar tetap bertahan.Tulisan ini memaparkan kontruksi rumah kayu pada salah satu kasus daerah tepian sungai kapuas. Daerah kasus yang diambil adalah Kelurahan Bansir Laut, Kecamatan Pontianak Tenggara, Kota Pontianak.Dalam tulisan ini dipaparkan konstruksi kayu berdasarkan bagian-bagian rumah mulai dari pondasi, rangka, dinding, sampai atap.Terdapat beberapa tipe konstruksi pada kasus yang diteliti.Pertimbangan umum terletak pada kemudahan konstruksi, tampilan atau fasad dan lokasi keberadaan rumah The existence of the Kapuas river as a source of life and water transportation, led to settlements growth on side the Kapuas river. The houses are located on side Kapuas river are generally directly constructed at the river. The houses mostly made of wood which connected by wooden bridge as connecting lines between houses. Construction of wooden houseis interesting to be identifiedbecause the building must bedurable with the condition around the river. This paper describes the wooden houses construction in one case area of the Kapuas riverside. Case study is taken at Kelurahan Bansir Laut, South East Pontianak District. In this paper described the wooden construction : the foundation, frame, wall, and the roof. There are several types of construction in the cases studied. General considerations is the ease of construction, appearance or facade and location of the house.

Teras merupakan ruang tambahan yang berfungsi untuk mewadahi aktivitas tambahanpenghuni rumah. Teras juga berperan sebagai ruang transisi yang bersifat publik. Pemakaianteras yang fleksibel merupakan salah satu alasan terbentuknya teras. Teritori teras dapattercipta dari pola perilaku penghuni yang melakukan kegiatan di teras yang berulang dankonstan. Lokasi penelitian berada di daerah pesisir kampung Bansir Laut, KecamatanPontianak tenggara, Kalimantan Barat. Topologi permukiman kampung Bansir yangmerupakan permukiman pinggiran sungai memiliki karakter permukiman yang dibangundiatas air. Teritori yang tidak jelas karena rumah yang didirikan berada diatas air merupakanalasan pemilik rumah membentuk suatu penanda atau batasan teritori rumahnya. Berdasarkanalasan tersebut dibentuklah teritori teras yang disesuaikan dengan kebutuhan dan mendukungaktivitas dalam teras. Permukiman kampung Bansir yang merupakan permukiman multi etnisdan berada di pesisir sungai, meciptakan pola perilaku yang khas dan dipengaruhi olehkeberadaan sungai Kapuas. Sehingga menciptakan karakteristik setting-setting tipe teras yangsama, namun memiliki fungsi teras yang berbeda. Penelitian ini hanya membahas khususterciptanya setting teritori teras yang dipengaruhi kebiasaan atau perilaku pemilik rumah danperuntukan teras sebagai ruang aktivitas tambahan. Dari hasil penelitian ini menghasilkandata mengenai karakteristik tipe setting teritori teras di pesisir sungai kampung Bansir The terrace is an additional space that serves to accommodate the additional residents. A flexible use of the terrace is one of the reasons for the formation of terraces. Territory patio can be created from the occupant behavior patterns that have activities in the patio repetitive and constant. The research location is at Bansir Laut village, sub-district of southeast Pontianak, West Kalimantan. Bansir village settlements topology which is a riverside settlement has the character of settlements built on the water. Territories that are not clearly established because the house is above the water is the reason homeowners form a boundary marker or their home territory. Based on these reasons, established territory of terrace tailored to the needs and support the activities of the terrace. Thus, creating the same characteristic of the porch/terrace setting, with a different function. This research only discusses the creation of setting that influenced by the habits or behaviors from the homeowners and the allocation of the terrace as an additional activity space. From the results of this study, it generates data on the characteristics of the territory setting type of the terraces at the river Bansir village

The article is devoted to the results of archaeological excavations of the Volyntsevo hillfort in 1981. The beginning of the study of this archaeological monument began at the beginning of the 20th century by the local landowner A. Shechkov. Part of the archaeological collection was transferred to the Kursk Museum. In 1948, research on the site was carried out under the leadership of V. Dovzhenko. In the northwestern part of the rampart, a rampart was cut. In 1981, O. Sukhobokov continued excavations of the hillfort. Their goal was to clarify the design features of the floor shaft. For this, two excavations were laid – the first in the center, the second in the northeastern part of the rampart. As a result of the research, part of the rock outgrowth was discovered, consisting of untreated cobblestones of local quartzite. It was located near the shaft, but it was not structurally connected with it. The stratigraphy of the rampart in excavation II indicates that the stone pavement is later than the remains of the rampart’s wooden structure. This construction is an independent archaeological site and, most likely, dates back to the period after the middle of the 13th century. Near the pavement, at a depth of 1.2 – 1.5 m, ground burials were found, made according to the Christian burial rite. This object may be the remains of the stone foundation of a significant structure that perished in a large fire. This is evidenced by a significant amount of ash, ash and burnt clay. It is known from documents that at the beginning of the 17th century, there was a noble estate near the hillfort, which belonged to Andrei Trifonov from the city of Putivl. The main type of planning of the noble small-manor estate was the manor’s yard with outbuildings and peasant houses. A wooden church was located nearby on a hill. The documents of the middle of the 17th century contain information that the church of St. Nicholas the Wonderworker was located on the territory of the Volyntsevo village, built before 1639 and burned down in 1663. Thus, it can be assumed that the remains of the stone foundation of a wooden church from the early 17th century. It burned down during the fire and was no longer recovered.

Salah satu permukiman pesisir di Kota Balikpapan terdapat di Kecamatan Manggar Baru. Permukiman pesisir tersebut memiliki karakteristik sebagai kumpulan rumah nelayan yang berdiri di atas permukaan air sungai. Kampung atas air di Manggar mengarah pada karakter permukiman kumuh akibat limbah domestik dan non domestik yang terbuang ke muara sungai. Bagian hilir Sungai Manggar tercatat berstatus cemar ringan dengan indeks polusi 4.76 (Balikpapan dalam Angka 2018). Kampung Manggar memiliki fungsi utama sebagai terminal utama nelayan dan juga fungsi permukiman. Kampung tersebut sangat rentan terhadap perubahan sehingga harus dipreservasi atau dikonservasi agar pelestarian lingkungan tidak hanya berada di antara ruang, melainkan unsur utama dalam tata ruang kota. Tujuan dalam penelitian ini adalah untuk menganalisis karakteristik geospasial infrastruktur dalam mendukung pelestarian lingkungan pesisir. Metode yang digunakan adalah statistik deskriptif dan penyajian dengan Sistem Informasi Geografis. Hasil analisis menunjukan bahwa infrastruktur pendukung pelestarian kualitas lingkungan terdiri dari penyebaran vegetasi dan penempatan lokasi fasilitas publik pendukung kegiatan perikanan dengan pola yang mengelompok. Kata kunci: Infrastruktur Lingkungan, Permukiman Nelayan, Konservasi Lingkungan ABSTRACT One of the coastal settlements in Balikpapan City is located in Manggar Baru District. The coastal settlements has characteristic as clustered fisherman houses that stand on the surface of Manggar river. Kampung Manggar leads to slums area due to domestic and non-domestic waste into the river. The downstream part of the Manggar River is detected as small pollution status with pollution index of 4.76 (Balikpapan in Figures 2018). Kampung Manggar has the main function as the main terminal of fishermen and also the function of settlements. This kampung is very vulnerable to change, so it must be preserved or conserved because the environmental preservation is not only in built environment, but also in urban spatial planning. The purpose of this study is to analyze the geospatial characteristics of infrastructure to support the preservation of the coastal environment. The method of this study is descriptive statistics with Geographic Information Systems. The results of the analysis show that the infrastructure that support the preservation of environmental quality consists of the distribution of vegetation and the location of public fishing facilities as a clustered pattern. Keywords: Environmental Infrastructure, Fisherman Settlement, Riverside Settlement.Salah satu permukiman pesisir di Kota Balikpapan terdapat di Kecamatan Manggar Baru. Permukiman pesisir tersebut memiliki karakteristik sebagai kumpulan rumah nelayan yang berdiri di atas permukaan air sungai. Kampung atas air di Manggar mengarah pada karakter permukiman kumuh akibat limbah domestik dan non domestik yang terbuang ke muara sungai. Bagian hilir Sungai Manggar tercatat berstatus cemar ringan dengan indeks polusi 4.76 (Balikpapan dalam Angka 2018). Kampung Manggar memiliki fungsi utama sebagai terminal utama nelayan dan juga fungsi permukiman. Kampung tersebut sangat rentan terhadap perubahan sehingga harus dipreservasi atau dikonservasi agar pelestarian lingkungan tidak hanya berada di antara ruang, melainkan unsur utama dalam tata ruang kota. Tujuan dalam penelitian ini adalah untuk menganalisis karakteristik geospasial infrastruktur dalam mendukung pelestarian lingkungan pesisir. Metode yang digunakan adalah statistik deskriptif dan penyajian dengan Sistem Informasi Geografis. Hasil analisis menunjukan bahwa infrastruktur pendukung pelestarian kualitas lingkungan terdiri dari penyebaran vegetasi dan penempatan lokasi fasilitas publik pendukung kegiatan perikanan dengan pola yang mengelompok. Kata kunci: Infrastruktur Lingkungan, Permukiman Nelayan, Konservasi Lingkungan ABSTRACT One of the coastal settlements in Balikpapan City is located in Manggar Baru District. The coastal settlements has characteristic as clustered fisherman houses that stand on the surface of Manggar river. Kampung Manggar leads to slums area due to domestic and non-domestic waste into the river. The downstream part of the Manggar River is detected as small pollution status with pollution index of 4.76 (Balikpapan in Figures 2018). Kampung Manggar has the main function as the main terminal of fishermen and also the function of settlements. This kampung is very vulnerable to change, so it must be preserved or conserved because the environmental preservation is not only in built environment, but also in urban spatial planning. The purpose of this study is to analyze the geospatial characteristics of infrastructure to support the preservation of the coastal environment. The method of this study is descriptive statistics with Geographic Information Systems. The results of the analysis show that the infrastructure that support the preservation of environmental quality consists of the distribution of vegetation and the location of public fishing facilities as a clustered pattern. Keywords: Environmental Infrastructure, Fisherman Settlement, Riverside Settlement.

The lack of the complex methodology of marketing research available for practical functioning of the transport service market in Russia is an urgent problem. The article highlights the experience and prospects of conducting marketing research in transport. Determining the existing competitive advantages of a transport enterprise and positioning these advantages in those market segments where they can be realized in the best way is a special feature of marketing research in the transport service market. A methodological-theoretical concept of a complex-system marketing research has been proposed, taking into account the identification of reserves and possibilities for increasing the economic and social efficiency of river transport. The author's approach to the questionnaire survey of passengers, residents of riverside areas (the Volga River, the Oka River), excursionists, holidaymakers in boarding houses, tourist and sports facilities has been developed. According to the conducted time-study of the technological process of passenger getting on/off (e.g. on board a motorvessel), there has been recommended the more secure and faster innovation technology for the excursionists. There have been suggested the variants of organizing the fleet operation, improving the quality of transportation at rush hours in cities (river taxis), opening of new tourist and excursion routes on the main rivers, the Gorky reservoir, small and side rivers in accordance with the identified tourist resources and recreational and health-improving potential. It has been considered expedient to attract other types of public transport to the river transport conveyor: railway, automobile and air transport. There has been developed algorithm of calculating unsatisfied demand for express tours in correlation with calculating the effectiveness of advertising on river transport. The particular attention has been paid to the procedure of writing the report, the degree of responsibility and professionalism of the researcher-innovator who is able to formulate and retransmit the philosophy of fundamental marketing research in transport in the conditions of modern market infrastructure, and in the formation of the competitive institutional economy of agglomeration (region). A graphic model of express report on complex marketing research on the river transport has been given as an example.

When historian Graeme Davison famously declared that “Australia was born urban and quickly grew suburban” (98), he was clearly referring to Melbourne or Sydney, but certainly not Brisbane. Although the Brisbane of 2011 might resemble a contemporary, thriving metropolis, its genealogy is not an urban one. For most of its history, as Gillian Whitlock has noted, Brisbane was “a place where urban industrial society is kept at bay” (80). What distinguishes Brisbane from Australia’s larger southern capital cities is its rapid morphology into a city from a provincial, suburban, town. Indeed it is Brisbane’s distinctive regionalism, with its sub-tropical climate, offering a steamy, fecund backdrop to narratives of the city that has produced a plethora of writing in literary accounts of the city, from author David Malouf through to contemporary writers such as Andrew McGahan, John Birmingham, Venero Armanno, Susan Johnson, and Nick Earls. Brisbane’s lack of urban tradition makes its transformation unique among Australian cities. Its rapid population growth and urban development have changed the way that many people now live in the city. Unlike the larger cities of Sydney or Melbourne, whose inner cities were established on the Victorian model of terrace-row housing on small lots, Brisbane’s early planners eschewed this approach. So, one of the features that gives the city its distinction is the languorous suburban quality of its inner-city areas, where many house blocks are the size of the suburban quarter-acre block, all within coo-ee of the city centre. Other allotments are medium to small in size, and, until recently, housed single dwellings of varying sizes and grandeur. Add to this a sub-tropical climate in which ‘green and growth’ is abundant and the pretty but flimsy timber vernacular housing, and it’s easy to imagine that you might be many kilometres from a major metropolitan centre as you walk around Brisbane’s inner city areas. It is partly this feature that prompted demographer Bernard Salt to declare Brisbane “Australia’s most suburban city” (Salt 5). Prior to urban renewal in the early 1990s, Brisbane was a low-density town with very few apartment blocks; most people lived in standalone houses.From the inception of the first Urban Renewal program in 1992, a joint initiative of the Federal government’s Building Better Cities Program and managed by the Brisbane City Council (BCC), Brisbane’s urban development has undergone significant change. In particular, the city’s Central Business District (CBD) and inner city have experienced intense development and densification with a sharp rise in medium- to high-density apartment dwellings to accommodate the city’s swelling population. Population growth has added to the demand for increased density, and from the period 1995–2006 Brisbane was Australia’s fastest growing city (ABS).Today, parts of Brisbane’s inner city resembles the density of the larger cities of Melbourne and Sydney. Apartment blocks have mushroomed along the riverfront and throughout inner and middle ring suburbs. Brisbane’s population has enthusiastically embraced apartment living, with “empty nesters” leaving their suburban family homes for the city, and apartments have become the affordable option for renters and first home purchasers. A significant increase in urban amenities such as large-scale parklands and river side boardwalks, and a growth in service industries such as cafes, restaurants and bars—a feature of cities the world over—have contributed to the appeal of the city and the changing way that people live in Brisbane.Urbanism demands specific techniques of living—life is different in medium- to high-density dwellings, in populous places, where people live in close proximity to one another. In many ways it’s the antithesis to suburban life, a way of living that, as Davison notes, was established around an ethos of privacy, health, and seclusion and is exemplified in the gated communities seen in the suburbs today. The suburbs are characterised by generosity of space and land, and developed as a refuge and escape from the city, a legacy of the nineteenth-century industrial city’s connection with overcrowding, disease, and disorder. Suburban living flourished in Australia from the eighteenth century and Davison notes how, when Governor Phillip drew up the first town plan for Sydney in 1789, it embodied the aspirations of “decency, good order, health and domestic privacy,” which lie at the heart of suburban ideals (100).The health and moral impetus underpinning the establishment of suburban life—that is, to remove people from overcrowding and the unhygienic conditions of slums—for Davison meant that the suburban ethos was based on a “logic of avoidance” (110). Attempting to banish anything deemed dangerous and offensive, the suburbs were seen to offer a more natural, orderly, and healthy environment. A virtuous and happy life required plenty of room—thus, a garden and the expectation of privacy was paramount.The suburbs as a site of lived experience and cultural meaning is significant for understanding the shift from suburban living to the adoption of medium- to high-density inner-city living in Brisbane. I suggest that the ways in which this shift is captured discursively, particularly in promotional material, are indicative of the suburbs' stronghold on the collective imagination. Reinforcing this perception of Brisbane as a suburban city is a history of literary narratives that have cast Brisbane in ways that set it apart from other Australian cities, and that are to do with its non-urban characteristics. Imaginative and symbolic discourses of place have real and material consequences (Lefebvre), as advertisers are only too well aware. Discursively, city life has been imagined oppositionally from life in the suburbs: the two sites embody different cultural meanings and values. In Australia, the suburbs are frequently a site of derision and satire, characterized as bastions of conformity and materialism (Horne), offering little of value in contrast to the city’s many enchantments and diverse pleasures. In the well-established tradition of satire, “suburban bashing is replete in literature, film and popular culture” (Felton et al xx). From Barry Humphries’s characterisation of Dame Edna Everage, housewife superstar, who first appeared in the 1960s, to the recent television comedy series Kath and Kim, suburbia and its inhabitants are represented as dull-witted, obsessed with trivia, and unworldly. This article does not intend to rehearse the tradition of suburban lampooning; rather, it seeks to illustrate how ideas about suburban living are hard held and how the suburban ethos maintains its grip, particularly in relation to notions of privacy and peace, despite the celebratory discourse around the emerging forms of urbanism in Brisbane.As Brisbane morphed rapidly from a provincial, suburban town to a metropolis throughout the 1990s and early 2000s, a set of metropolitan discourses developed in the local media that presented new ways of inhabiting and imagining the city and offered new affiliations and identifications with the city. In establishing Brisbane’s distinction as a city, marketing material relied heavily on the opposition between the city and the suburbs, implying that urban vitality and diversity rules triumphant over the suburbs’ apparent dullness and homogeneity. In a billboard advertisement for apartments in the urban renewal area of Newstead (2004), images of architectural renderings of the apartments were anchored by the words—“Urban living NOT suburban”—leaving little room for doubt. It is not the design qualities of the apartments or the building itself being promoted here, but a way of life that alludes to utopian ideas of urban life, of enchantment with the city, and implies, with the heavy emphasis of “NOT suburban,” the inferiority of suburban living.The cultural commodification of the late twentieth- and twenty-first-century city has been well documented (Evans; Dear; Zukin; Harvey) and its symbolic value as a commodity is expressed in marketing literature via familiar metropolitan tropes that are frequently amorphous and international. The malleability of such images makes them easily transportable and transposable, and they provided a useful stockpile for promoting a city such as Brisbane that lacked its own urban resources with which to construct a new identity. In the early days of urban renewal, the iconic images and references to powerhouse cities such as New York, London, and even Venice were heavily relied upon. In the latter example, an advertisement promoting Brisbane appeared in the Sydney Morning Herald colour magazine (May 2005). This advertisement represented Brisbane as an antipodean Venice, showing a large reach of the Brisbane river replete with gondolas flanked by the city’s only nineteenth-century riverside building, the Custom’s House. The allusion to traditional European culture is a departure from the usual tropes of “fun and sun” associated with promotions of Queensland, including Brisbane, while the new approach to promoting Brisbane is cognizant of the value of culture in the symbolic and economic hierarchy of the contemporary city. Perhaps equally, the advertisement could be read as ironic, a postmodern self-parodying statement about the city in general. In a nod to the centrality of the spectacle, the advertisement might be a salute to idea of the city as theme park, a pleasure playground and a collective fantasy of escape. Nonetheless, either interpretation presents Brisbane as somewhere else.In other promotional literature for apartment dwellings, suburban living maintains its imaginative grip, evident in a brochure advertising Petrie Point apartments in Brisbane’s urban renewal area of inner-city New Farm (2000). In the brochure, the promise of peace and calm—ideals that have their basis in suburban living—are imposed and promoted as a feature of inner-city living. Paradoxically, while suggesting that a wholesale evacuation and rejection of suburban life is occurring presumably because it is dull, the brochure simultaneously upholds the values of suburbia:Discerning baby boomers and generation X’ers who prefer lounging over latte rather than mowing the quarter acre block, are abandoning suburban living in droves. Instead, hankering after a more cosmopolitan lifestyle without the mind numbing drive to work, they are retreating to the residential mecca, the inner city, for chic shops and a lively dining, arts and theatre culture. (my italics)In the above extract, the rhetoric used to promote and uphold the virtues of a cosmopolitan inner-city life is sabotaged by a language that in many respects capitulates to the ideals of suburban living, and evokes the health and retreat ethos of suburbia. “Lounging” over lattes and “retreating to a residential mecca”[i] allude to precisely the type of suburban living the brochure purports to eschew. Privacy, relaxation, and health is a discourse and, more importantly, a way of living that is in many ways anathema to life in the city. It is a dream-wish that those features most valued about suburban life, can and should somehow be transplanted to the city. In its promotion of urban amenity, the brochure draws upon a somewhat bourgeois collection of cultural amenities and activities such as a (presumably traditional) arts and theatre culture, “lively dining,” and “chic” shops. The appeal to “discerning baby boomers and generation X’ers” has more than a whiff of status and class, an appeal that disavows the contemporary city’s attention to diversity and inclusivity, and frequently the source of promotion of many international cities. In contrast to the suburban sub-text of exclusivity and seclusion in the Petrie Point Apartment’s brochure, is a promotion of Sydney’s inner-city Newtown as a tourist site and spectacle, which makes an appeal to suburban antipathy clear from the outset. The brochure, distributed by NSW Tourism (2000) displays a strong emphasis on Newtown’s cultural and ethnic diversity, and the various forms of cultural consumption on offer. The inner-city suburb’s appeal is based on its re-framing as a site of tourist consumption of diversity and difference in which diversity is central to its performance as a tourist site. It relies on the distinction between “ordinary” suburbs and “cosmopolitan” places:Some cities are cursed with suburbs, but Sydney’s blessed with Newtown — a cosmopolitan neighbourhood of more than 600 stores, 70 restaurants, 42 cafes, theatres, pubs, and entertainment venues, all trading in two streets whose origins lie in the nineteenth century … Newtown is the Catwalk for those with more style than money … a parade where Yves St Laurent meets Saint Vincent de Paul, where Milano meets post-punk bohemia, where Max Mara meets Doc Marten, a stage where a petticoat is more likely to be your grandma’s than a Colette Dinnigan designer original (From Sydney Marketing brochure)Its opening oppositional gambit—“some cities are cursed with suburbs”—conveniently elides the fact that like all Australian cities, Sydney is largely suburban and many of Sydney’s suburbs are more ethnically diverse than its inner-city areas. Cabramatta, Fairfield, and most other suburbs have characteristically high numbers of ethnic groups such as Vietnamese, Korean, Lebanese, and so forth. Recent events, however, have helped to reframe these places as problem areas, rather than epicentres of diversity.The mingling of social groups invites the tourist-flâneur to a performance of difference, “a parade where Yves St Laurent meets Saint Vincent de Paul (my italics), where Milano meets post-punk bohemia,” and where “the upwardly mobile and down at heel” appear in what is presented as something of a theatrical extravaganza. Newtown is a product, its diversity a commodity. Consumed visually and corporeally via its divergent sights, sounds, smells and tastes (the brochure goes on to state that 70 restaurants offer cuisine from all over the globe), Newtown is a “successful neighbourhood experiment in the new globalism.” The area’s social inequities—which are implicit in the text, referred to as the “down at heel”—are vanquished and celebrated, incorporated into the rhetoric of difference.Brisbane’s lack of urban tradition and culture, as well as its lack of diversity in comparison to Sydney, reveals itself in the first brochure while the Newtown brochure appeals to the idea of a consumer-based cosmopolitanism. As a sociological concept, cosmopolitanism refers to a set of "subjective attitudes, outlooks and practices" broadly characterized as “disposition of openness towards others, people, things and experiences whose origin is non local” (Skrbis and Woodward 1). Clearly cosmopolitan attitudes do not have to be geographically located, but frequently the city is promoted as the site of these values, with the suburbs, apparently, forever looking inward.In the realm of marketing, appeals to the imagination are ubiquitous, but discursive practices can become embedded in everyday life. Despite the growth of urbanism, the increasing take up of metropolitan life and the enduring disdain among some for the suburbs, the hard-held suburban values of peace and privacy have pragmatic implications for the ways in which those values are embedded in people’s expectations of life in the inner city.The exponential growth in apartment living in Brisbane offers different ways of living to the suburban house. For a sub-tropical city where "life on the verandah" is a significant feature of the Queenslander house with its front and exterior verandahs, in the suburbs, a reasonable degree of privacy is assured. Much of Brisbane’s vernacular and contemporary housing is sensitive to this indoor-outdoor style of living, a distinct feature and appeal of everyday life in many suburbs. When "life on the verandah" is adapted to inner-city apartment buildings, expectations that indoor-outdoor living can be maintained in the same way can be problematic. In the inner city, life on the verandah may challenge expectations about privacy, noise and visual elements. While the Brisbane City Plan 2000 attempts to deal with privacy issues by mandating privacy screenings on verandahs, and the side screening of windows to prevent overlooking neighbours, there is ample evidence that attitudinal change is difficult. The exchange of a suburban lifestyle for an urban one, with the exposure to urbanity’s complexity, potential chaos and noise, can be confronting. In the Urban Renewal area and entertainment precinct of Fortitude Valley, during the late 1990s, several newly arrived residents mounted a vigorous campaign to the Brisbane City Council (BCC) and State government to have noise levels reduced from local nightclubs and bars. Fortitude Valley—the Valley, as it is known locally—had long been Brisbane’s main area for nightclubs, bars and brothels. A small precinct bounded by two major one-way roads, it was the locus of the infamous ABC 4 Corners “Moonlight State” report, which exposed the lines of corruption between politicians, police, and the judiciary of the former Bjelke-Petersen government (1974–1987) and who met in the Valley’s bars and brothels. The Valley was notorious for Brisbanites as the only place in a provincial, suburban town that resembled the seedy side of life associated with big cities. The BCC’s Urban Renewal Task Force and associated developers initially had a tough task convincing people that the area had been transformed. But as more amenity was established, and old buildings were converted to warehouse-style living in the pattern of gentrification the world over, people started moving in to the area from the suburbs and interstate (Felton). One of the resident campaigners against noise had purchased an apartment in the Sun Building, a former newspaper house and in which one of the apartment walls directly abutted the adjoining and popular nightclub, The Press Club. The Valley’s location as a music venue was supported by the BCC, who initially responded to residents’ noise complaints with its “loud and proud” campaign (Valley Metro). The focus of the campaign was to alert people moving into the newly converted apartments in the Valley to the existing use of the neighbourhood by musicians and music clubs. In another iteration of this campaign, the BCC worked with owners of music venues to ensure the area remains a viable music precinct while implementing restrictions on noise levels. Residents who objected to nightclub noise clearly failed to consider the impact of moving into an area that was already well known, even a decade ago, as the city’s premier precinct for music and entertainment venues. Since that time, the Valley has become Australia’s only regulated and promoted music precinct.The shift from suburban to urban living requires people to live in very different ways. Thrust into close proximity with strangers amongst a diverse population, residents can be confronted with a myriad of sensory inputs—to a cacophony of noise, sights, smells (Allon and Anderson). Expectations of order, retreat, and privacy inevitably come into conflict with urbanism’s inherent messiness. The contested nature of urban space is expressed in neighbour disputes, complaints about noise and visual amenity, and sometimes in eruptions of street violence. There is no shortage of examples in the Brisbane’s Urban Renewal areas such as Fortitude Valley, where acts of homophobia, racism, and other less destructive conflicts continue to be a frequent occurrence. While the refashioned discursive Brisbane is re-presented as cool, cultured, and creative, the tensions of urbanism and tests to civility remain in a process of constant negotiation. This is the way the city’s past disrupts and resists its cool new surface.[i] The use of the word mecca in the brochure occurred prior to 11 September 2001.ReferencesAllon, Fiona, and Kay Anderson. "Sentient Sydney." In Passionate City: An International Symposium. Melbourne: RMIT, School of Media Communication, 2004. 89–97.Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS). Regional Population Growth, Australia, 1996-2006.Birmingham, John. "The Lost City of Vegas: David Malouf’s Old Brisbane." Hot Iron Corrugated Sky. Ed. R. Sheahan-Bright and S. Glover. St Lucia: U of Queensland P, 2002. xx–xx.Davison, Graeme. "The Past and Future of the Australian Suburb." Suburban Dreaming: An Interdisciplinary Approach to Australian Cities. Ed. L. Johnson. Geelong: Deakin University Press, 1994. xx–xx.Dear, Michael. The Postmodern Urban Condition. Oxford: Blackwell, 2000.Evans, Graeme. “Hard-Branding the Cultural City—From Prado to Prada.” International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 27.2 (2003): 417–40.Evans, Raymond, and Carole Ferrier, eds. Radical Brisbane. Melbourne: The Vulgar Press, 2004.Felton, Emma, Christy Collis, and Phil Graham. “Making Connections: Creative Industries Networks in Outer Urban Locations.” Australian Geographer 14.1 (Mar. 2010): 57–70.Felton, Emma. Emerging Urbanism: A Social and Cultural Study of Urban Change in Brisbane. PhD thesis. Brisbane: Griffith University, 2007.Glover, Stuart, and Stuart Cunningham. "The New Brisbane." Artlink 23.2 (2003): 16–23. Harvey, David. The Condition of Postmodernity: An Enquiry into the Origins of Cultural Change. Cambridge, MA: Blackwell, 1990. Horne, Donald. The Lucky Country: Australia in the Sixties. Ringwood: Penguin, 1964.Lefebvre, Henri. The Production of Space. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1991.Malouf, David. Johnno. St Lucia: University of Queensland Press, 1975. ---. 12 Edmondstone Street. London: Penguin, 1986.NSW Tourism. Sydney City 2000. Sydney, 2000.Salt, Bernard. Cinderella City: A Vision of Brisbane’s Rise to Prominence. Sydney: Austcorp, 2005.Skrbis, Zlatko, and Ian Woodward. “The Ambivalence of Ordinary Cosmopolitanism: Investigating the Limits of Cosmopolitanism Openness.” Sociological Review (2007): 1-14.Valley Metro. 1 May 2011 < http://www.valleymetro.com.au/the_valley.aspx >.Whitlock, Gillian. “Queensland: The State of the Art on the 'Last Frontier.’" Westerly 29.2 (1984): 85–90.Zukin, Sharon. The Culture of Cities. Cambridge, MA: Basil Blackwell, 1995.

The use of the family home as a setting for television sitcoms (situation comedies) has long been recognised for its ability to provide audiences with an identifiable site of ontological security (much discussed by Giddens, Scannell, Saunders and others). From the beginnings of American sitcoms with such programs as Leave it to Beaver, and through the trail of The Brady Bunch, The Cosby Show, Roseanne, The Fresh Prince of Bel Air, and on to Home Improvement, That 70s Show and How I Met Your Mother, the US has led the way with screenwriters and producers capitalising on the value of using the suburban family dwelling as a fixed setting. The most obvious advantage is the use of an easily constructed and inexpensive set, most often on a TV studio soundstage requiring only a few rooms (living room, kitchen and bedroom are usually enough to set the scene), and a studio audience. In Singapore, sitcoms have had similar successes; portraying the lives of ‘ordinary people’ in their home settings. Some programs have achieved phenomenal success, including an unprecedented ten year run for Phua Chu Kang Pte Ltd from 1996-2007, closely followed by Under One Roof (1994-2000 and an encore season in 2002), and Living with Lydia (2001-2005). This article furthers Blunt and Dowling’s exploration of the “critical geography” of home, by providing a focused analysis of home-based sitcoms in the nation-state of Singapore. The use of the home tells us a lot. Roseanne’s cluttered family home represents a lived reality for working-class families throughout the Western world. In Friends, the seemingly wealthy ‘young’ people live in a fashionable apartment building, while Seinfeld’s apartment block is much less salubrious, indicating (in line with the character) the struggle of the humble comedian. Each of these examples tells us something about not just the characters, but quite often about class, race, and contemporary societies. In the Singaporean programs, the home in Under One Roof (hereafter UOR) represents the major form of housing in Singapore, and the program as a whole demonstrates the workability of Singaporean multiculturalism in a large apartment block. Phua Chu Kang Pte Ltd (PCK) demonstrates the entrepreneurial abilities of even under-educated Singaporeans, with its lead character, a building contractor, living in a large freestanding dwelling – generally reserved for the well-heeled of Singaporean society. And in Living with Lydia (LWL) (a program which demonstrates Singapore’s capacity for global integration), Hong Kong émigré Lydia is forced to share a house (less ostentatious than PCK’s) with the family of the hapless Billy B. Ong. There is perhaps no more telling cultural event than the sitcom. In the 1970s, The Brady Bunch told us more about American values and habits than any number of news reports or cop shows. A nation’s identity is uncovered; it bares its soul to us through the daily tribulations of its TV households. In Singapore, home-based sitcoms have been one of the major success stories in local television production with each of these three programs collecting multiple prizes at the region-wide Asian Television Awards. These sitcoms have been able to reflect the ideals and values of the Singaporean nation to audiences both at ‘home’ and abroad. This article explores the worlds of UOR, PCK, and LWL, and the ways in which each of the fictional homes represents key features of the multi-ethnic, multi-cultural Singapore. Through ownership and regulation, Singaporean TV programs operate as a firm link between the state and its citizens. These sitcoms follow regular patterns where the ‘man of the house’ is more buffoon than breadwinner – in a country defined by its neo-Confucian morality, sitcoms allow a temporary subversion of patriarchal structures. In this article I argue that the central theme in Singaporean sitcoms is that while home is a personal space, it is also a valuable site for national identities to be played out. These identities are visible in the physical indicators of the exterior and interior living spaces, and the social indicators representing a benign patriarchy and a dominant English language. Structure One of the key features of sitcoms is the structure: cold open – titles – establishing shot – opening scene. Generally the cold opening (aka “the teaser”) takes place inside the home to quickly (re)establish audience familiarity with the location and the characters. The title sequence then features, in the case of LWL and PCK, the characters outside the house (in LWL this is in cartoon format), and in UOR (see Figure 1) it is the communal space of the barbeque area fronting the multi-story HDB (Housing Development Board) apartment blocks. Figure 1: Under One Roof The establishing shot at the end of each title sequence, and when returning from ad breaks, is an external view of the characters’ respective dwellings. In Seinfeld this establishing shot is the New York apartment block, in Roseanne it is the suburban house, and the Singaporean sitcoms follow the same format (see Figure 2). Figure 2: Phua Chu Kang External Visions of the Home This emphasis on exterior buildings reminds the viewer that Singaporean housing is, in many ways, unique. As a city-state (and a young one at that) its spatial constraints are particularly limiting: there simply isn’t room for suburban housing on quarter acre blocks. It rapidly transformed from an “empty rock” to a scattered Malay settlement of bay and riverside kampongs (villages) recognisable by its stilt houses. Then in the shadow of colonialism and the rise of modernity, the kampongs were replaced in many cases by European-inspired terrace houses. Finally, in the post-colonial era high-rise housing began to swell through the territory, creating what came to be known as the “HDB new town”, with some 90% of the population now said to reside in HDB units, and many others living in private high-rises (Chang 102, 104). Exterior shots used in UOR (see Figure 3) consistently emphasise the distinctive HDB blocks. As with the kampong housing, high-rise apartments continue notions of communal living in that “Living below, above and side by side other people requires tolerance of neighbours and a respect towards the environment of the housing estate for the good of all” (104). The provision of readily accessible public housing was part of the “covenant between the newly enfranchised electorate and the elected government” (Chua 47). Figure 3: Establishing shot from UOR In UOR, we see the constant interruption of the lives of the Tan family by their multi-ethnic neighbours. This occurs to such an extent as to be a part of the normal daily flow of life in Singaporean society. Chang argues that despite the normally interventionist activities of the state, it is the “self-enforcing norms” of behaviour that have worked in maintaining a “peaceable society in high-rise housing” (104). This communitarian attitude even extends to the large gated residence of PCK, home to an almost endless stream of relatives and friends. The gate itself seems to perform no restrictive function. But such a “peaceable society” can also be said to be a result of state planning which extends to the “racial majoritarianism” imposed on HDB units in the form of quotas determining “the actual number of households of each of the three major races [Chinese, Malay and Indian] … to be accommodated in a block of flats” (Chua 55). Issues of race are important in Singapore where “the inscription of media imagery bears the cultural discourse and materiality of the social milieu” (Wong 120) perhaps nowhere more graphically illustrated than in the segregation of TV channels along linguistic / cultural lines. These 3 programs all featured on MediaCorp TV’s predominantly English-language Channel 5 and are, in the words of Roland Barthes, “anchored” by dint of their use of English. Home Will Eat Itself The consumption of home-based sitcoms by audiences in their own living-rooms creates a somewhat self-parodying environment. As John Ellis once noted, it is difficult to escape from the notion that “TV is a profoundly domestic phenomenon” (113) in that it constantly attempts to “include the audiences own conception of themselves into the texture of its programmes” (115). In each of the three Singaporean programs living-rooms are designed to seat characters in front of a centrally located TV set – at most all the audience sees is the back of the TV, and generally only when the TV is incorporated into a storyline, as in the case of PCK in Figure 4 (note the TV set in the foreground). Figure 4: PCK Even in this episode of PCK when the lead characters stumble across a pornographic video starring one of the other lead characters, the viewer only hears the program. Perhaps the most realistic (and acerbic) view of how TV reorganises our lives – both spatially in the physical layout of our homes, and temporally in the way we construct our viewing habits (eating dinner or doing the housework while watching the screen) – is the British “black comedy”, The Royle Family. David Morley (443) notes that “TV and other media have adapted themselves to the circumstances of domestic consumption while the domestic arena itself has been simultaneously redefined to accommodate their requirements”. Morley refers to The Royle Family’s narrative that rests on the idea that “for many people, family life and watching TV have become indistinguishable to the extent that, in this fictional household, it is almost entirely conducted from the sitting positions of the viewers clustered around the set” (436). While TV is a central fixture in most sitcoms, its use is mostly as a peripheral thematic device with characters having their viewing interrupted by the arrival of another character, or by a major (within the realms of the plot) event. There is little to suggest that “television schedules have instigated a significant restructuring of family routines” as shown in Livingstone’s audience-based study of UK viewers (104). In the world of the sitcom, the temporalities of characters’ lives do not need to accurately reflect that of “real life” – or if they do, things quickly descend to the bleakness exemplified by the sedentary Royles. As Scannell notes, “broadcast output, like daily life, is largely uneventful, and both are punctuated (predictably and unpredictably) by eventful occasions” (4). To show sitcom characters in this static, passive environment would be anathema to the “real” viewer, who would quickly lose interest. This is not to suggest that sitcoms are totally benign though as with all genres they are “the outcome of social practices, received procedures that become objectified in the narratives of television, then modified in the interpretive act of viewing” (Taylor 14). In other words, they feature a contextualisation that is readily identifiable to members of an established society. However, within episodes themselves, it as though time stands still – character development is almost non-existent, or extremely slow at best and we see each episode has “flattened past and future into an eternal present in which parents love and respect one another, and their children forever” (Taylor 16). It takes some six seasons before the character of PCK becomes a father, although in previous seasons he acts as a mentor to his nephew, Aloysius. Contained in each episode, in true sitcom style, are particular “narrative lines” in which “one-liners and little comic situations [are] strung on a minimal plot line” containing a minor problem “the solution to which will take 22 minutes and pull us gently through the sequence of events toward a conclusion” (Budd et al. 111). It is important to note that the sitcom genre does not work in every culture, as each locale renders the sitcom with “different cultural meanings” (Nielsen 95). Writing of the failure of the Danish series Three Whores and a Pickpocket (with a premise like that, how could it fail?), Nielsen (112) attributes its failure to the mixing of “kitchen sink realism” with “moments of absurdity” and “psychological drama with expressionistic camera work”, moving it well beyond the strict mode of address required by the genre. In Australia, soap operas Home and Away and Neighbours have been infinitely more popular than our attempts at sitcoms – which had a brief heyday in the 1980s with Hey Dad..!, Kingswood Country and Mother and Son – although Kath and Kim (not studio-based) could almost be counted. Lichter et al. (11) state that “television entertainment can be ‘political’ even when it does not deal with the stuff of daily headlines or partisan controversy. Its latent politics lie in the unavoidable portrayal of individuals, groups, and institutions as a backdrop to any story that occupies the foreground”. They state that US television of the 1960s was dominated by the “idiot sitcom” and that “To appreciate these comedies you had to believe that social conventions were so ironclad they could not tolerate variations. The scripts assumed that any minute violation of social conventions would lead to a crisis that could be played for comic results” (15). Series like Happy Days “harked back to earlier days when problems were trivial and personal, isolated from the concerns of a larger world” (17). By the late 1980s, Roseanne and Married…With Children had “spawned an antifamily-sitcom format that used sarcasm, cynicism, and real life problems to create a type of in-your-face comedy heretofore unseen on prime time” (20). This is markedly different from the type of values presented in Singaporean sitcoms – where filial piety and an unrelenting faith in the family unit is sacrosanct. In this way, Singaporean sitcoms mirror the ideals of earlier US sitcoms which idealise the “egalitarian family in which parental wisdom lies in appeals to reason and fairness rather than demands for obedience” (Lichter et al. 406). Dahlgren notes that we are the products of “an ongoing process of the shaping and reshaping of identity, in response to the pluralised sets of social forces, cultural currents and personal contexts encountered by individuals” where we end up with “composite identities” (318). Such composite identities make the presentation (or re-presentation) of race problematic for producers of mainstream television. Wong argues that “Within the context of PAP hegemony, media presentation of racial differences are manufactured by invoking and resorting to traditional values, customs and practices serving as symbols and content” (118). All of this is bound within a classificatory system in which each citizen’s identity card is inscribed as Chinese, Malay, Indian or Other (often referred to as CMIO), and a broader social discourse in which “the Chinese are linked to familial values of filial piety and the practice of extended family, the Malays to Islam and rural agricultural activities, and the Indians to the caste system” (Wong 118). However, these sitcoms avoid directly addressing the issue of race, preferring to accentuate cultural differences instead. In UOR the tables are turned when a none-too-subtle dig at the crude nature of mainland Chinese (with gags about the state of public toilets), is soon turned into a more reverential view of Chinese culture and business acumen. Internal Visions of the Home This reverence for Chinese culture is also enacted visually. The loungeroom settings of these three sitcoms all provide examples of the fashioning of the nation through a “ubiquitous semi-visibility” (Noble 59). Not only are the central characters in each of these sitcoms constructed as ethnically Chinese, but the furnishings provide a visible nod to Chinese design in the lacquered screens, chairs and settees of LWL (see Figure 5.1), in the highly visible pair of black inlaid mother-of-pearl wall hangings of UOR (see Figure 5.2) and in the Chinese statuettes and wall-hangings found in the PCK home. Each of these items appears in the central view of the shows most used setting, the lounge/family room. There is often symmetry involved as well; the balanced pearl hangings of UOR are mirrored in a set of silk prints in LWL and the pair of ceramic Chinese lions in PCK. Figure 5.1: LWL Figure 5.2: UOR Thus, all three sitcoms feature design elements that reflect visible links to Chinese culture and sentiments, firmly locating the sitcoms “in Asia”, and providing a sense of the nation. The sets form an important role in constructing a realist environment, one in which “identification with realist narration involves a temporary merger of at least some of the viewer’s identity with the position offered by the text” (Budd et al. 110). These constant silent reminders of the Chinese-based hegemon – the cultural “majoritarianism” – anchors the sitcoms to a determined concept of the nation-state, and reinforces the “imaginative geographies of home” (Blunt and Dowling 247). The Foolish “Father” Figure in a Patriarchal Society But notions of a dominant Chinese culture are dealt with in a variety of ways in these sitcoms – not the least in a playful attitude toward patriarchal figures. In UOR, the Tan family “patriarch” is played by Moses Lim, in PCK, Gurmit Singh plays Phua and in LWL Samuel Chong plays Billy B. Ong (or, as Lydia mistakenly refers to him Billy Bong). Erica Sharrer makes the claim that class is a factor in presenting the father figure as buffoon, and that US sitcoms feature working class families in which “the father is made to look inept, silly, or incompetent have become more frequent” partly in response to changing societal structures where “women are shouldering increasing amounts of financial responsibility in the home” (27). Certainly in the three series looked at here, PCK (the tradesman) is presented as the most derided character in his role as head of the household. Moses Lim’s avuncular Tan Ah Teck is presented mostly as lovably foolish, even when reciting his long-winded moral tales at the conclusion of each episode, and Billy B. Ong, as a middle-class businessman, is presented more as a victim of circumstance than as a fool. Sharrer ponders whether “sharing the burden of bread-winning may be associated with fathers perceiving they are losing advantages to which they were traditionally entitled” (35). But is this really a case of males losing the upper hand? Hanke argues that men are commonly portrayed as the target of humour in sitcoms, but only when they “are represented as absurdly incongruous” to the point that “this discursive strategy recuperates patriarchal notions” (90). The other side of the coin is that while the “dominant discursive code of patriarchy might be undone” (but isn’t), “the sitcom’s strategy for containing women as ‘wives’ and ‘mothers’ is always contradictory and open to alternative readings” (Hanke 77). In Singapore’s case though, we often return to images of the women in the kitchen, folding the washing or agonising over the work/family dilemma, part of what Blunt and Dowling refer to as the “reproduction of patriarchal and heterosexist relations” often found in representations of “the ideal’ suburban home” (29). Eradicating Singlish One final aspect of these sitcoms is the use of language. PM Lee Hsien Loong once said that he had no interest in “micromanaging” the lives of Singaporeans (2004). Yet his two predecessors (PM Goh and PM Lee Senior) both reflected desires to do so by openly criticising the influence of Phua Chu Kang’s liberal use of colloquial phrases and phrasing. While the use of Singlish (or Singapore Colloquial English / SCE) in these sitcoms is partly a reflection of everyday life in Singapore, by taking steps to eradicate it through the Speak Good English movement, the government offers an intrusion into the private home-space of Singaporeans (Ho 17). Authorities fear that increased use of Singlish will damage the nation’s ability to communicate on a global basis, withdrawing to a locally circumscribed “pidgin English” (Rubdy 345). Indeed, the use of Singlish in UOR is deliberately underplayed in order to capitalise on overseas sales of the show (which aired, for example, on Australia’s SBS television) (Srilal). While many others have debated the Singlish issue, my concern is with its use in the home environment as representative of Singaporean lifestyles. As novelist Hwee Hwee Tan (2000) notes: Singlish is crude precisely because it’s rooted in Singapore’s unglamorous past. This is a nation built from the sweat of uncultured immigrants who arrived 100 years ago to bust their asses in the boisterous port. Our language grew out of the hardships of these ancestors. Singlish thus offers users the opportunity to “show solidarity, comradeship and intimacy (despite differences in background)” and against the state’s determined efforts to adopt the language of its colonizer (Ho 19-20). For this reason, PCK’s use of Singlish iterates a “common man” theme in much the same way as Paul Hogan’s “Ocker” image of previous decades was seen as a unifying feature of mainstream Australian values. That the fictional PCK character was eventually “forced” to take “English” lessons (a storyline rapidly written into the program after the direct criticisms from the various Prime Ministers), is a sign that the state has other ideas about the development of Singaporean society, and what is broadcast en masse into Singaporean homes. Conclusion So what do these home-based sitcoms tell us about Singaporean nationalism? Firstly, within the realms of a multiethnic society, mainstream representations reflect the hegemony present in the social and economic structures of Singapore. Chinese culture is dominant (albeit in an English-speaking environment) and Indian, Malay and Other cultures are secondary. Secondly, the home is a place of ontological security, and partial adornment with cultural ornaments signifying Chinese culture are ever-present as a reminder of the Asianness of the sitcom home, ostensibly reflecting the everyday home of the audience. The concept of home extends beyond the plywood-prop walls of the soundstage though. As Noble points out, “homes articulate domestic spaces to national experience” (54) through the banal nationalism exhibited in “the furniture of everyday life” (55). In a Singaporean context, Velayutham (extending the work of Morley) explores the comforting notion of Singapore as “home” to its citizens and concludes that the “experience of home and belonging amongst Singaporeans is largely framed in the materiality and social modernity of everyday life” (4). Through the use of sitcoms, the state is complicit in creating and recreating the family home as a site for national identities, adhering to dominant modes of culture and language. References Blunt, Alison, and Robyn Dowling. Home. London: Routledge, 2006. Budd, Mike, Steve Craig, and Clay Steinman. Consuming Environments: Television and Commercial Culture. New Jersey: Rutgers UP, 1999. Chang, Sishir. “A High-Rise Vernacular in Singapore’s Housing Development Board Housing.” Berkeley Planning Journal 14 (2000): 97-116. Chua, Beng Huat. “Public Housing Residents as Clients of the State.” Housing Studies 15.1 (2000). Dahlgren, Peter. “Media, Citizenship and Civic Culture”. Mass Media and Society. 3rd ed. Eds. James Curran and Michael Gurevitch. London: Arnold, 2000. 310-328. Ellis, John. Visible Fictions: Cinema, Television, Video. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1982. Hanke, Robert. “The ‘Mock-Macho’ Situation Comedy: Hegemonic Masculinity and its Reiteration.” Western Journal of Communication 62.1 (1998). Ho, Debbie G.E. “‘I’m Not West. I’m Not East. So How Leh?’” English Today 87 22.3 (2006). Lee, Hsien Loong. “Our Future of Opportunity and Promise.” National Day Rally 2004 Speech. 29 Apr. 2007 http://www.gov.sg/nd/ND04.htm>. Lichter, S. Robert, Linda S. Lichter, and Stanley Rothman. Prime Time: How TV Portrays American Culture. Washington D.C.: Regnery Publishing, 1994. Livingstone, Sonia. Young People and New Media: Childhood and the Changing Media Environment. London: Sage, 2002 Morley, David. “What’s ‘Home’ Got to Do with It? Contradictory Dynamics in the Domestication of Technology and the Dislocation of Domesticity.” European Journal of Cultural Studies 6 (2003). Noble, Greg. “Comfortable and Relaxed: Furnishing the Home and Nation.” Continuum: Journal of Media and Cultural Studies 16.1 (2002). Rubdy, Rani. “Creative Destruction: Singapore’s Speak Good English Movement.” World Englishes 20.3 (2001). Scannell, Paddy. “For a Phenomenology of Radio and Television.” Journal of Communication 45.3 (1995). Scharrer, Erica. “From Wise to Foolish: The Portrayal of the Sitcom Father, 1950s-1990s.” Journal of Broadcasting and Electronic Media 45.1 (2001). Srilal, Mohan. “Quick Quick: ‘Singlish’ Is Out in Re-education Campaign.” Asia Times Online (28 Aug. 1999). Tan, Hwee Hwee. “A War of Words over ‘Singlish’: Singapore’s Government Wants Its Citizens to Speak Good English, But They Would Rather Be ‘Talking Cock’.” Time International 160.3 (29 July 2002). Taylor, Ella. “From the Nelsons to the Huxtables: Genre and Family Imagery in American Network Television.” Qualitative Sociology 12.1 (1989). Velayutham, Selvaraj. “Affect, Materiality, and the Gift of Social Life in Singapore.” SOJOURN 19.1 (2004). Wong, Kokkeong. Media and Culture in Singapore: A Theory of Controlled Commodification. New Jersey: Hampton Press, 2001. Images Under One Roof: The Special Appearances. Singapore: Television Corporation of Singapore. VCD. 2000. Living with Lydia (Season 1, Volume 1). Singapore: MediaCorp Studios, Blue Max Enterprise. VCD. 2001. Phua Chu Kang Pte Ltd (Season 5, Episode 10). Kuala Lumpur: MediaCorp Studios, Speedy Video Distributors. VCD. 2003. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Pugsley, Peter. "At Home in Singaporean Sitcoms: Under One Roof, Living with Lydia and Phua Chu Kang." M/C Journal 10.4 (2007). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0708/09-pugsley.php>. APA Style Pugsley, P. (Aug. 2007) "At Home in Singaporean Sitcoms: Under One Roof, Living with Lydia and Phua Chu Kang," M/C Journal, 10(4). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0708/09-pugsley.php>.

Introduction“Chav” is a social phenomenon that gained significant popular media coverage and attention in the United Kingdom in the early 2000s. Chavs are often characterised, by others, as young people from a background of low socioeconomic status, usually clothed in branded sportswear. All definitions of Chav position them as culturally anomalous, as Other.This article maps out a multidisciplinary definition of the Chav, synthesised from 21 published academic publications: three recurrent themes in scholarly discussion emerge. First, this research presents whiteness as an assumed and essential facet of Chav identity. When marginalising Chavs because of their “incorrect whiteness”, these works assign them a problematic and complex relationship with ethnicity and race. Second, Chav discourse has previously been discussed as a form of intense class-based abhorrence. Chavs, it would seem, are perceived as anomalous by their own class and those who deem themselves of a higher socioeconomic status. Finally, Chavs’ consumption choices are explored as amplifying such negative constructions of class and white ethnic identities, which are deemed as forming an undesirable aesthetic. This piece is not intended to debate whether or not Chav is a subculture, clubculture or neotribe. Although Greg Martin’s discussion around the similarities between historical subcultures and Chavs remains pertinent and convincing, this article discusses how young people labelled as Chavs are excluded on a variety of fronts. It draws a cross-disciplinary mapping of the Chav, providing the beginnings of a definition of a derogatory label, applied to young people marking them anomalous in British society.What Is a Chav?The word Chav became officially included in the English language in the UK in 2003, when it was inducted into the Oxford English Dictionary (OED). The current OED entry offers many points for further discussion, all centred upon a discriminatory positioning of Chav:chav, n. Etymology: Probably either < Romani čhavo unmarried Romani male, male Romani child (see chavvy n.), or shortened < either chavvy n. or its etymon Angloromani chavvy. Brit. slang (derogatory). In the United Kingdom (originally the south of England): a young person of a type characterized by brash and loutish behaviour and the wearing of designer-style clothes (esp. sportswear); usually with connotations of a low social status.Chav was adopted by British national media as a catch-all term encompassing regional variants. Many discussions have likened Chav to groups such as “Bogans” in Australia and “Trailer Trash” in the US. Websites such as UrbanDictionary and Chavscum have often, informally, defined Chav through a series of derogatory “backcronyms” such as Council Housed And Violent or Council House Associated Vermin, positioning it as a derogatory social label synonymous with notions of perceived criminality, poverty, poor taste, danger, fear, class, and whiteness.Chav came to real prominence in the early 2000s in mainstream British media, gaining visibility through television shows such as Shameless (2004-2013), Little Britain (2003-2006), and The Catherine Tate Show (2004-2009). The term exploded across the tabloid press, as noted by Antoinette Renouf in 2005. Extensive tabloid press coverage drove the phenomenon to front-page coverage in TIME magazine in 2008. Chavs were observed as often wearing Burberry check-patterned clothing. For the first time since its founding in 1856, and due to the extent of Chav’s negative media coverage, Burberry decided to largely remove its trademark check pattern between 2001 and 2014 from sale. Chavs in AcademiaThe rubric of the Chav did not emerge in academia with the same vigour as it did in popular media, failing to gain the visibility of previous youth social formations such as Punks, Mods, et al. Rather, there has been a modest but consistent number of academic publications discussing this subject: 1-3 publications per year, published between 2006-2015. Of the 22 academic texts explicitly addressing and discussing Chavs, none were published prior to 2006. Extensive searches on databases such as EBSCO, JSTOR and ProQuest, yielded no further academic publications on this subject since Joanne Heeney’s 2015 discussion of Chav and its relationship to contested conceptualisations of disability.From a review of the available literature, the following key thematic groupings run through the publications: Chavs’ embodiment of a "wrong" type of white identity; their embodiment of a "wrong" type of working-class identity; and finally, their depiction as flawed consumers. I will now discuss these groupings, and their implications for future research, in order to chart a multidisciplinary conceptualisation of the Chav. Ultimately, my discussion will evidence how "out of place" Chavs appear to be in terms of race and ethnicity, class, and consumption choices. Chavs as “Wrong” WhitesThe dividing practices (Foucault) evident in UK popular media and websites such as Urbandictionary in the early 2000s distinctly separated “hypervisible ‘filthy whites’” (Tyler) from the “respectable whiteness” of the British middle-class. As Imogen Tyler puts it, “the cumulative effect of this disgust is the blocking of the disenfranchised white poor from view; they are rendered invisible and incomprehensible”, a perspective revisited in relation to the "celebrity chav" by Tyler and Joe Bennett. In a wider discussion of ethnicity, segregation and discrimination, Colin Webster discusses Chav and “white trash”, within the context of discourses that criminalise certain forms of whiteness. The conspicuous absence of whiteness in debates regarding fair representation of ethnicity and exclusion is highlighted here, as is the difficulty that social sciences often encounter in conceptualising whiteness in terms exceeding privilege, superiority, power, and normality. Bennett discusses Chavspeak, as a language conceived as enacting combinations of well-known sociolinguistic stereotypes. Chavspeak derives from an amalgamation of Black English vernaculars, potentially identifying its speakers as "race traitors". Bennett's exploration of Chavs as turncoats towards their own whiteness places them in an anomalous position of exclusion, as “Other” white working-class people. A Google image search for Chav conducted on 8th July 2020 yielded, in 198 of the first 200 images, the pictures of white youth. In popular culture, Chavs are invariably white, as seen in shows such as Little Britain, The Catherine Tate Show and, arguably, also in Paul Abbott’s Shameless. There is no question, however, that whiteness is an assumed and essential facet of Chav identity. Explorations of class and consumption may help to clarify this muddy conceptualisation of ethnicity and Chavs. Chavs as “Wrong” Working ClassChav discourse has been discussed as addressing intense class-based abhorrence (Hayward and Yar; Tyler). Indeed, while focussing more upon the nexus between chavs, class, and masculinity, Anoop Nayak’s ethnographic approach identifies a clear distinction between “Charver kids” (a slang term for Chav found in the North-East of England) and “Real Geordies” (Geordie is a regional term identifying inhabitants from that same area, most specifically from Newcastle-upon-Tyne). Nayak identified Chavs as rough, violent and impoverished, against the respectable, skilled and upwardly mobile working-class embodied by the “Real Geordies” (825). Similar distinctions between different types of working classes appear in the work of Sumi Hollingworth and Katya Williams. In a study of white, middle-class students from English urban state comprehensive schools in Riverside and Norton, the authors found that “Chav comes to represent everything about whiteness that the middle-classes are not” (479). Here, Chav is discussed as a label that school-age children reserve for “others”, namely working-class peers who stand out because of their clothing, their behaviour, and their educational aspirations. Alterity is a concept reinforced by Bennett’s discussion of Chavspeak, as he remarks that “Chavs are other people, and Chavspeak is how other people talk” (8). The same position is echoed in Sarah Spencer, Judy Clegg, and Joy Stackhouse’s study of the interplay between language, social class, and education in younger generations. Chavspotting is the focus of Bennett’s exploration of lived class experiences. Here, the evocation of the Chav is seen as a way to reinforce and reproduce dominant rhetoric against the poor. Bennett discusses the ways in which websites such as Chavscum.com used towns, cities and shopping centres as ideal locations to practice Chav-spotting. What is evident, however, is that behind Chavspotting lies the need for recontextualisation of normalising social practices which involve identification of determinate social groups in social spaces. This finding is supported by the interviews conducted by Ken McCullock et al (548) who found the Chav label, along with its regional variant of Charva, to be an extension of these social practices of identification, as it was applied to people of lower socioeconomic status as a marker of difference: “Chav/Charva … it’s what more posh people use to try and describe thugs and that” (McCulloch et al., 552).The semi-structured interview data gathered by Spencer, Clegg, and Stackhouse reveals how the label of Chav trickled down from stereotypes in popular culture to the real-life experiences of school-aged children. Here, Chavs are likened by school children to animals, “the boys are like monkeys, and the girls are like squeaky squirrels who like to slap people if they even look at you” (136) and their language is defined as lacking complexity. It bears relevance that, in these interviews, children in middle-class areas are once again “othering” the Chav, applying the label to children from working-class areas. Heeney’s discussion of the Chav pivots around questions of class and race. This is particularly evident as she addresses the media contention surrounding glamour model Katie Price, and her receipt of disability welfare benefits for her son. Ethnicity and class are key in academic discussion of the Chav, and in this context they prove to be interwoven and inexorably slippery. Just as previous academic discussions surrounding ethnicity challenge assumptions around whiteness, privilege and discrimination, an equally labyrinthine picture is drawn on the relationship between class and the Chavs, and on the practices of exclusion and symbolic to which they are subject. Chavs as “Wrong” ConsumersKeith Hayward and Majid Yar’s much-cited work points to a rethinking of the underclass concept (Murray) through debates of social marginality and consumption practices. Unlike previous socio-cultural formations (subcultures), Chavs should not be viewed as the result of society choosing to “reject or invert mainstream aspirations or desires” but simply as “flawed” consumers (Hayward and Yar, 18). The authors remarked that the negative social construction and vilification of Chav can be attributed to “a set of narrow and seemingly irrational and un-aesthetic consumer choices” (18). Chavs are discussed as lacking in taste and/or educational/intelligence (cultural capital), and not in economic capital (Bourdieu): it is the former and not the latter that makes them the object of ridicule and scorn. Chav consumption choices are often regarded, and reported, as the wrong use of economic capital. Matthew Adams and Jayne Rainsborough also discuss the ways in which cultural sites of representation--newspapers, websites, television--achieve a level of uniformity in their portrayal of Chavs as out of place and continually framed as “wrong consumers", just as Nayak did. In their argument, they also note how Chavs have been intertextually represented as sites of bodily indiscretion in relation to behaviours, lifestyles and consumption choices. It is these flawed consumption choices that Paul Johnson discusses in relation to the complex ways in which the Chav stereotype, and their consumption choices, are both eroticised and subjected to a form of symbolic violence. Within this context, “Council chic” has been marketed and packaged towards gay men through themed club events, merchandise, sex lines and escort services. The signifiers of flawed consumption (branded sportswear, jewellery, etc), upon which much of the Chav-based subjugation is centred thus become a hook to promote and sell sexual services. As such, this process subjects Chavs to a form of symbolic violence, as their worth is fetishised, commodified, and further diminished in gay culture. The importance of consumption choices and, more specifically, of choices which are considered to be "wrong" adds one final piece to this map of the Chav (Mason and Wigley). What was already noted as discrimination towards Chavs centred upon notions of class, socioeconomic status, and, ethnicity, is amplified by emphasis on consumption choices deemed to be aesthetically undesirable. This all comes together through the “Othering” of a pattern of consumerist choices that encompasses branded clothes, sportswear and other garments typically labelled as "chavvy". Chav: Not Always a LabelIn spite of its rare occurrence in academic discourse on Chavs, it is worth noting here that not all scholarly discussions focus on the notion of Chav as assigned identity, as the work of Kehily, Nayak and Young clearly demonstrates.Kehily and Nayak’s performative approach to Chav adopts an urban ethnography approach to remark that, although these socio-economic-racial labels are felt as pejorative, they can be negotiated within immediate contexts to become less discriminatory and gain positive connotations of respectability in given situations. Indeed, such labels can be enacted as a transitional identity to be used and adopted intermittently. Chav remains an applied label, but a flexible label which can be negotiated and adapted. Robert Young challenges many established conceptualisations of Chav culture, paying particular attention to notions of class and self-identification. His study found that approximately 15% of his 3,000 fifteen-year old respondents, all based in the Glasgow area, self-identified as Chav or "Ned" (a Scottish variant of Chav). The cultural criminological approach taken by Young does not clearly specify what options were given to participants when selecting "Neds or popular" as self-identification. Young’s work is of real value in the discussion of Chav, since it constitutes the only example of self-identification as Chav (Ned); future work reasserting these findings is required for the debate to be continued in this direction. Conclusion: Marginalised on All Fronts?Have Chavs been ostracised for being the wrong type of white person? Much has been discussed around the problematic role of ethnicity in Chav culture. Indeed, many scholars have discussed how Chav adopted the language, dress and style of ethnic minority groups. This assimilation of non-white identities leaves the Chav stranded on two fronts: (1) they are marked as Other by predominantly white social groups and vilified as race/ethnicity traitors (Bennett, Chavspeak); (2) they stand apart from ethnic minority identities through a series of exaggerated and denigrated consumption choices – adopting a bricolage identity that defines them against other groups surrounding them. Are Chavs the wrong type of white, working-class consumer? We know from the seminal works of Dick Hebdige and Stuart Hall that subcultural styles can often convey a range of semiotic messages to the outside world. If one were to bear in mind the potentially isolated nature of those considered Chavs, one could see in their dress a consumption of "status" (McCulloch et al., 554). The adoption of a style predominantly consisting of expensive-looking branded clothes, highly-visible jewellery associated with an exaggerated sporting lifestyle, stands as a symbol of disposable income and physical prowess, a way of ‘fronting up’ to labels of poverty, criminality and lack of social and cultural capital.As my charting process comes to a conclusion, with the exclusion of the studies conducted by Young, Kehily and Nayak, Chav is solely discussed as an “Othering” label, vastly different from the self-determined identities of other youth subcultures. As a matter of fact, a number of studies portray the angry reactions to such labelling (Hollingworth and Williams; Bennett; Mason and Wigley). So are Chavs vilified because of their whiteness, their class, or their consumption choices? More likely, they are vilified because of a combination of all of the above. Therefore, we would not be mistaken in identifying Chavs as completely lacking in identity capital. 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