Relevant bibliographies by topics / House Un-American Activities Committee

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'House Un-American Activities Committee'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "House Un-American Activities Committee"

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Rosswurm, Steven. "FBI Files on the House Committee on Un-American Activities (HUAC)." Journal of American History 74, no. 4 (March 1988): 1405. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1894521.

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MARTIN, RUTH. "Operation Abolition: Defending the Civil Liberties of the “Un-American,” 1957–1961." Journal of American Studies 47, no. 4 (July 29, 2013): 1043–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875813001345.

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In response to the House Un-American Activities Committee's attacks on legal defenders of political nonconformists, the six-year-old Emergency Civil Liberties Committee organized a publicity and test-case campaign to highlight the dubious constitutionality of HUAC's methods. Their drive to abolish HUAC helped to transform the defence of the constitutional rights of suspected subversives or “un-Americans” by undermining the governmental structures of the Second Red Scare. The ECLC's activity also prompted a shift in the policy of the nation's largest civil liberties group, the American Civil Liberties Union, in favour of abolition. HUAC's response of a mass propaganda campaign represented the culmination of a period when they sought to crush “un-American” dissent, inadvertently elevating the ECLC to a position of national prominence in the struggle for Cold War civil liberties.
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LEWIS, GEORGE. "“An Amorphous Code”: The Ku Klux Klan and Un-Americanism, 1915–1965." Journal of American Studies 47, no. 4 (September 4, 2013): 971–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875813001357.

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On 1 June 1965, the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) announced that it would hold hearings into the Ku Klux Klan, fifty years after the organization had appeared before the House Rules Committee. Whereas the 1925 investigation allowed the Klan to continue to claim a “100% Americanism,” HUAC unequivocally declared the Klan of the 1960s to be entirely un-American. This essay seeks to explain that turnaround in the understanding of the Klan and its activities, on the one hand, and the contested ideas of un-Americanism and Americanism on the other. It is only within the context of that struggle over un-Americanism's evolving definition, it is argued, that the official decision of civil rights organizations such as COFO and SCLC – whose members had suffered personally from Klan violence – to oppose the proposed HUAC investigation of the Klan can be understood. Similarly, that ongoing contest explains how it was that, after almost three decades of investigating left-wing organizations that often included those fighting for greater civil rights, HUAC was finally moved to turn its attention to the right. Finally, this essay seeks to determine what it was, precisely, about the Klan in 1965 that was deemed “un-American” rather than simply criminal.
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Perucci, Tony. "The Red Mask of Sanity: Paul Robeson, HUAC, and the Sound of Cold War Performance." TDR/The Drama Review 53, no. 4 (November 2009): 18–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/dram.2009.53.4.18.

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In 1949, after Paul Robeson—athlete, actor, singer, and anti-racist Leftist—stated that it would be “unthinkable” for blacks to fight a war against the Soviet Union, he was threatened by mobs, deprived of his US passport, denied work, hounded by the FBI, and made to testify before the House Un-American Activities Committee.
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McNally, Karen. "‘Sinatra, Commie Playboy’: Frank Sinatra, Postwar Liberalism and Press Paranoia." Film Studies 7, no. 1 (2005): 43–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/fs.7.6.

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Anti-Communist hysteria had a wide-ranging impact on Hollywood across the postwar period. As writers, directors and stars came under the scrutiny of the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) due to the content of their films and their political activities, careers were interrupted indefinitely and Hollywood‘s ability to promote cultural change in the new era following World War II was severely hampered. Frank Sinatra‘s heavy involvement in liberal politics during this period illustrates the problems confronting the American film industry as it attempted to address the country‘s imperfections.
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DOSSETT, KATE. "Gender and the Dies Committee Hearings on the Federal Theatre Project." Journal of American Studies 47, no. 4 (August 1, 2013): 993–1017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875813001382.

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This paper examines the House Committee on Un-American Activities and Propaganda's investigation into un-American activities in the Federal Theatre Project. In particular it examines the performances of committee chairman Martin Dies and his Republican colleague J. Parnell Thomas, who led the interrogation of Federal Theatre witnesses. Relying on so-called “friendly witnesses,” usually disaffected former Federal Theatre employees or former communists, Dies and Thomas devoted three days to the testimony of Hazel Huffman, a WPA mail clerk, who never worked on the FTP, while allowing Hallie Flanagan and Ellen Woodward, the two women who directed the national theatre programme, just a few hours each. While Huffman gushed and flirted, Flanagan and Woodward refused to perform the version of femininity the committee demanded. The reordering of gendered roles that resulted was startling. The Dies Committee took to presenting itself as emasculated, a victim of masculine women and New Deal–communist conspirators, who were stripping not only them, but also America, of manhood. This paper suggests that it is only by analysing the powerful gendered performances of the key characters in this unfolding drama of un-Americana that we can understand how and why un-Americanism gained so strong a foothold in mid-century America.
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Neve, Brian. "Elia Kazan's first testimony to the house committee on Un-American activities, executive session, 14 January 1952." Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television 25, no. 2 (June 2005): 251–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01439680500138068.

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Brinson, Susan L. "War on the Homefront in World War II: The FCC and the House Committee on Un-American Activities." Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television 21, no. 1 (March 2001): 63–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01439680020030897.

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Clohesy, Lachlan. "A House Committee on Un-Australian Activities? An Alternative to the Dissolution Act." Australian Historical Studies 44, no. 1 (March 2013): 23–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1031461x.2012.760636.

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Gross, Gerry. "A Palpable Hit: A Study of the Impact of Reuben Ship's the Investigator." Theatre Research in Canada 10, no. 2 (January 1989): 152–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/tric.10.2.152.

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Reuben Ship (1915-1975), a Canadian scriptwriter working in Hollywood during the fifties, was blacklisted after being accused of being a Communist by the House Committee on Un-American Activities in 1951 and deported to Canada. In 1954, The Investigator, Ship's radio drama satirizing McCarthyism, was broadcast by the CBC. This study uses relevant files of the U.S. Department of Justice and the CBC, as well as other materials from the period, to assess the impact of the work in Canada and the USA.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "House Un-American Activities Committee"

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Patterson, Sean. "Get Flanagan: The Rise and Fall of the Federal Theatre Project." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2004. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/183.

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This thesis is an attempt to render theatrically the establishment and eventual dissolution of the Federal Theatre Project, from the point of view of its appointed director Hallie Flanagan. Drawn from a variety of historical sources, including subjective first-person accounts and objective transcripts of congressional investigation testimony, the play approximates the structure of the Living Newspaper, a style of presentation adopted by the Federal Theatre Project. This thesis also includes an appendix, which details my playwriting process for this particular play, from initial concept through to production.
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Garnett, Edward Hal. "The trials of creativity: A rhetorical analysis of A View from the Bridge and The Crucible by Arthur Miller." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 1993. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/3032.

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Farrar, Ruth. "Loneliness, storytelling and community in performance : the climate of the House Un-American Activities Committee's America in selected plays by Eugene O'Neill, J.P. Donleavy and Frank D. Gilroy." Thesis, Manchester Metropolitan University, 2012. http://e-space.mmu.ac.uk/315673/.

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This thesis examines the selected dramatic works of three second-generation American-Irish playwrights in the twentieth century: Eugene O’Neill, J.P. Donleavy, and Frank D. Gilroy. Key texts of O’Neill’s late period, including The Iceman Cometh (1940) and Hughie (1959), are assessed in Chapter 1; Chapter 2 evaluates Donleavy’s plays The Ginger Man (1959) and Fairy Tales of New York (1960); Chapter 3 concludes the analysis by examining plays including Gilroy’s The Subject Was Roses (1964) and Any Given Day (1993). The form and content of these playwrights’ work are shown increasingly to revolve around notions of loneliness, storytelling and community, and these aspects of the plays are found to be shaped by the ideological influence of the work of the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) which, I argue, was itself a highly theatrical and performative operation. The tenure of HUAC spanned 1938-1968; its effects lingered longer. The plays are not political interventions or critiques in any straightforward way, though; indeed, the thematic content of these writers’ work appears to become increasingly small, personal and autobiographical as their careers develop. However, my contention is that the plays operate as “indirect allegories” – subtle, often unconscious responses to the ideological climate of the time. My analysis of the plays applies the works of critics as diverse as Louis Althusser and Erving Goffman to show that themes such as loneliness reappear as manifestations of HUAC’s increasingly negative impact on community formation and cohesion. Likewise, recurrent formal devices such as storytelling function to dramatise the paradoxes surrounding such self-performance in the era of HUAC – narrating the self is both a nourishing, self-defining act, and also, in this context, potentially incriminating. In this way, the thesis starts to plot a developmental trajectory of second-generation American-Irish playwriting and its indirect allegorisation of the HUAC era.
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McCall, Sarah B. "The Musical Fallout of Political Activism: Government Investigations of Musicians in the United States, 1930-1960." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277608/.

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Government investigations into the motion picture industry are well-documented, as is the widespread blacklisting that was concurrent. Not nearly so well documented are the many investigations of musicians and musical organizations which occurred during this same period. The degree to which various musicians and musical organizations were investigated varied considerably. Some warranted only passing mention, while others were rigorously questioned in formal Congressional hearings. Hanns Eisler was deported as a result of the House Committee on Un-American Activities' (HUAC) investigation into his background and activities in the United States. Leonard Bernstein, Marc Blitzstein, and Aaron Copland are but a few of the prominent composers investigated by the government for their involvement in leftist organizations. The Symphony of the Air was denied visas for a Near East tour after several orchestra members were implicated as Communists. Members of musicians' unions in New York and Los Angeles were called before HUAC hearings because of alleged infiltration by Communists into their ranks. The Metropolitan Music School of New York, led by its president-emeritus, the composer Wallingford Riegger, was the subject of a two day congressional hearing in New York City. There is no way to measure either quantitatively or qualitatively the effect of the period on the music but only the extent to which the activities affected the musicians themselves. The extraordinary paucity of published information about the treatment of the musicians during this period is put into even greater relief when compared to the thorough manner in which the other arts, notably literature and film, have been examined. This work attempts to fill this gap and shed light on a particularly dark chapter in the history of contemporary music.
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Fauvrelle, Marie. "Une nouvelle histoire du féminisme aux Etats-Unis : du Women’s Armed Services Integration Act de 1948 au Civil Rights Act de 1964." Thesis, Paris 2, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA020024.

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En 1948 le Président Harry S Truman signe le "Women’s Armed Services Integration Act". Cette loi est en fait le fait d’armes de Margaret Chase Smith, sénatrice et représentante de l’état du Maine. En 1948, à travers le" Women’s Armed Services Integration Act" Madame Smith met en avant ces milliers de femmes qui, après l’enrôlement obligatoire pour cause de deuxième guerre mondiale, voient en l’armée une nouvelle carrière qui s’ouvre à elles. Seule femme ayant été élue, sous la bannière républicaine, à la Chambre des représentants et au Sénat de son propre chef, Margaret Chase Smith rencontre le sénateur Joseph McCarthy, « grand ordonnateur » des audiences du HUAC dans les années 50, lors d’un dîner informel. Les Américaines s’organisent aussi pour leurs droits, sur le plan syndical les années 50 peuvent bien être la “missing wave” clamée par l’historienne Dorothy Sue Cobble. Cette thèse, ayant pour toile de fond l’étude de cas de deux cents femmes interrogées par le HUAC de McCarthy, met en lumière, de façon significative, les individus et les militantes, femmes réelles qui sont les principales protagonistes des changements historiques, notamment une égalité à travers le Civil Rights Act de 1964. Comme la « micro histoire » de l’école italienne dont les chercheurs étudient ces nouveaux acteurs de l’Histoire, appelés de manière suggestive « les gens ordinaires », ce présent travail sur le maccarthysme se penche sur des individus représentatifs de leur genre, de leur race et de leur combat. Ainsi, cette démarche s’inscrit dans la perspective de la Nouvelle Histoire que le Professeur Paul-Marie Veyne définit comme représentative des « dimensions collectives de l’individu. » Les audiences du HUAC et de McCarthy, tenues de 1950 à 1954, dévoilent les histoires de divers citoyens, plus précisément de citoyennes obligées de se démener pour améliorer leur condition de vie. Mille trois cent cinquante-deux livres, trois cent douze articles de Presse et une centaine d’articles universitaires portant sur le maccarthysme peuvent être répertoriés de nos jours, mais rares, sinon aucune de ces analyses ne mettent en avant le rôle des femmes appelées devant le HUAC et les Commissions d’enquête sur le communisme dans les années McCarthy
In 1948 President Harry S Truman signed the "Women's Armed Services Integration Act". This law is in fact an exploit of Senator Margaret Chase Smith, representing the state of Maine. In 1948, through the "Women's Armed Services Integration Act", Mrs Smith proposed a career to those thousands of women who saw in the army a new horizon. Only woman having been elected under the Republican banner, in the House of Representatives and the Senate, Margaret Chase Smith met Senator Joseph McCarthy, at the head of the HUAC in the Fifties. While servicewomen benefited from the" Women's Armed Services Integration Act", the other american women organized for their rights, especially through trade unions. Feminine activism was alive in the Fifties which can be seen as the “missing wave” coined by historian Dorothy Sue Cobble. This thesis, having as background the case study of some 200 women, sheds light on individuals, real women who were the main characters of historical change, namely an equality achieved through the Civil Rights Act. As the “micro histoire” of the Italian school whose researchers study these new actors of history, called “ordinary people”, this present work on McCarthyism leans on individuals representative of their gender, their race and their fight. Thus, this approach falls under the prospect for New History which Professor Paul-Marie Veyne defines as representative of “collective dimensions of the individual.” The investigations of HUAC presided by McCarthy, in the Fifties, reveal the stories of various citizens, especially women always in a struggle to lead a better life. One thousand three hundred and fifty-two books, three hundred and twelve newspaper articles and a hundred university articles concerning McCarthyism can be listed, but scarcely, if not none, of deal with the role of women called before the HUAC and the Committees of inquiry on Communism in the McCarthy years
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Lopez, Nancy Lynn. ""Allowing fears to overwhelm us": A re-examination of the House Special Committee on Un-American Activities, 1938--1944." Thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1911/18110.

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In 1938, the House of Representatives authorized a special committee to investigate subversive or "un-American" propaganda. Popularly known as the Dies Committee after its chairman Martin Dies, this special committee was the progenitor of the most notorious legislative investigating committee in the history of Congress, the House Un-American Activities Committee. It was widely criticized in its own time, and by the majority of historians since, for its lax procedures, including a reliance on hearsay, unsupported information, and biased witnesses. The Committee also attempted to smear liberals and organized labor by associating them with radical organizations. During its first year, Dies' goal was seemingly to undermine the New Deal by claiming that the Roosevelt Administration and various New Deal agencies were riddled with Communists. Examination of the Committee's records suggests strongly that the foregoing criticisms were warranted. But to assess better the work of the Dies Committee, it is necessary to grapple with the fact that regardless of its motives and procedural inadequacies, in many instances its claims of Communist infiltration of New Deal agencies and the CIO were true. This dissertation examines the procedural and evidentiary standards under which the Dies Committee operated in an effort to address the question whether the lack of consistent application of these standards mattered when the investigation's conclusions were generally correct. The Committee's partisanship and willingness to used dubious evidence raised doubts about its claims of subversion in government and labor among the group whom it needed to convince-those in the Washington power structure. This issue is of heightened relevance given recent scholarship showing that the Soviet Union had funded and supervised an extensive espionage network in the United States during the 1930s. But as long as the Committee accepted rumor and conjecture it would fail to prove its case. Ultimately, the Committee's procedural lapses served only to undermine its own credibility.
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Wingender, Maxime. "Le comité Dies (Special house committee on un-american activities) et son regard sur les mouvements d'extrême droite américains : 1938-1944." Mémoire, 2010. http://www.archipel.uqam.ca/2857/1/M11258.pdf.

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Le 26 mai 1938, le Congrès américain mettait sur pied la Special House Committee on Un-American Activities (SCUAA), mieux connu sous le sobriquet du comité Dies. Tout au long de son mandat, de 1938 à 1944, ce comité développait des méthodes d'enquêtes inquisitoires. Il a été par ailleurs le prédécesseur du HUAC du temps de l'après-guerre. Le comité Dies demeure à ce jour un sujet de controverse. Puis, l'historiographie, qui est peu volumineuse et vieillissante, porte un intérêt particulier sur l'acharnement du Comité à s'attaquer au New Deal et au communisme. Pourtant, il y a eu certes des enquêtes menées par la commission Dies sur les mouvements d'extrême droite. Or, bien que les enquêtes sur les mouvements de droite radicaux auraient été moins bien préparées et beaucoup plus aléatoires que celles effectuées contre la subversion de gauche, il est utile et pertinent d'étudier plus en profondeur le rapport entre le comité Dies et les mouvements d'extrême droite. Entre autres, parce qu'il a été l'une des premières commissions américaines à dresser un portrait de l'extrême droite aux États-Unis. Il a été notamment l'une des seules instances gouvernementales de l'époque à dévoiler publiquement des informations sur l'extrême droite «étrangère» et nativiste. Ce mémoire propose donc un examen des informations mise à jour par le comité Dies sur l'extrême droite. Celles-ci ont amené une certaine conscience publique de la nature des groupes de droite radicaux et de tendances fascistes aux États-Unis. Cette recherche apporte une large contribution à l'historiographie sur le comité Dies en s'attardant à une problématique: quels sont les éléments qui ont été exposés par le comité Dies sur l'extrême droite «étrangère» et nativiste? Quels sont les facteurs qui ont poussé le SCUAA à enquêter sur la droite radicale américaine, et quels en ont été les conséquences et les résultats? Cette étude s'attarde aux distinctions du regard du comité Dies envers les mouvements nativistes (Christian Front, Ku Klux Klan, etc.) et étrangers (German-American Bund, fascisme italien, extrême droite japonaise, etc.). En outre, nous examinons de quelles façons ce regard et les idéologies de la commission Dies ont évolué à travers son contexte national et international. Nous croyons par exemple que les tensions des années 1930, le contexte de la Seconde Guerre mondiale et la course politique de Martin Dies, directeur du SCUAA, ont eu des répercussions notoires. Notre hypothèse démontre que le comité Dies a eu, à certains égards, un parti pris pour l'extrême droite américaine au détriment de la menace subversive de gauche. Au même titre que le communisme, c'est l'influence étrangère sur la droite radicale qui semblait perturber le comité Dies. Toutefois, il faut ajouter à cette hypothèse que des éléments politiques, économiques et sociaux ont pu nuancer à la fois les enquêtes effectuées et le regard de la commission Dies sur l'extrême droite. Enfin, cette recherche permet de déceler le manque de souci et d'intérêt de certaines instances politiques et de la population américaine pour le fascisme. Il semble à cet effet que des pressions de toutes sortes ont été nécessaires pour que le comité Dies se tourne véritablement contre les mouvements de droite radicaux. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Dies Committee, Special Committee on Un-American Activities, Politique américaine, Fascisme, Nazisme, Extrême droite, Nativisme, États-Unis.
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Srch, Daniel. "Na černé listině: Hollywoodští rudí a hony na čarodejnice v americkém filmovém průmyslu (1947-1960)." Doctoral thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-328192.

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On the Blacklist: Hollywood Reds and Witch Hunting in the American Motion Picture Industry (1947-1960) Abstract At the beginning of the Cold War, the American motion picture industry was struck with a "witch-hunt" that led to establishment of the so-called blacklist. Due to this controversial policy, three hundred "Reds" (actual or perceived members of the U.S. Communist Party) were shut out from work in Hollywood during 1947-1950. The first explanation of this phenomenon can be seen in the bipolarity of the post-war world where the United States took leadership in a crusade against the Soviet Union. One result of this seemingly international crusade was that it also became domestic-followers of the U.S. Communist Party became actual public enemies. A deeper analysis of whole issue, however, requires that other elements must be seriously taken into account. The microcosm of Hollywood, some principles of American thinking and the activities of the Reds themselves provide crucial insights into comprehensively understanding the complexity of blacklisting. Experience with the Hollywood blacklist included many different aspects. First of all, it was a political battle with the "inquisitors" from the House Committee on Un-American Activities who helped establish the anti-Communist policy in American motion...
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Books on the topic "House Un-American Activities Committee"

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1916-, Bentley Eric, ed. Thirty years of treason: Excerpts from hearings before the House Committee on Un-American Activities, 1938-1968. New York: Thunder's Mouth Press/Nation Books, 2002.

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The un-American: Autobiographical non-fiction novel. Buffalo, N.Y: Springhouse Editions/Labor Arts Books, 1992.

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Operation abolition: The campaign to abolish the House Un-American Activities Committee, 1938-1975. New York: Garland, 1986.

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Kill me again: A Scott Elliott mystery. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1996.

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Not without honor: The history of American anticommunism. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998.

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Not without honor: The history of American anticommunism. New York: Free Press, 1995.

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Powers, Richard Gid. Not without honor: The history of American anticommunism. New York: Free Press, 1995.

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Hollywood and anticommunism: HUAC and the evolution of the red menace, 1935-1950. New York: Routledge, 2007.

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Lillian, Hellman. Scoundrel time. Boston: Little, Brown, 2000.

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Washington gone crazy: Senator Pat McCarran and the great American Communist hunt. Hanover, N.H: Steerforth Press, 2004.

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Book chapters on the topic "House Un-American Activities Committee"

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"House Un-American Activities Committee." In The Encyclopedia of Civil Liberties in America, 471–74. Routledge, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315699868-328.

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Miller, Gabriel. "The House Un-American Activities Committee." In William Wyler, 297–334. University Press of Kentucky, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813142098.003.0015.

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Brianton, Kevin. "The House Un-American Activities Committee Arrives in Hollywood." In Hollywood Divided. University Press of Kentucky, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813168920.003.0002.

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The opening chapter deals with the political background of the loyalty oaths in Hollywood. The focus then shifts to the internal politics of the Screen Directors Guild and its initial response to the HUAC investigations. The SDG board protested against the initial HUAC investigation in 1947, leading to a great deal of political tension between conservatives and liberals. This initiated Sam Wood and Cecil B. DeMille’s coup against liberal directors in 1947 to take control of the Guild, which was cemented by the conservatives gaining control of the board in the following elections.
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"Elia Kazan and the House Committee on Un-American Activities." In Elia Kazan. I.B.Tauris, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9780755696550.ch-003.

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"Fear Corrodes the US Polity–Impact of the House Un-American Activities Committee." In Letters to Australia, Volume 4, 136–37. Sydney University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvx8b7c5.63.

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"THE HOUSE COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES PAUSES TO REFLECT ON ITS SERVICE TO THE COUNTRY." In Earthly Delights, 86–88. Princeton University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780691218847-037.

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"THE HOUSE COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES PAUSES TO REFLECT ON ITS SERVICE TO THE COUNTRY." In Earthly Delights, 86–88. Princeton University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv1j6667b.39.

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Metz, Michael V. "The Communist TA: Edward Yellin." In Radicals in the Heartland, 19–21. University of Illinois Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252042416.003.0004.

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Yellin was a youthful member of the Communist Party prior to his enrollment at Illinois as an engineering graduate student and recipient of a paid university fellowship. When he was found guilty of four charges of contempt of Congress for refusing to cooperate with the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC), the university suspended him, then later rescinded the suspension, all with no apparent involvement by President Henry. The United States Supreme Court eventually overturned Yellin’s conviction.
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Decherney, Peter. "5. The blacklist and the Cold War." In Hollywood: A Very Short Introduction, 70–84. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780199943548.003.0006.

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Hollywood’s foray into politics during World War II had major repercussions in the postwar period. It led to standoffs with conservative factions in Congress, it fractured the Hollywood community, and prompted the studios to take extreme actions to win back American moviegoers. ‘The blacklist and the Cold War’ considers the House Committee on Un-American Activities (HUAC), which rode a wave of anti-communism and renewed the offensive against Hollywood. The Hollywood Ten, a group of unfriendly witnesses who stood up for their First Amendment rights and refused to incriminate others, were blacklisted and lost the opportunity to work in Hollywood. The Cold War films from 1942–1953 about the “red menace” of communism are also discussed.
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Bennett, Nolan. "Whittaker Chambers and the Confessions of Ex-Communists." In The Claims of Experience, 137–62. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190060695.003.0006.

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Abstract:
Chapter 5 places Whittaker Chambers’s 1952 Witness within the American panic over communism during the second Red Scare. In the late 1940s, Chambers took the stand before the House Un-American Activities Committee to confess that he and Alger Hiss, among others, had conspired against the United States from a Soviet underground cell. Though Hiss’s prison sentence was a legal victory, the autobiography claimed authority back from the trials and the state’s capacity to make meaning of Chambers’s life. Chambers argued for a return to the authority of God and fathers outmoded in a secular modernity exemplified by communism and New Deal liberalism. Although the trial of Hiss had publicized these accusations, Chambers turned to autobiography to achieve where he thought he had failed: to convert Americans to a Christian anticommunism and to compel present and former communists to confess, though he would ultimately fail to convert Hiss himself.
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