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1

Cavanagh, Edward. "A Company with Sovereignty and Subjects of Its Own? The Case of the Hudson's Bay Company, 1670–1763." Canadian journal of law and society 26, no. 1 (April 2011): 25–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjls.26.1.025.

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AbstractQuestions about the ways in which colonial subjects were acquired and maintained, and how it was that multiple and often contradictory sovereignties came to overlap in history, may not be purely academic. We raise them today because they spring from issues that remain unresolved, concerning rights to land, resources, and self-determination. Following recent scholarship on the English East India Company, the author redefines the Hudson's Bay Company, during the period before widespread settler colonialism, as a state (or “company-state”), and in this way argues that the HBC-state possessed its own kind of sovereignty. The article make three main arguments: that it was up to the HBC, not the Crown, to found Rupert's Land, defend its establishments, make alliances with locals, and challenge intruders; that HBC rule extended to cover not only the company's employees but, eventually, an indigenous “home guard” population; and that the HBC welfare regime transformed the relationship between ruler and ruled.
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2

Monod, David. "Bay Days: The Managerial Revolutions and the Hudson’s Bay Company Department Stores, 1912‑1939." Historical Papers 21, no. 1 (April 26, 2006): 173–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/030952ar.

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Abstract North American business history has long been dominated by a belief in the centrality of entrepreneurial innovation to corporate success. This paper looks at the history of the Hudson's Bay Company Stores Department and attempts to explain from within the traditional business-history framework the company's prolonged inability to create a profitable chain of department stores in Western Canada. During the interwar years the HBC was highly competitive in its marketing methods and up-to-date in its business structure. Indeed, the company's failure seems to have stemmed in large measure from these very factors, from its excessive reliance upon scientific management formulas and organizational theories. It was only during the Depression that the Bay was able to recoup its losses by moving away from the professional orthodoxies of the twenties, returning to older business structures, and deciding on a more consumer-oriented approach.
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3

Spraakman, Gary P., Alison Kemper, and Ken Ogata. "How Audited Financial Statements Facilitated Shareholder Activism for the Colonization of Western Canada." Accounting Historians Journal 46, no. 2 (August 1, 2019): 41–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/aahj-52527.

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ABSTRACT In 1863, ownership of the Hudson's Bay Company (HBC) was transferred from a small group of patient shareholders to a much larger group of rent-seeking investors. These new shareholders obliged the HBC to introduce audited financial statements beginning in 1866. These shareholders assumed that audited financial statements were credible artifacts for sharing in the HBC's wealth (by facilitating the sale of the HBC's Charter to the Canadian Government, thereby enabling the creation of Western Canada). This paper contributes to the literature by showing how audited financial statements enable shareholders to become more knowledgeable about a company's prospects through emancipatory accounting, and thereby to be more demanding of management for performance. The underlying conjecture that financial statement knowledge leads to shareholder activism was not disproved.
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4

Ward, Catharine, and Dennis Wheeler. "Hudson's Bay Company ship's logbooks: a source of far North Atlantic weather data." Polar Record 48, no. 2 (May 6, 2011): 165–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247411000106.

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ABSTRACTThe Arctic region is widely recognised to be one of the most sensitive to climate change. Here, the consequences of current trends will be felt most keenly; ice cap melting and thinning and the consequent implications for sea level rise and loss of habitat may be profound. Yet these regions remain amongst the most poorly chronicled. Recent advances in satellite monitoring and instrumental observations now provide valuable information, but this record extends over little more than half a century. For earlier times, the record is, at best, patchy and inconsistent. This is not, however, to imply that all such data and information have been recognised and fully exploited. This is far from the case and this paper draws attention to largely overlooked documentary sources that can extend our knowledge of the far North Atlantic climate back to the late eighteenth century. These documents consist of the logbooks of sailing ships navigating those hazardous waters in the late eighteenth and early- to mid-nineteenth centuries.This paper focuses specifically on those logbooks kept on board Hudson's Bay Company (HBC) ships on their regular annual voyages between the UK and Hudson's Bay between 1760 and 1870. The information they contain is shown to be detailed, reliable and of unique character for the period and place. The style and form of presentation of the logbooks is reviewed and particularly those aspects that deal with the daily meteorological information they contain. Attention is also drawn to the high degree of homogeneity found in the logbooks in terms of presentation and methods of preparation, rendering them directly and helpfully comparable one with another. A specific example is offered of the benefits of using these data and it is proposed that this set of logbooks, when taken collectively and, embracing as it does over a century from 1750 provides a matchless, substantial and uniformly reliable source of oceanic weather information for the far North Atlantic for what can be regarded as the ‘pre-instrumental’ period (before 1850).
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5

Schefke, Brian. "The Hudson’s Bay Company as a Context for Science in the Columbia Department." Scientia Canadensis 31, no. 1-2 (January 23, 2009): 67–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/019755ar.

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Abstract This article aims to elucidate and analyze the links between science, specifically natural history, and the imperialist project in what is now the northwestern United States and western Canada. Imperialism in this region found its expression through institutions such as the Hudson’s Bay Company (HBC). I examine the activities of naturalists such as David Douglas and William Tolmie Fraser in the context of the fur trade in the Columbia Department. Here I show how natural history aided Britain in achieving its economic and political goals in the region. The key to this interpretation is to extend the role of the HBC as an imperial factor to encompass its role as a patron for natural history. This gives a better understanding of the ways in which imperialism—construed as mercantile, rather than military—delineated research priorities and activities of the naturalists who worked in the Columbia Department.
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6

Barclay, Krista. "From Rupert’s Land to Canada West: Hudson’s Bay Company Families and Representations of Indigeneity in Small-Town Ontario, 1840–1980." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 26, no. 1 (August 8, 2016): 67–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1037198ar.

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By the mid-nineteenth century, Hudson’s Bay Company (HBC) officers were retiring in greater numbers with their Indigenous families outside Rupert’s Land. Much work has been done to uncover the experiences of fur trade families who remained at HBC trading posts or settled in what became the American and Canadian Wests, but there has been little research on those families who left for Britain or colonial Canada. In Canada West, the racial and gendered terrains of their new home communities were complex ones for Indigenous women and their children to navigate. They played roles in both the reification and subversion of racial and gendered imperial hierarchies, and thus came to occupy unexpected and even contradictory positions in family and local historical narratives.
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7

Goodman, Matthew. "Scientific Instruments on the move in the North American Magnetic Survey, 1843-1844." Scientia Canadensis 39, no. 1 (October 12, 2017): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1041376ar.

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In 1843-4, John Henry Lefroy conducted a geomagnetic survey of Hudson’s Bay Company territory in British North America. Lefroy and his instruments, guided by French Canadian voyageurs and Indigenous guides moved within the HBC network of forts and outposts. This paper complements and extends historical accounts of Lefroy’s survey by examining how, and how well, Lefroy’s instruments moved on this extensive survey. The recent material turn in the history and historical geography of science provides the framework for a closer reading of the spatial biographies of several of Lefroy’s instruments. Focusing on their varying states of disrepair—and solutions to repair them—this paper not only recaptures the materiality of these instruments, but adds to our understanding of repair and maintenance in the history of survey science. Looking at instruments as objects to be carried and managed also helps illuminate the overlooked role of Indigenous and French Canadian voyageurs in scientific expeditions.
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8

Warren, P. "39. Thomas Hodgkin. 1798-1866. Health advocate for Manitoba." Clinical & Investigative Medicine 30, no. 4 (August 1, 2007): 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.25011/cim.v30i4.2799.

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CanMEDS 2005 includes health advocate. Pertinently Michel Foucault wrote “The first task of the doctor is therefore political…Man will be totally and definitively cured only if first liberated.” No one exemplified this more than Thomas Hodgkin widely known for his eponymous disease. What is less known is his unceasing work, as a Quaker, for aboriginal people around the world. He was secretary of the Aboriginal Protection Society. He had been interested in Canada since meeting John Norton, as a teenager. His involvement in the plight of Canada’s Indians may have cost him a staff position at Guy’s Hospital; the Treasurer, Benjamin Harrison, is quoted as saying “he would have no officer of the hospital who drove about with a North American Indian in his carriage.” Hodgkin played an active role in the history of Manitoba. His friend Dr Richard King undertook expeditions in Western Canada to find Sir John Franklin corresponded with Hodgkin on his anthropological observations on the Aboriginals and the treatment of them by the Hudson’s Bay Company (HBC). Hodgkin campaigned actively about the management of the Manitoba aboriginals by the HBC. The presentation will illustrate this with excerpts from his letters to Sir George Simpson, Governor HBC, from Captain Kennedy who also sought Franklin and the archives of the Faculty of Medicine, University of Manitoba. He presented evidence to the House of Commons as HBC was ceded to Canada. As editor of the Colonial Intelligencer he wrote much on Manitoba and received a letter from Louis Riel. Hodgkin was passionately committed to ensure that people were free both politically and economically. Foucault M. The Birth of the Clinic. Archaeology of Medical Perception. trans. A.M. Sheridan Smith. New York: Vintage Books, 1994. Wilks S, Bettany GT. A Biographical History of Guy’s Hospital. London: Ward, Lock and Co., 1892. Kass AM, Kass EH. Perfecting the World. The Life and Times of Dr. Thomas Hodgkin 1798-1866. Boston: Harcourt Brace Johanovich Publishers, 1988.
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Kupsch, Walter. "GSC Exploratory Wells in the West 1873-1875." Earth Sciences History 12, no. 2 (January 1, 1993): 160–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/eshi.12.2.x2u23409u3877u64.

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Although the Geological Survey of Canada (GSC) was founded in 1842, it was not until 1872, two years after the transfer of Hudson's Bay Company (HBC) lands to the Dominion of Canada, that the first GSC geologist, Director Alfred R. C. Selwyn, came to the western interior. One year later a drilling program he had been promoting in Ottawa saw two wells brought to completion and a third one started.During the period 1873-1875 five wells were drilled by or for the GSC at: Fort Garry (the first to be spudded and at 37 feet the shallowest), Shoal Lake, Rat Creek, Fort Carlton, and Fort Pelly (the deepest at 501 feet and the last to be abandoned). The main objective was to locate sources of water and coal for the future transcontinental railroad then planned to follow a northwesterly route from Winnipeg to Edmonton.Four wells were drilled with a rotary, diamond sieamdrill which had been used in the hard, coal-bearing rocks of Nova Scotia but proved unsuitable for penetrating the glacial drift, loose sands, and soft clays of the prairies.Besides having to deal with technical problems related to the transport of heavy equipment, a GSC drilling party became embroiled in a dispute between Government and Natives over land rights. After encountering an Indian blockade led by Chief Mistiwassis the crew retreated behind the stockade of HBC's Fort Carlton to drill a 175-foot well in August and September 1875.In 1874 an agreement was made between the GSC and John Henry Fairbank, Canada's most prominent oilman, for the drilling of a well at Fort Pelly. A percussion steamdrill, then in common use in the Petrolia, Ontario, oil fields, was the equipment of choice. Work at a drill site north of the fort in the Swan River valley started 25 August 1874 but on 30 October winter forced suspension. The stored equipment was used again the following year when drilling resumed on 6 July. The contracted 500 foot depth was exceeded by 1 foot on 9 October 1875 when the well was abandoned.
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10

Isfeld, Andrea, and Nigel Shrive. "Prince of Wales Fort: Structural Wall Analysis." Advanced Materials Research 133-134 (October 2010): 391–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amr.133-134.391.

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The Prince of Wales Fort, in Churchill Manitoba, was constructed in the early 18th century by the Hudson Bay Trading Company (HBC) in an effort to secure the fur trade in northern Canada. The fort is a Vauban style rubble masonry construction, and is the most northerly fortification of this kind. In the 1920’s the fort received recognition as a National Historic Site by the Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada, at which time monitoring and repairs began under the leadership of Parks Canada. As a result of the fort’s northern latitude it has been subjected to extreme temperatures and freeze thaw cycles causing a gradual break down of the mortar within the escarp walls. Recently, climate change has led to an increase in the average local temperature shifting the thermal gradient within the earth rampart. During spring and summer, high volumes of ground water have drained through the walls washing out much of the degraded mortar. The result is a partially grouted rubble wall, encased with ashlar face stones. These deteriorating core conditions have caused significant lateral deflections in several areas and failure in others. The core wall material will be analyzed by modeling it as an irregular granular material. Using this approach, different levels of cohesion can be used to determine the in-situ mortar conditions and the strength of the structure.
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11

Carlos, Ann M., and Frank D. Lewis. "Marketing in the Land of Hudson Bay: Indian Consumers and the Hudson's Bay Company, 1670–1770." Enterprise & Society 3, no. 2 (June 2002): 285–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1467222700011678.

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The Hudson's Bay Company traded European goods for furs that were hunted, trapped, and brought down to the Bayside posts by Native Americans. The process of exchange was deceptively simple: furs for goods. Yet behind this simple process lies a series of decisions on the part of the company about which goods to provide, what levels of quality to provide, and what price to set. We examine the marketing strategies used by the Hudson's Bay Company and the role played by Native traders. We find that Native Americans were demanding consumers, concerned not only with the quantity of goods they received but also with their quality and variety. In a world where neither side could coerce the other, Natives' preferences were paramount.
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12

Smandych, Russell, and Rick Linden. "Administering Justice Without the State: A Study of the Private Justice System of the Hudson's Bay Company to 1800." Canadian journal of law and society 11, no. 1 (1996): 21–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0829320100004580.

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AbstractIn 1670, a royal charter granted by the English monarchy gave the Hudson's Bay Company the exclusive right to rule over an area that encompasses most of what is now the western part of Canada. As part of its original charter, the Hudson's Bay Company was given the power to enact any laws and regulations not repugnant to the laws of England that were deemed necessary to govern its relations with its servants and to maintain social order throughout the vast territory known as Rupertsland. This paper examines the development of the “private” legal system of the Hudson's Bay Company to 1800. Particular attention is given to examining the specific methods of legal ordering and social control that were used within the Company to discipline Company employees. The data examined in the study provide an empirical foundation for broader theorizing about the nature of non-state forms of governance, legal pluralism, and social control. Specifically, the study provides evidence which shows the complex and varied ways in which legal ordering and social control occur outside the state
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13

Carlos, Ann M., and Elizabeth Hoffman. "The North American Fur Trade: Bargaining to a Joint Profit Maximum under Incomplete Information, 1804–1821." Journal of Economic History 46, no. 4 (December 1986): 967–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002205070005066x.

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We examine bargaining between the Northwest Company and the Hudson's Bay Company using recent models of bargaining under incomplete information. Two previously undisturbed bodies of correspondence are analyzed: letters between the two companies and letters between the Hudson's Bay Company and its London committee. Through merger the companies achieved a joint maximum, but the lengthy and costly bargaining process dissipated much of the potential gain through depletion of animal stocks. Achievement of a joint maximum was hindered by incomplete information, commitment to a strategy which led to bargaining breakdowns, delineation of each party's rights under law, and environmental changes.
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14

Bennett, Jim. "Adventures with instruments: science and seafaring in the precarious career of Christopher Middleton." Notes and Records: the Royal Society Journal of the History of Science 73, no. 3 (December 19, 2018): 303–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2018.0046.

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Christopher Middleton (d. 1770) was a sea captain, first with the Hudson's Bay Company, then in the Royal Navy, who was awarded the Royal Society's Copley Medal in 1742. His early work on magnetic variation in northern latitudes was encouraged by Edmond Halley, as he published a series of tables of variation in the Philosophical Transactions . These tables illustrate Middleton's transition from the priorities characteristic of the seaman's interest in variation to the wider, natural philosophical agenda of the Society. They illustrate also his enthusiasm for novel instrumentation, in particular altitude instruments for use at sea, such as Hadley's quadrant. Middleton was persuaded by Arthur Dobbs to resign from the Hudson's Bay Company and accept a commission in the Royal Navy so as to command an expedition to search for a Northwest Passage to the East Indies from Hudson's Bay. It was his report on this voyage that won him the Copley Medal but which also led to a bitter and, for Middleton, ruinous public dispute with Dobbs. Middleton emerges as an outstanding seaman and a worthy, if relatively unknown, medallist.
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15

Barr, William. "Shipwrecked on Mansel Island, Hudson Bay: Dr Henry Brietzcke's Arctic health cruise, 1864." Polar Record 28, no. 166 (July 1992): 177–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247400020647.

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ABSTRACTDuring 664 round trips between London and Hudson Bay from 1670 to 1913,21 of the supply ships of the Hudson's Bay Company were wrecked, mainly in the Bay or in Hudson Strait; a further seven were severely damaged. The year 1864 was remarkable in that out of three ships making the outward voyage to the Bay, two ran aground on Mansel Island only one hour apart. One ship, Prince Arthur, was wrecked and abandoned. The other, Prince of Wales, was refloated and was able to reach York Factory with Prince Arthur's crew on board. There Prince of Wales was condemned; the crews of both ships returned to England on board Ocean Nymph. The events of the double shipwreck, the sojourn of the crew at York Factory, and the voyage home have been reconstructed, mainly on the basis of the journal of the medical officer of the Prince Arthur, the logs of both ships, and other documents in the Hudson's Bay Company Archives.
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Spraakman, Gary. "THE FIRST EXTERNAL AUDITORS OF THE HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY, 1866." Accounting Historians Journal 38, no. 1 (June 1, 2011): 57–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/0148-4184.38.1.57.

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At the request of shareholders, the Hudson's Bay Company had its financial statements audited for the first time in 1866. Two external auditors were hired, one for the shareholders and one for management. Three inter-related forces led to this decision: (1) most importantly, the company's shareholders demanded audited financial statements, (2) there was emerging in London at the time the capacity and willingness among London accountants to provide external audit services, and (3) the British Parliament passed various acts that required financial statements of companies in other industries to be audited. After a few years, only the management's external auditor was retained. He subsequently influenced the company's development of management accounting. In addition, the company's early external auditors were influential in the development of the Institute of Chartered Accountants of England and Wales.
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Rigg, Suzanne. "Scots in the Hudson's Bay Company, c. 1779–c. 1821." Northern Scotland 2, no. 1 (May 2011): 36–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/nor.2011.0004.

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18

Spraakman, Gary. "INTERNAL AUDIT AT THE HISTORICAL HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY: A CHALLENGE TO ACCEPTED HISTORY." Accounting Historians Journal 28, no. 1 (June 1, 2001): 19–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/0148-4184.28.1.19.

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The accepted history of managerial internal audit is that its origins are in financial and compliance auditing. Managerial was added after firms started to expand geographically or into other businesses. That expansion increased complexity and created problems for managers which the internal auditor assisted in solving with managerial audits. Contrary to that two stage development, something comparable to managerial internal audit was being practiced by the Hudson's Bay Company in the form of inspections as early as 1871. Rather than in financial and compliance auditing, these inspections had their geneses in the desire of the senior manager and the committee (board of directors) for additional information on the fur trade and retail operations. This paper will describe the inspection function at the historical Hudson's Bay Company, the circumstances leading to the development of this function, and how it complemented other controls.
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Carlos, Ann M., and Frank D. Lewis. "Indians, the Beaver, and the Bay: The Economics of Depletion in the Lands of the Hudson's Bay Company, 1700–1763." Journal of Economic History 53, no. 3 (September 1993): 465–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700013450.

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Indians depleted the beaver, yet we do not understand why. We analyzed the pattern and determinants of beaver exploitation in the hinterlands of three Hudson's Bay Company posts. Simulating beaver population, we found declining beaver stock within each hinterland, but overharvesting in only two. Central to this process was the Company reaction to French competition. Managers raised prices in the Albany and York hinterlands, and in response the Indians increased their harvests. Churchill, which did not experience French competition, had more stable fur prices and showed no evidence of overexploitation of the beaver.
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Cañizares-Esguerra, Jorge. "“Enlightened Zeal”: The Hudson's Bay Company and Scientific Networks, 1670–1870." Western Historical Quarterly 46, no. 4 (November 2015): 504.2–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/whq/46.4.504-a.

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Broyles, Michael J. "The Master's Measure: Remunerative Patterns for Hudson's Bay Company Captains, 1726-1736." Northern Mariner / Le marin du nord 8, no. 3 (July 1, 1998): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/2561-5467.649.

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Hammond, L. "Marketing Wildlife: The Hudson's Bay Company and the Pacific Northwest, 1821-49." Forest & Conservation History 37, no. 1 (January 1, 1993): 14–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3983815.

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23

Stephen, Scott P. "A Year Inland: The Journal of a Hudson's Bay Company Winterer (review)." Canadian Historical Review 85, no. 3 (2004): 593–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/can.2004.0138.

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LAMBERT, ANDREW. "Keepers of the Record: the history of the Hudson's Bay Company archives." International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 39, no. 1 (March 2010): 223–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1095-9270.2009.00260_22.x.

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Carlos, A. M. "Marketing in the Land of Hudson Bay: Indian Consumers and the Hudson's Bay Company, 1670-1770." Enterprise and Society 3, no. 2 (June 1, 2002): 285–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/es/3.2.285.

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Loosmore, Brian. "John Rae (1813–93): Explorer of the Canadian Arctic, the great pedestrian." Journal of Medical Biography 17, no. 4 (November 2009): 206–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1258/jmb.2009.009062.

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Born and raised in the Orkney Islands, Dr John Rae joined the Hudson's Bay Company and rose to be Chief Factor. Unusually tough and intelligent, he explored much of northern Canada, mapping the north eastern shore and finding controversial evidence of the lost Franklin expedition of 1845. A talented botanist, geologist, anthropologist and cartographer, he was northern Canada's most distinguished explorer.
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McCalla, Douglas, and Edith I. Burley. "Servants of the Honourable Company: Work, Discipline, and Conflict in the Hudson's Bay Company, 1770-1870." Journal of American History 85, no. 4 (March 1999): 1584. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2568307.

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Greenfield, Bruce. ""Now Reader Read": The Literary Ambitions of Henry Kelsey, Hudson's Bay Company Clerk." Early American Literature 47, no. 1 (2012): 31–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/eal.2012.0010.

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Vanek, Morgan. "The Politics of the Weather: The Hudson's Bay Company and the Dobbs Affair." Journal for Eighteenth-Century Studies 38, no. 3 (July 28, 2014): 395–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1754-0208.12220.

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Hansen, Peter H. "Ted Binnema. “Enlightened Zeal”: The Hudson's Bay Company and Scientific Networks, 1670–1870." American Historical Review 120, no. 2 (April 2015): 610–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/120.2.610.

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Gélinas, Claude. "La traite des fourrures en Haute-Mauricie avant 1831. Concurrence, stratégies commerciales et petits profits." Revue d'histoire de l'Amérique française 51, no. 3 (October 2, 2002): 391–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/005441ar.

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RÉSUMÉ Cet article présente un historique du commerce des fourrures en Haute-Mauricie depuis l'implantation des premiers postes de traite jusqu'en 1831. Il est d'abord fait état des motivations qui ont amené des petits commerçants indépendants, puis la North West Company, à s'établir dans cette région. Par la suite, l'attention est portée sur la concurrence qui a sévi en Haute-Mauricie, durant les années 1820, entre la Hudson's Bay Company et la King's Posts Company. Il est proposé que les activités des deux compagnies dans la région étaient davantage motivées par des considérations d'ordre stratégique, à savoir la protection des frontières de leurs monopoles respectifs, que par la recherche de profits.
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Ahrens, Peter. "John Work, J. J. Warner, and the Native American Catastrophe of 1833." Southern California Quarterly 93, no. 1 (2011): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41172554.

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In 1833 the Native American population of California's Central Valley was decimated by an epidemic variously identified as remittent fever, cholera, typhus, or malaria. This article confirms that it was malaria introduced by the Hudson's Bay Company fur brigade led by John Works, based on the conjunction of weather, carriers,a nd contact and on the eyewitness accounts of Works, George Yount, and J.J. Warner. The Indian's catastrophe contributed to the American colonial conquest of the region.
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Colpitts, George. "Accounting for Environmental Degradation in Hudson's Bay Company Fur Trade Journals and Account Books." British Journal of Canadian Studies 19, no. 1 (May 2006): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/bjcs.19.1.3.

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34

Spraakman, Gary P. "MANAGEMENT ACCOUNTING AT THE HISTORICAL HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY: A COMPARISON TO 20TH CENTURY PRACTICES." Accounting Historians Journal 26, no. 2 (December 1, 1999): 35–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/0148-4184.26.2.35.

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Using an environmental contingency approach, Johnson and Kaplan [1987] argued that virtually all management accounting practices used at the time of their study had been developed by 1925 in response to increased uncertainty caused by geographical expansion and large-scale operations. During the 1821 to 1860 subperiod, the Hudson's Bay Company had significant uncertainty which was largely a result of the dynamic environment of its fur-trade operation. Consequently, it should have developed management accounting practices in response to uncertainty. Moreover, the management accounting practices should have been less extensive in the subperiods before and after 1821 to 1860, as these subperiods had less uncertainty. The Company's accounting and related records were examined for 1670 to 1914, and provided evidence to support the contention of Johnson and Kaplan that management accounting practices evolved positively with uncertainty.
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35

David Chan Smith. "The Hudson's Bay Company, Social Legitimacy, and the Political Economy of Eighteenth-Century Empire." William and Mary Quarterly 75, no. 1 (2018): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.5309/willmaryquar.75.1.0071.

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36

Swagerty, William R. ""The Leviathan of the North": American Perceptions of the Hudson's Bay Company, 1816-1846." Oregon Historical Quarterly 104, no. 4 (2003): 478–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ohq.2003.0041.

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37

Carlos, Ann M., and Frank D. Lewis. "TRADE, CONSUMPTION, AND THE NATIVE ECONOMY: LESSONS FROM YORK FACTORY, HUDSON BAY." Journal of Economic History 61, no. 4 (December 2001): 1037–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050701042073.

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Like Europeans and colonists, eighteenth-century Native Americans were purchasing a greatly expanded variety of goods. As fur prices rose from 1716 to 1770, there was a shift in expenditures from producer and household goods to tobacco, alcohol, and other luxuries by Indians who traded furs at the Hudson's Bay Company's York Factory post. A consumer behavior model, using company accounts, shows that Indians bought more European goods in response to higher fur prices and, perhaps more importantly, increased their effort in the fur trade. These findings contradict much that has been written about Indians as producers and consumers.
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38

Spraakman, Gary P. "A Critique of Milgrom and Roberts' Treatment of Incentives vs. Bureaucratic Controls in the British North American Fur Trade." Journal of Management Accounting Research 14, no. 1 (January 1, 2002): 135–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/jmar.2002.14.1.135.

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In their 1992 textbook, Economics, Organization and Management, Milgrom and Roberts used 19th century fur trading companies as examples of effective (the incentive-based North West Company) and ineffective (the bureaucratic-based Hudson's Bay Company) organizations. Findings from detailed examinations of both companies' archives suggest that Milgrom and Roberts were not completely accurate in their depictions of the two companies' incentives and bureaucratic controls. In response to complexities of intercontinental trade, both companies used bureaucratic controls for coordination as well as profit sharing to motivate senior managers. More generally, the findings raise questions about Milgrom and Roberts' relatively negative conclusions concerning the effectiveness of bureaucratic controls.
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39

Gascoigne, John. "Enlightened Zeal: The Hudson's Bay Company and Scientific Networks, 1670–1870 by Ted BinnemaTed Binnema. Enlightened Zeal: The Hudson's Bay Company and Scientific Networks, 1670–1870. University of Toronto Press. xvi, 458. $37.95." University of Toronto Quarterly 85, no. 3 (August 2016): 448–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/utq.85.3.448.

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40

Opp, James. "Branding “the Bay/la Baie”: Corporate Identity, the Hudson's Bay Company, and the Burden of History in the 1960s." Canadian Historical Review 96, no. 2 (June 2015): 223–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/chr.2675.

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41

Stone, Ian R. "‘The faithfulness of our dealings’: the correspondence between George Simpson and Ferdinand von Wrangell, 1838–48." Polar Record 38, no. 207 (October 2002): 329–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247400018027.

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AbstractBy an agreement in 1839, the Hudson's Bay Company and the Russian American Company established a framework for co-operation in their activities in Alaska and adjacent areas of Canada that lasted until the 1860s. The signatories to the agreement were George Simpson and Ferdinand von Wrangell. These men were prominent in the management of the co-operation and this was facilitated by their mutual trust and friendship. An examination of their correspondence affords insights into business methods in a cross-cultural environment in the mid-nineteenth century, and into the extent to which their personal relations influenced major decisions in economics and politics with regard to the areas of activity of both companies.
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42

Davis, John F., and Richard I. Ruggles. "A Country so Interesting: The Hudson's Bay Company and Two Centuries of Mapping 1670-1870." Geographical Journal 158, no. 3 (November 1992): 333. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3060312.

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43

Zeller, Suzanne. "The Spirit of Bacon: Science and Self-Perception in the Hudson's Bay Company, 1830-1870." Scientia Canadensis 13, no. 2 (July 6, 2009): 79–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/800287ar.

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ABSTRACT This article considers in terms of its larger historical context the participation by officers of the Hudson's Bay Company in the social networks of Victorian science, mainly in the collection of specimens of natural history in the vast northwestern territories of North America. While such specimens were solicited by outsiders from British and American scientific institutions, a common cultural heritage gave meaning and value to the cooperative efforts of both scientists and collectors. A sketch of this heritage, in which the writings of Sir Francis Bacon, the voyages of Captain James Cook, the example of Alexander von Humboldt, the scholarship of the Scottish Enlightenment and other factors were alloyed to form the matrix of Victorian scientific activity, forms the focus of the discussion of both the Company's policies and individual initiatives.
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44

Jetté, Melinda Marie. "Keepers of the Record: The History of the Hudson's Bay Company Archives by Deidre Simmons." Oregon Historical Quarterly 109, no. 3 (2008): 491–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ohq.2008.0021.

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45

Lamb, Ursula, and Richard I. Ruggles. "A Country So Interesting: The Hudson's Bay Company and Two Centuries of Mapping, 1670-1870." Journal of American History 78, no. 4 (March 1992): 1418. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2079368.

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46

CARLOS, ANN M., and STEPHEN NICHOLAS. "MANAGING THE MANAGER: AN APPLICATION OF THE PRINCIPAL AGENT MODEL TO THE HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY." Oxford Economic Papers 45, no. 2 (April 1993): 243–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.oep.a042090.

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47

Schilz, Thomas F., and Richard I. Ruggles. "A Country so Interesting: The Hudson's Bay Company and Two Centuries of Mapping, 1670-1870." Western Historical Quarterly 23, no. 1 (February 1992): 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/970264.

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48

Colpitts, George. "Keepers of the Record: The History of the Hudson's Bay Company Archives (review)." University of Toronto Quarterly 79, no. 1 (2010): 565–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/utq.2010.0004.

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49

Barr, William. "Richard Cyriax's note concerning Thomas Simpson's claim of having discovered the Northwest Passage." Polar Record 36, no. 197 (April 2000): 113–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247400016211.

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AbstractIn 1957 the well-known Arctic historian Richard Cyriax sent a copy of some of his notes to the Hudson's Bay Company Archives. These notes, which are reproduced here in full, concerned the claim by Thomas Simpson to have discovered the Northwest Passage on an expedition from 1837 to 1839. The reasons for Simpson's belief that he had achieved this long-sought-after accomplishment are investigated, and the conclusion is arrived at that, despite his honest belief to have done so, Simpson did not, in fact, complete the Northwest Passage, as that term is normally understood.
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50

Glover, William. "The Eighteenth Century Practice of Navigation As Recorded in the Logs of Hudson's Bay Company Ships." Northern Mariner / Le marin du nord 26, no. 2 (April 1, 2016): 145–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/2561-5467.227.

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