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Journal articles on the topic 'Huguenot Refuge'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2025

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1

Bernat, Chrystel, and David van der Linden. "Rethinking the Refuge." Church History and Religious Culture 100, no. 4 (October 19, 2020): 439–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-bja10010.

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Abstract The history of the Huguenot Refuge in the Dutch Republic has often been written from a strictly national and confessional perspective, with little attention paid to the connections between French Protestants and other religious communities. In recent years, however, scholars from fields other than religious history have begun to explore the impact of the Huguenot Refuge, while historians of migration have compared the Huguenots to other minorities. Building on these new directions, this special issue seeks to move beyond the traditional boundaries of scholarship on the Dutch Refuge. Focusing on untapped archival sources, the relations between the Huguenots and other religious communities, as well as transnational networks of conflict and solidarity, the articles gathered here propose a more systemic approach towards the Huguenot Refuge in the Dutch Republic.

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2

Labrousse, �lisabeth. "Le Refuge huguenot." Le Genre humain N�19, no. 1 (1989): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/lgh.019.0147.

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3

Mijnhardt, Wijnand. "De ‘Refuge Huguenot’." Jaarboek voor Nederlandse Boekgeschiedenis 31, no. 2024 (September 1, 2024): 214–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/jnb2024.011.mijn.

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4

LACHENICHT, SUSANNE. "Huguenot Immigrants and the Formation of National IDENTITIES, 1548–1787." Historical Journal 50, no. 2 (May 9, 2007): 309–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x07006085.

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This article addresses the extent to which Protestant states in Europe and North America depicted the French Protestants who had found refuge in these states, as having contributed to the process of nation building and the formation of national identity. It is shown that the arrival of Huguenots was portrayed positively as the historians of these nations could contend that Huguenots had been absorbed readily into the host society because their virtues of frugality and industry corresponded admirably with the ethic of their hosts. The article demonstrates that, in no case, did this depiction correspond with reality. It shows that within those countries of refuge, Huguenots fostered a distinctive French Protestant identity that enabled them to remain aloof from the culture of their host society. In all cases Huguenots asserted themselves as a self-confident minority, convinced of the superiority of their language and culture who believed themselves to be privileged in this world as in the next. When national histories came to be composed, this dimension to the Huguenot minorities came to be expunged from historical memory as was also the fact that the Huguenots were but one of several minorities whose distinctiveness had contributed largely to the shaping of the state, culture, and society of the emerging nation-states.

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5

Van Ruymbeke, Bertrand, David van der Linden, Eric Schnakenbourg, Ben Marsh, Bryan Banks, and Owen Stanwood. "The Global Refuge: The Huguenot Diaspora in a Global and Imperial Perspective." Journal of Early American History 11, no. 2-3 (November 11, 2021): 193–234. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-11020014.

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Abstract Huguenot refugees were everywhere in the early modern world. Exiles fleeing French persecution, they scattered around Europe and beyond following the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685, settling in North America, the Caribbean, South Africa, and even remote islands in the Atlantic and Indian Oceans. This book offers the first global history of the Huguenot diaspora, explaining how and why these refugees became such ubiquitous characters in the history of imperialism. The story starts with dreams of Eden, as beleaguered religious migrants sought suitable retreats to build perfect societies far from the political storms of Europe. In order to create these communities, however, the Huguenots needed patrons, and they thus ran headlong into the world of empires. The refugees promoted themselves as the chosen people of empire, religious heroes who also possessed key skills that would strengthen the British and Dutch states. As a result, French-Protestants settled around the world—they tried to make silk in South Carolina, they planted vines in South Africa; and they peopled vulnerable frontiers from New England to Suriname. Of course, this embrace of empire led to a gradual abandonment of the Huguenots’ earlier utopian ambitions. They realized that only by blending in, and by mastering foreign institutions, could they prosper in a quickly changing world. Nonetheless, they managed to maintain a key role in the early modern world well into the eighteenth century, before the coming of Revolution upended the ancien régime.

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6

Marmoy, Charles. "Le Refuge huguenot en Suisse." Huguenot Society Journal 24, no. 4 (January 1986): 341–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/huguenot.1986.24.04.341.

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7

Magdelaine, Michelle. "Le refuge huguenot, exil et accueil." Annales de Bretagne et des pays de l’Ouest, no. 121-3 (November 15, 2014): 131–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/abpo.2848.

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8

Hartweg, Frédéric. "Le Refuge huguenot à Berlin (I)." Autres Temps. Les cahiers du christianisme social 6, no. 1 (1985): 36–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/chris.1985.1013.

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9

Hartweg, Frédéric. "Le Refuge huguenot à Berlin (II)." Autres Temps. Les cahiers du christianisme social 7, no. 1 (1985): 58–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/chris.1985.1036.

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10

Whelan, R. "Le Refuge huguenot: Assimilation et culture." French Studies 63, no. 4 (October 1, 2009): 462. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/knp174.

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11

Phillips, Henry, Myriam Yardeni, and Eckhard Birnstiel. "Le Refuge huguenot: assimilation et culture." Modern Language Review 99, no. 1 (January 2004): 194. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3738907.

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12

Rosen-Prest, Viviane. "Deux journées d'étude sur le Refuge huguenot." Diasporas 7, no. 1 (2005): 168–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/diasp.2005.1027.

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13

Labrousse, Elizabeth. "Le Refuge protestant." Huguenot Society Journal 24, no. 4 (January 1986): 342–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/huguenot.1986.24.04.342.

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14

Julien, Barbara. "The Société de Poitou et du Loudunois, 1714–1812: A Huguenot Fund in the Refuge." Huguenot Society Journal 35 (October 2022): 17–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/huguenot.2022.35.01.17.

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Abstract This article presents an overview of the philanthropic society set up in the first year of the Georgian era to assist Poitevin refugees in London: its records, housed at the Huguenot Library, offer colourful insights into refugee life in eighteenth-century London, with a broad canvas of wealthy donors and often desperately poor compatriots evolving alongside each other within a structure of annual sermons and general assemblies, benevolence and poor relief. Financial challenges and a major fraud were weathered, and the society played a significant role within the network of other Huguenot charities operating in London. Like similar organizations and indeed Huguenot churches in the capital, by the 1780s its existence was undermined by the very assimilation its strict rules had sought to avoid, and its closure in 1812, through a lack both of donors and recipients of relief, had become inevitable.

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15

Magdelaine, Michelle, Arlette Faugères, and Agnès Guillaumont. "La banque de données sur le refuge huguenot." Le médiéviste et l'ordinateur 21, no. 1 (1990): 6–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/medio.1990.1273.

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16

Monson, Emma. "The three Esthers: noblewomen of the Huguenot refuge." Huguenot Society Journal 27, no. 1 (January 1998): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/huguenot.1998.27.01.1.

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17

Aebersold, Estelle. "Résultats d'une enquête sur les rémigrés du Refuge huguenot." Diasporas 8, no. 1 (2006): 45–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/diasp.2006.1041.

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18

True, Micah. "British, but also French: Paul Mascarene’s Translation of Molière’s Le Misanthrope in Colonial Nova Scotia." Quebec Studies 71, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 133–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/qs.2021.10.

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This article examines a little-studied manuscript translation of Molière’s Le Misanthrope, made in eighteenth-century British Nova Scotia by a military officer named Paul Mascarene, for what it can tell us about the complicated assimilation of Huguenots in the global refuge. It argues that the undated manuscript shows the surprising extent to which Mascarene, a Huguenot who fled France in childhood, remained culturally French even as he was a perfectly assimilated Briton, and that he can be seen as a cultural ambassador between his homelands new and old. The manuscript here is closely scrutinized in relation both to Molière’s original 1666 play and a published English translation that is approximately contemporaneous to Mascarene’s own effort. Comparison of the three versions of the play show that Mascarene was a skilled and thoughtful translator, committed to accurately rendering Molière’s words while also making changes that reflected his personal religious values. This article also considers the assertion that Mascarene’s translation served as the basis of a performance in Annapolis Royal in 1743 or 1744 and shows that close scrutiny of the manuscript does not support this conclusion. Instead, Mascarene’s translation of Molière’s Le Misanthrope may best be understood as a sign of how Huguenots like him may have maintained and even sought to share with others aspects of their former identities even as they sought to conform to the cultural norms of their new homelands. Cet article étudie une traduction manuscrite du Misanthrope de Molière, réalisée dans la Nouvelle-Écosse britannique au dix-huitième siècle par un officier militaire nommé Paul Mascarene, pour ce qu’elle peut nous dire sur l’assimilation compliquée des Huguenots dans le refuge mondial. Il soutient que le manuscrit montre à quel point Mascarene, un Huguenot qui a quitté la France à l’âge de onze ans et qui est réputé parfaitement assimilé à la culture britannique, est resté culturellement français. Le manuscrit est ici examiné par rapport à la pièce originale de 1666 de Molière et à une traduction en anglais publiée qui est à peu près contemporaine de celle de Mascarene. La comparaison des trois versions de la pièce montre que Mascarene était un traducteur habile et réfléchi, déterminé à traduire fidèlement les paroles de Molière tout en apportant des changements qui reflètent ses valeurs personnelles et religieuses. Cet article examine aussi l’affirmation fréquente selon laquelle la traduction de Mascarene a servi de base à une représentation à Annapolis Royal en 1743 ou 1744, et montre qu’un examen attentif du manuscrit ne corrobore pas cette conclusion. Au lieu de cela, le manuscrit peut être mieux compris comme un aperçu de la façon dont les Huguenots comme Mascarene auraient pu maintenir et même chercher à partager avec d’autres certains aspects de leurs anciennes identités tout en cherchant à se conformer aux normes culturelles de leurs nouvelles patries.

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19

Lagrée, Marie-Clarté. "Construire et diffuser une figure idéale par les Mémoires : l’exemple du pasteur huguenot Pierre Du Moulin dans la seconde moitié du XVIIe siècle." Renaissance and Reformation 45, no. 1 (August 11, 2022): 73–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v45i1.39121.

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On connaît à ce jour deux versions des Mémoires du pasteur huguenot Pierre Du Moulin (1568–1658), l’une publiée au XIXe siècle et l’autre restée manuscrite. Toutes deux datent de la seconde moitié du XVIIe siècle et ne sont pas autographes. Cet article analyse l’image idéale du pasteur qu’elles ont façonnée et diffusée en France et dans certains pays du Refuge. En effet, l’étude de ces deux manuscrits permet de voir comment la figure exemplaire d’un pasteur, et plus largement d’un croyant, a progressivement été forgée. La comparaison des récits révèle que l’entreprise d’idéalisation se renforce d’un texte à l’autre, ce qui doit être mis en relation avec la politique de répression menée par le pouvoir royal, dont le point culminant fut la révocation de l’édit de Nantes en 1685, et aussi avec le travail de construction mémorielle et identitaire qui a été réalisé au sein la communauté huguenote à la fin du XVIIe siècle.

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20

Clark, Mary. "Foreigners and freedom: the Huguenot refuge in Dublin city, 1660-1700." Huguenot Society Journal 27, no. 3 (January 2000): 382–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/huguenot.2000.27.03.382.

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21

Bernat, Chrystel. "“Enemies Surround Us and Besiege Us”." Church History and Religious Culture 100, no. 4 (October 19, 2020): 487–525. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-bja10011.

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Abstract This article uses unpublished exile sermons exhumed from the Leiden manuscripts, theological dissertations, and synodal sources to explore the interfaith relationships of exiled societies in the Dutch Republic, in particular the links between Huguenot refugees and their multi-confessional host society. It examines how ministers viewed the exiles’ relationships with the other, as well as the theological motives for stigmatising such ties. By studying confessional interactions of competition and mutual attraction within the Refuge, this essay highlights the porous nature of religious boundaries, despite the Huguenot community’s isolate claimed by the ministers. It also reveals latent conflicts between diasporic societies: the United Provinces were not a peaceful asylum for the Reformed faith of refugees, but rather the scene of a counter-Catholic struggle that stretched even into the Spanish Netherlands. Finally, this survey shows that exile revived proselytist projects aimed at French-speaking Jews and supported extraterritorial religious struggles in the eighteenth century.

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22

Hintermaier, John M. "The First Modern Refugees? Charity, Entitlement, and Persuasion in the Huguenot Immigration of the 1680s." Albion 32, no. 3 (2000): 429–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0095139000064954.

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When Louis XIV revoked the Edict of Nantes, he perpetuated the long tradition of foreign Protestants seeking shelter in England. England’s place as a religious refuge began after the Reformation; the resulting foundations of Stranger churches meant that a pre-existing community could advocate for the refugees. Yet, the religious attitudes that previously fostered an economy of entitlement for religious exiles no longer exercised the influence they once had. This meant that there was a distinct possibility that the Huguenot refugees of the 1680s could have become the first modern refugees.

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23

Mckee, Jane. "Pauline Duley-Haour, Désert et Refuge: sociohistoire d’une internationale huguenote." Huguenot Society Journal 31 (October 2018): 133–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/huguenot.2018.31.01.133.

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24

Gibbs, G. C. "New essays on the political thought of the Huguenots of the Refuge." Huguenot Society Journal 26, no. 4 (January 1996): 526–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/huguenot.1996.26.04.526.

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25

Bem, Kazimierz. "‘The world is not big enough’: the Vernezobre family in the refuge." Huguenot Society Journal 28, no. 2 (January 2004): 187–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/huguenot.2004.28.02.187.

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26

Phillips, Henry. "Le Refuge huguenot: assimilation et culture by Myriam Yardeni Eckhard Birnstiel (review)." Modern Language Review 99, no. 1 (January 2004): 194–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mlr.2004.a827358.

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27

Littleton, Charles. "Philanthropy and the Philosopher’s Stone: Robert Boyle and the Huguenots of the refuge." Huguenot Society Journal 27, no. 5 (January 2002): 679–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/huguenot.2002.27.05.679.

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28

Austin, Kenneth. "Owen Stanwood, The Global Refuge: Huguenots in An Age of Empire." Huguenot Society Journal 35 (October 2022): 82–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/huguenot.2022.35.01.82.

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29

Whelan, Edward. "Poverty, War, Intolerance and Vested Interests: Challenges to the Dublin Refuge, 1680–1702." Huguenot Society Journal 29, no. 3 (January 2010): 397–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/huguenot.2010.29.03.397.

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30

Laborie, Lionel. "Huguenot propaganda and the millenarian legacy of the Désert in the Refuge." Huguenot Society Journal 29, no. 5 (January 2012): 640–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/huguenot.2012.29.05.640.

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31

Labrousse, Jean-Philippe. "Letters from an Irish refuge: the Farie brothers in Cork and Limerick, 1711-25." Huguenot Society Journal 28, no. 1 (January 2003): 56–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/huguenot.2003.28.01.56.

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32

Barnard, T. C. "Raymond Hylton, Ireland’s Huguenots and their refuge, 1662–1745: An Unlikely Haven." Huguenot Society Journal 28, no. 4 (January 2006): 562–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/huguenot.2006.28.04.562.

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33

Yardeni, Myriam. "Assimilation et intégration dans le refuge huguenot (fin xviie-xviiie siècles) : Nouvelles possibi." Diasporas, no. 23-24 (December 1, 2014): 116–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/diasporas.309.

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34

YOUNG, B. W. "JOHN JORTIN, ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, AND THE CHRISTIAN REPUBLIC OF LETTERS." Historical Journal 55, no. 4 (November 15, 2012): 961–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x12000210.

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ABSTRACTThe writing of ecclesiastical history is rarely disinterested, and this was especially so in eighteenth-century England. Its leading practitioner, John Jortin, wrote with a clear, determined, and dynamic purpose: to offer an effective critique of orthodoxy and its ally, persecution, and to secure civil and religious liberty in a way commensurate with maintaining an established church and liberal learning. His life and writings meditated on early eighteenth-century tendencies in thought and scholarship in a spirit that allowed often radical developments to take place. Unambiguously heterodox in tone and conclusions, Jortin's researches were drawn on by radical dissent. A scion of a Huguenot family, Jortin was a critical mediator between the culture of the Huguenot Refuge and English scholarship. He was a pioneer in the study of English literature, moving such study away from the narrowly philological methods of Richard Bentley towards more reflective literary scholarship. Above all, Jortin was determined that the Republic of Letters should be a Christian Republic; his contribution to and experience of Enlightenment substantiates J. G. A. Pocock's contention that, in England, it was largely clerical and conservative: study of Jortin in context challenges the hegemony of the Radical Enlightenment thesis that is rapidly becoming an interpretative orthodoxy.

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35

Lestringant, Frank, and Ann Blair. "Geneva and America in the Renaissance: The Dream of the Huguenot Refuge 1555-1600." Sixteenth Century Journal 26, no. 2 (1995): 285. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2542791.

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36

Bost, Hubert. "Lumières et refuge huguenot. Sur les itinéraires intellectuels de Bayle et de La Baumelle." Dix-huitième Siècle 34, no. 1 (2002): 187–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/dhs.2002.2477.

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37

Littleton, Charles. "Lonnie H. Lee, The Huguenot-Anglican Refuge in Virginia: Empire, Land and Religion in the Rappahannock Region." Huguenot Society Journal 37 (November 25, 2024): 73–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/huguenot.2024.37.12.

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38

Poussou, Jean-Pierre. "M. Magdelaine, T. Von Thadden éds, Le refuge huguenot, Paris, A. Colin, 1985, 287 p." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 44, no. 5 (October 1989): 1284–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0395264900069821.

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39

Randall, Elizabeth. "Sandra Pott, Martin Mulsow, and Lutz Danneberg, Editor, The Berlin Refuge, 1680-1780: Learning and Science in European Context." Huguenot Society Journal 28, no. 3 (January 2005): 431–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/huguenot.2005.28.03.431.

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40

Randall, Elizabeth. "Manuela Böhm, Jens Häseler, Robert Violet, Editor, Hugenotten zwischen Migration und Integration: Neue Forschungen zum Refuge in Berlin und Brandenburg." Huguenot Society Journal 28, no. 4 (January 2006): 564. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/huguenot.2006.28.04.564.

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41

Lestringant, Frank. "Genève et l'Amérique : le rêve du Refuge huguenot au temps des guerres de Religion (1555-1600)." Revue de l'histoire des religions 210, no. 3 (1993): 331–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rhr.1993.1479.

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42

Laudin, Gérard, and François Moureau. "Marylin Garcia-Chapleau , Le Refuge huguenot du cap de Bonne-Espérance. Genèse, assimilation, héritage , Paris, Honoré Champion, coll. “Vie des Huguenots”, 2016, 737 p., 26 fig." Dix-huitième siècle 51, no. 1 (July 17, 2019): LXXII. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/dhs.051.0547bt.

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43

Carpi-Mailly, Olivia. "Les origines du Refuge huguenot : protestants et magistrats des villes au temps des premières guerres de Religion (1562-1572)." Revue du Nord 449, no. 2 (October 10, 2024): 63–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rdn.449.0063.

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Cet article traite des éléments déclencheurs du premier refuge huguenot de la deuxième moitié du xvi e siècle, moins connu que celui qui a fait suite à la révocation de l’édit de Nantes. Il porte son attention sur plusieurs villes de la moitié nord de la France, pendant la décennie 1562-1572, qui a marqué un net déclin des communautés réformées locales. L’objectif est de nuancer la notion de persécution religieuse qu’on emploie volontiers pour qualifier les mesures sévères de privation de liberté et de biens, ainsi que d’ostracisme, dont les religionnaires font alors l’objet de la part des autorités locales, en l’occurrence municipales. La violence légale, ciblée et dosée, à ne pas confondre avec la violence spontanée, incontrôlable, que subissent les protestants du cru doit, en effet, être replacée dans son contexte militaro-politique et juridico-institutionnel et mise en relation avec les impératifs de sûreté publique auxquels les édiles sont assujettis, a fortiori en temps de guerre ouverte, même civile. Toutefois, il n’est pas douteux que les magistrats municipaux, catholiques conservateurs, ont profité de ces circonstances exceptionnelles, pour faire prévaloir leur conception unanimiste du bien public, incompatible avec le maintien d’une dissidence religieuse, considérée par de nombreux contemporains comme source possible de la destruction de la communauté citadine.

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44

Storrs, Christopher. "Marie-Jeanne Ducommun and Dominique Quadron, Le Refuge Protestant dans le Pays de Vaud (fin xvii ^e -début xviii ^e s.). Aspects d’une migration ." Huguenot Society Journal 25, no. 5 (January 1993): 521–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/huguenot.1993.25.05.521.

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45

Ludington, Charles C. "Between Myth and Margin: The Huguenots in Irish History*." Historical Research 73, no. 180 (February 1, 2000): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00091.

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Abstract This article surveys the modern historiography of the Huguenots in Ireland. As victims of religious persecution, but also as Protestants, the historiography of the Huguenots in Ireland provides an excellent barometer for measuring contemporary political and historiographical concerns within Ireland. In the long and arduous struggles over Irish identity, religion and political control, the Huguenots have been used by some historians to represent heroic Protestant victims of Catholic, absolutist tyranny, and the prosperity‐inducing values of Protestant dissent. Alternatively, they have been overlooked as inconsequential bit‐players in the clear cultural and political divide between Saxon and Celt. In post‐1920 Ireland, they have also represented the legitimacy of southern Irish Protestantism. More recently, professional historians have attempted to examine the Huguenot refugee communities in Ireland with no preconceived notions or political points of view. This approach has proved fruitful. Nevertheless, by representing European connections in Irish history and cultural diversity within Irish society at a time when these issues are debated throughout the island, the Huguenots in Ireland remain a potent political symbol.

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46

Littleton, Charles. "Hubert Bost and Claude Lariol, Editor, Refuge et Désert: L’évolution théologique des huguenots de la Révocation à la Révolution francaise (Actes du colloque du Centre d’étude du XVIIIème siècle, Montpellier 18–20 janvier 2001)." Huguenot Society Journal 28, no. 4 (January 2006): 569–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/huguenot.2006.28.04.569.

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47

Dunan-Page, Anne. "La dragonnade du Poitou et l’exil des huguenots dans la littérature de controverse anglaise." Moreana 44 (Number 171-, no. 3-4 (September 2007): 87–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2007.44.3-4.9.

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Résumé À l’été 1681 fait rage la “dragonnade du Poitou”, un épisode crucial dans l’histoire du protestantisme français. Certains huguenots quittent alors la France pour l’Angleterre, terre protestante où ils espérent trouver refuge. Cet article examine la façon dont la dragonnade a été représentée dans la presse anglaise et dans la littérature de controverse et comment ces représentations ont influencé les conditions d’accueil des exilés. Alors que l’Angleterre sortait péniblement de la “crise de l’Exclusion” qui visait à empêcher le catholique duc d’York (futur Jacques II) de succéder à son frère Charles II, nous démontrons comment l’exil des Huguenots a été mis en scène par les deux grandes factions, Whig et Tory, à des fins de propagande. Nous nous interrogeons notamment sur la façon dont les auteurs ont manipulé les positions huguenotes pour raviver la querelle sur le futur du protestantisme en Angleterre et l’absolutisme Stuart.

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Roberts, Penny. "Martyrologies and Martyrs in the French Reformation: Heretics to Subversives in Troyes." Studies in Church History 30 (1993): 221–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400011712.

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The chief martyrology of the French Protestants or Huguenots, the Histoire des martyrs, was the work of a Walloon refugee in Geneva, Jean Crespin. The Histoire focuses on the martyrs of the French Reformation, but also describes the ordeals of those in Scodand, England, and Flanders, as well as of medieval precursors of Protestant ideas, such as Hus and Wyclif. Later versions of the text include the martyrs of the Early Church, whose faith the Huguenots claimed to be reviving and in whose sufferings they believed themselves to be sharing. The Histoire quickly became popular in the fledgeling Reformed churches of France, avidly read from the pulpit and in the home. The accounts of the courage of the martyrs no doubt reinforced the resolution of a group destined to remain a minority, and who became increasingly resigned to their fate. During the civil strife known as the French Wars of Religion, religious tensions were exacerbated by political and military conflict. However, the incident which provoked the outbreak of the wars in 1562 was the massacre of a Huguenot congregation at Vassy, in Champagne, and, indeed, the wars were to be particularly noted for their brutal sectarian violence.

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Donneau, Olivier. "Jeu de masques : Rancé, les Mauristes et le Refuge huguenot. Daniel de Larroque et Les véritables motifs de la conversion de l’abbé de la Trappe, 1685." Revue d'Histoire Ecclésiastique 109, no. 3-4 (July 2014): 728–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.rhe.5.103202.

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Weimer, Adrian Chastain. "Huguenot Refugees and the Meaning of Charity in Early New England." Church History 86, no. 2 (June 2017): 365–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640717000580.

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Huguenot suffering inspired fast days, prayer meetings, and collections among Congregationalists in Massachusetts and Plymouth in the 1680s. Ministers used a variety of frameworks to motivate compassion for the French refugees. Some preachers considered the French plight to be the result of an Antichristian attack, one that might soon spread to New England. Others assumed Huguenot suffering generally was a result of their sinful neglect of the Sabbath, and that compassion and honor should extend to those who suffered cheerfully while upholding disciplined purity. As suspicions mounted that there were French Catholic spies within the refugee communities and local harassment increased, the prominent Huguenot minister Ezekiel Carré advocated an alternate framework for Christian charity. In his remarkable sermon,The Charitable Samaritan, Carré shifted the meaning of charity from an apocalyptic framework to one centered on active mercy for the wounded regardless of sect or nationality. A friend of Carré’s and Huguenot supporter, Cotton Mather incorporated Carré’s interpretation of the Samaritan story into his magisterial Bible commentary. Though always contested, Huguenot practices and rhetoric broadened the conversation over the meaning of charity in early New England.

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