Journal articles: 'Huguenots in France'

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Dunan-Page, Anne. "La dragonnade du Poitou et l’exil des huguenots dans la littérature de controverse anglaise." Moreana 44 (Number 171-, no. 3-4 (September 2007): 87–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2007.44.3-4.9.

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Résumé À l’été 1681 fait rage la “dragonnade du Poitou”, un épisode crucial dans l’histoire du protestantisme français. Certains huguenots quittent alors la France pour l’Angleterre, terre protestante où ils espérent trouver refuge. Cet article examine la façon dont la dragonnade a été représentée dans la presse anglaise et dans la littérature de controverse et comment ces représentations ont influencé les conditions d’accueil des exilés. Alors que l’Angleterre sortait péniblement de la “crise de l’Exclusion” qui visait à empêcher le catholique duc d’York (futur Jacques II) de succéder à son frère Charles II, nous démontrons comment l’exil des Huguenots a été mis en scène par les deux grandes factions, Whig et Tory, à des fins de propagande. Nous nous interrogeons notamment sur la façon dont les auteurs ont manipulé les positions huguenotes pour raviver la querelle sur le futur du protestantisme en Angleterre et l’absolutisme Stuart.

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Fouilloux, Étienne. "Huguenots et protestants en France." Archives de sciences sociales des religions, no. 164 (December 30, 2013): 59–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/assr.25404.

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Sălăvăstru, Andrei Constantin. "Sacred Covenant and Huguenot Ideology of Resistance: The Biblical Image of the Contractual Monarchy in Vindiciae, Contra Tyrannos." Religions 11, no. 11 (November 6, 2020): 589. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11110589.

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The Bible had been a fundamental source of legitimacy for the French monarchy, with biblical imagery wielded as a powerful propaganda weapon in the ideological warfare which the kings of France often had to wage. All Christian monarchies tried to build around themselves a sacral aura, but the French kings had soon set themselves apart: they were the “most Christian”, anointed with holy oil brought from heaven, endowed with the power of healing, and the eldest sons of the Church. Biblical text was called upon to support this image of the monarchy, as the kings of France were depicted as following in the footsteps of the virtuous kings of the Old Testament and possessing the necessary biblical virtues. However, the Bible could prove a double-edged sword which could be turned against the monarchy, as the ideological battles unleashed by the Reformation were to prove. In search for a justification for their resistance against the French Crown, in particular after 1572, the Huguenots polemicists looked to the Bible in order to find examples of limited monarchies and overthrown tyrants. In putting forward the template of a proto-constitutional monarchy, one of the notions advanced by the Huguenots was the Biblical covenant between God, kings and the people, which imposed limits and obligations on the kings. This paper aims to examine the occurrence of this image in Vindiciae, contra tyrannos (1579), one of the most important Huguenot political works advocating resistance against tyrannical kings, and the role it played in the construction of the Huguenot theory of resistance.

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Benedict, Philip. "Bibliothèques protestantes et catholiques a Metz au XVIIesiècle." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 40, no. 2 (April 1985): 343–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ahess.1985.283167.

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Comparée au puritanisme anglo-américain, la culture religieuse des huguenots est mal connue. Alors que toute une série de chercheurs ont étudié le « puritan mind » en utilisant les instruments d'analyse les plus divers, l'historiographie du protestantisme français a si longtemps été dominée par le double thème de la persécution et de la résistance qu'on a négligé l'histoire proprement religieuse du mouvement. Les récents travaux de Philippe Joutard sur les Camisards ont analysé l'univers mental des congrégations du Midi dans la période qui suit la Révocation ; ceux de Walter Rex et d'Elisabeth Labrousse sur Bayle ont beaucoup enrichi notre connaissance de la culture des intellectuels huguenots en général . Mais pour connaître la masse des fidèles entre l'édit de Nantes et sa Révocation, notre meilleur guide reste sans doute le pieux chef-d'oeuvre presque centenaire du pasteur Paul de Félice,Les protestants d'autrefois. Il traite avec minutie du caractère de la Réforme en France et décrit une communautéimprégnée de la lecture de la Bible et des psaumes ; mais c'est à quoi se limite l'analyse de la culture religieuse huguenote.

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Stewart, L. A. M. "The Huguenots: France, Exile and Diaspora." French History 28, no. 1 (September 24, 2013): 124–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/crt080.

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Roberts, Penny. "Martyrologies and Martyrs in the French Reformation: Heretics to Subversives in Troyes." Studies in Church History 30 (1993): 221–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400011712.

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The chief martyrology of the French Protestants or Huguenots, the Histoire des martyrs, was the work of a Walloon refugee in Geneva, Jean Crespin. The Histoire focuses on the martyrs of the French Reformation, but also describes the ordeals of those in Scodand, England, and Flanders, as well as of medieval precursors of Protestant ideas, such as Hus and Wyclif. Later versions of the text include the martyrs of the Early Church, whose faith the Huguenots claimed to be reviving and in whose sufferings they believed themselves to be sharing. The Histoire quickly became popular in the fledgeling Reformed churches of France, avidly read from the pulpit and in the home. The accounts of the courage of the martyrs no doubt reinforced the resolution of a group destined to remain a minority, and who became increasingly resigned to their fate. During the civil strife known as the French Wars of Religion, religious tensions were exacerbated by political and military conflict. However, the incident which provoked the outbreak of the wars in 1562 was the massacre of a Huguenot congregation at Vassy, in Champagne, and, indeed, the wars were to be particularly noted for their brutal sectarian violence.

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SHEATS, REBEKAH A. "Pierre Viret’s Consolation for the Persecuted Huguenots." Unio Cum Christo 1, no. 1 (October 1, 2015): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.35285/ucc1.1-2.2015.art6.

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Abstract: his article examines the consolation that the Swiss Reformer Pierre Viret offered to the persecuted Huguenots from 1530 to the 1550s. During these years, Viret, living primarily in Lausanne and Geneva, closely followed the persecution of the Protestants in neighboring France, and offered counsel and comfort to the troubled Huguenots. The consolation he offered these suffering believers is examined and summarized through the Reformer’s letters and writings.

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True, Micah. "British, but also French: Paul Mascarene’s Translation of Molière’s Le Misanthrope in Colonial Nova Scotia." Quebec Studies 71, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 133–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/qs.2021.10.

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This article examines a little-studied manuscript translation of Molière’s Le Misanthrope, made in eighteenth-century British Nova Scotia by a military officer named Paul Mascarene, for what it can tell us about the complicated assimilation of Huguenots in the global refuge. It argues that the undated manuscript shows the surprising extent to which Mascarene, a Huguenot who fled France in childhood, remained culturally French even as he was a perfectly assimilated Briton, and that he can be seen as a cultural ambassador between his homelands new and old. The manuscript here is closely scrutinized in relation both to Molière’s original 1666 play and a published English translation that is approximately contemporaneous to Mascarene’s own effort. Comparison of the three versions of the play show that Mascarene was a skilled and thoughtful translator, committed to accurately rendering Molière’s words while also making changes that reflected his personal religious values. This article also considers the assertion that Mascarene’s translation served as the basis of a performance in Annapolis Royal in 1743 or 1744 and shows that close scrutiny of the manuscript does not support this conclusion. Instead, Mascarene’s translation of Molière’s Le Misanthrope may best be understood as a sign of how Huguenots like him may have maintained and even sought to share with others aspects of their former identities even as they sought to conform to the cultural norms of their new homelands. Cet article étudie une traduction manuscrite du Misanthrope de Molière, réalisée dans la Nouvelle-Écosse britannique au dix-huitième siècle par un officier militaire nommé Paul Mascarene, pour ce qu’elle peut nous dire sur l’assimilation compliquée des Huguenots dans le refuge mondial. Il soutient que le manuscrit montre à quel point Mascarene, un Huguenot qui a quitté la France à l’âge de onze ans et qui est réputé parfaitement assimilé à la culture britannique, est resté culturellement français. Le manuscrit est ici examiné par rapport à la pièce originale de 1666 de Molière et à une traduction en anglais publiée qui est à peu près contemporaine de celle de Mascarene. La comparaison des trois versions de la pièce montre que Mascarene était un traducteur habile et réfléchi, déterminé à traduire fidèlement les paroles de Molière tout en apportant des changements qui reflètent ses valeurs personnelles et religieuses. Cet article examine aussi l’affirmation fréquente selon laquelle la traduction de Mascarene a servi de base à une représentation à Annapolis Royal en 1743 ou 1744, et montre qu’un examen attentif du manuscrit ne corrobore pas cette conclusion. Au lieu de cela, le manuscrit peut être mieux compris comme un aperçu de la façon dont les Huguenots comme Mascarene auraient pu maintenir et même chercher à partager avec d’autres certains aspects de leurs anciennes identités tout en cherchant à se conformer aux normes culturelles de leurs nouvelles patries.

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Cherdon, Laetitia. "Le refuge par l’écriture : les utopies protestantes à l’époque de la Révocation de l’Édit de Nantes." Moreana 44 (Number 171-, no. 3-4 (September 2007): 146–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2007.44.3-4.11.

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During the second half of the seventeenth century the repression against Huguenots in France increased and led to the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes (1685), definitively prohibiting Protestantism. Most of the Huguenots stayed in France and abjured their religion, but a certain number of them fled abroad. The utopias written by French Protestants during this period represent “another exile”. First the recourse to the utopian genre reveals a flight from reality and present. Then, if original propositions are made in the ideal societies imagined by the authors – for example to avoid the evils Protestants are subjected to – they hardly seem to be feasible in the real world. This reinforces the impression of refuge in writing. Finally, these utopias also constitute a place of compensation and expression for authors who actually exploit the notion of pleasure in writing. It’s very explicit when writers integrate autobiographic elements, digressions or descriptions.

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Hirschman, Elizabeth. "DNA and historical evidence indicate many colonial French Canadians were of Sephardic Jewish ancestry." Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 5, no. 2 (September 30, 2021): 88–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/5.2.7.

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The Spanish Inquisition in 1492 resulted in the deaths of thousands of Spanish Jews and the exile of around 150,000. The Huguenots and Acadians who settled in Colonial French Canada are assumed to be of Christian faith and ancestry. To support this hypothesis, the researcher uses a novel combination of methods drawn from historical records and artifacts, genealogies and DNA testing. In recent years, this combination of methods has led to the discovery that several of the Plymouth Colony settlers, Central Appalachian Colonial settlers, and Roanoke Colony settlers were of Sephardic Jewish origin. Thus, using the new methodology of ancestral DNA tracing, the researcher document that the majority of Huguenot and Acadian colonists in French Canada were of Sephardic Jewish ancestry. They are most likely descended from Sephardic Jews who fled to France from the Iberian Peninsula in the late 1300s and early 1500s. The researcher additionally propose that some members of both groups continued to practice Judaism in the new world, thus becoming secret Jews or crypto-Jews. The researcher also finds evidence of Ashkenazi Jewish ancestry in both groups.

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RUSSELL, ALEXANDER. "The Colloquy of Poissy, François Baudouin and English Protestant Identity, 1561–1563." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 65, no. 3 (June 12, 2014): 551–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046913000584.

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This article examines English attitudes towards a moderate solution to the confessional struggles in France in the 1560s. It uses the activities of the scholar and advocate of concord, François Baudouin, as a point of focus, demonstrates, for the first time, the full extent of his English connection, and shows that he proposed to use English Protestant worship as the basis for negotiations between Catholics and Huguenots in France. The article advances our understanding of England's place within the international Reformed movement, and sheds further light on the difficulties of achieving religious compromise in this period.

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Coertzen, Pieter, Bertrand van Ruymbeke, and Randy J. Sparks. "Memory and Identity: The Huguenots in France and the Atlantic Diaspora." Sixteenth Century Journal 38, no. 1 (April 1, 2007): 289. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20478348.

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Bosher, J. F. "Memory and Identity: The Huguenots in France and the Atlantic Diaspora." English Historical Review 120, no. 489 (December 1, 2005): 1445–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cei448.

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Prokhorova, A. "DIPLOMATIC RELATIONSHIPS WITH LONDON AND PARIS DURING OF ANGLO-FRENCH WAR (60TH XI CENTURY)." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 136 (2018): 59–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2018.136.1.12.

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The article is dedicated to the diplomatic relationships between the British Kingdom and the Huguenots during the Anglo-French War of 1562-1564 and their influence on the foreign policy of England and France. The author analyzes the main directions of the diplomatic relations of the Elizabethan politicians with the French Protestants, finds out the factors and circumstances of the defeat of the Huguenots in the Battle of Dre and change the course of diplomatic relations between the countries. Also, author observes the course and results of the war of 1562-1564, and concludes that the defeat for England in this military conflict in the future had positive effects. For Elizabeth I became clear that it makes no sense to rely on the further assistance of Protestant forces from other states to the English case. The country could deviate from the policies that it was carrying out, and to re-evaluate its foreign-policy priorities, which contributed to a further new course of the country.

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A. Orban, Myriam. "Des huguenots en Provence orientale (1558-1594)." Revue d'histoire du protestantisme 5, no. 2-3 (December 18, 2020): 181–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.47421/rhp5_2-3_181-196.

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Si l’engagement de la grande noblesse (les Guise, Bourbons, Montmorency, Coligny, Condé) dans les guerres de religion est relaté dans les livres d’histoire, la noblesse de second ordre est moins connue, et l’historiographie ignore largement les grands seigneurs de la Provence orientale qui adhérèrent à la Réforme. Parmi cette noblesse du sud-est de la France, et notamment celle possédant fiefs dans les actuels départements des Alpes-Maritimes, du Var et des Alpes-de-Haute-Provence, on peut citer des Castellane, des Oraison, des Grasse, des Grimaldi de Beuil, et des Villeneuve auxquels est consacrée cette étude. Dès 1550, les évêchés sont affaiblis par la simonie, les questions d’argent et les procès pour conserver leurs droits temporels. L’abbaye de Lérins, dont le rayonnement a décliné suite à la gestion calamiteuse sous le régime de la commende, est devenue un foyer calviniste. Des moines ont été chassés. Quelques évêques ont abjuré publiquement, d’autres sympathisent plus ou moins ouvertement avec les huguenots. Mais, le mouvement réformé ne prend véritablement racine au sein de la noblesse qu’à partir de 1559, avec la fin des guerres d’Italie et le retour des barons sur leurs terres. Certains ont été en contact avec les Allemands luthériens et en reviennent convertis à la doctrine de la « nouvelle foi ». Protégés par le gouverneur de Provence, Claude de Tende, les Grasse et les Lascaris, les Villeneuve ont entraîné parentèle, gentilshommes et notables et créé de petites communautés qui accueillent des pasteurs venus de Genève. Des partis se créent, qui brouillent la légendaire solidarité nobiliaire. Les guérillas mettent tout le pays à feu et à sang. En 1569, le baron de Vence Claude de Villeneuve, son frère Honoré de Villeneuve-Tourrettes-lès-Vence et son oncle Jean de Villeneuve-Thorenc acquièrent, lors d’enchères, des terres et les droits associés mise en vente par l’évêque Louis Grimaldi de Beuil afin de payer les décimes réclamées par la royauté pour subvenir aux guerres de religion. Il semble que leur arrière-pensée soit de reconstituer leur fief, ce qui assurerait, grâce à une alliance avec les Grasse et les Villeneuve-les-Fayence, un vaste territoire protestant. Lors de la guerre proprement provençale entre carcistes et razats, ils font de Saint-Martin-la-Pelote, Saint-Laurent-la-Bastide et le Canadel (notamment) des bastions fortifiés pour accueillir les protestants et leurs troupes. Ces guerres ont fait des ravages parmi les seigneurs. Beaucoup sont morts au combat, les autres se sont ruinés et n’ont plus les moyens d’entretenir un ministre réformé. Quand en 1589 Henri IV devient roi de France, de nombreux barons se soumettent à lui pour obtenir son pardon. Ils n’ont plus de soutien et les abjurations commencent. La fin des guerres de religion dans le sud-est provençal marque aussi celle de l’esprit de patriotisme provençal et celle de la féodalité politique et militaire, tandis que les évêques tridentins cherchent à récupérer les terres vendues par leurs prédécesseurs aux Villeneuve. Néanmoins, la Réforme protestante est bien établie dans une partie de la population. Au XVIIe siècle, les évêques des diocèses de Vence et de Grasse s’attachent lors de visites pastorales à repérer les protestants et à faire appliquer par les vicaires et les curés les préceptes de la Contre-Réforme.

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Riches, Daniel. "The Rise of Confessional Tension in Brandenburg's Relations with Sweden in the Late-seventeenth Century." Central European History 37, no. 4 (December 2004): 568–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569161043419262.

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Thediplomatic and religious climate in Protestant Northern Europe during the era of Louis XIV was filled with competing and at times contradictory impulses, and the repercussions of Louis's expansionist and anti-Protestant policies on the relations between the Protestant states were varied and complex. Taken in conjunction with the ascension of Catholic James II in Britain in February 1685 and the succession of the Catholic House of Neuburg in the Palatinate following the death of the last Calvinist elector in May of that year, Louis's reintroduction of the mass ins the “reunited” territories and his increasing persecution of the Huguenots in France added to an acute sense among European Protestants that the survival of their religion was threatened. It is a well-established theme in the standard literature on seventeenth-century Europe that the culmination of Louis's attack on the Huguenots in his revocation of the Edict of Nantes in October 1685 galvanized the continents Protestant powers in a common sense of outrage and united them in a spirit of political cooperation against France. Indeed, such an astute contemporary observer as Leibniz was to write in the early 1690s that it appeared now “as if all of the north is opposed to the south of Europe; the great majority of the Germanic peoples are opposed to the Latins.” Even Bossuet had to declare that “your so-called Reformation … was never more powerful nor more united. All of the Protestants have joined forces. From the outside, the Reformation is very cohesive, more haughty and more menacing than ever.”

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Van Ruymbeke, Bertrand. "Refugiés Or Émigrés? Early Modern French Migrations to British North America and the United States (c. 1680 – c. 1820)." Itinerario 30, no. 2 (July 2006): 12–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300013942.

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Historians have traditionally paid relatively little attention to the French migrations to America. Although in the early modern period France was a demographic giant, had a deep – yet not enough recognized – maritime tradition, had many colonies in the Americas from the Gulf of Saint-Lawrence to the Amazon, and suffered from a tumultuous political history comparatively few of its people migrated to British North America and the United States. France has therefore and to some extent understandably enjoyed minimal visibility in the American ethnic landscape. There is, however, a long tradition of French migrations to America, beginning with the Huguenots at the end of the seventeenth century. At times these influxes were important in terms of number and influence, indeed in 1690 and in 1790 French was spoken in the streets of Charleston and of Philadelphia.

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Richard, Bernard. "Quand un peuple réputé pour sa culture attaque des œuvres d’art." Revista de História da Arte e da Cultura 1, no. 1 (July 19, 2020): 171–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.20396/rhac.v1i1.13773.

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Les représentations artistiques en France ont traversé jusqu’à présent trois phases principales d’iconoclasme: les destructions d’images saintes par les Huguenots entre 1530 et 1600; les destructions d’œuvres d’art et d’églises réalisées pendant la Révolution française, notamment vers 1793–1795 ; et l’enlèvement d’une partie de la statuaire de bronze mené par la France de Vichy de 1941 à 1944. C’est à cette dernière phase de l’iconoclasme français, moins connue que les deux précédentes, qu’est consacré l’essentiel de cet article. Contrairement à d’autres pays occupés, la France choisit de faire fondre des statues laïques au lieu des cloches d’église pour répondre aux réquisitions de l’industrie de l’armement allemande. Leur destruction visait surtout les monuments républicains, les plus contraires à l’idéologie installée par le maréchal Pétain. Cet article offre un panorama de l’enlèvement de ces statues en zones libre et occupée, mais analyse surtout le cas particulier de la ville d’Auxerre, où les monuments consacrés à Paul Bert (1833–1886) et à Nicolas Davout (1770–1823) firent l’objet des disputes des autorités locales face à l’iconoclasme des autorités de l’État.

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Blacketer, Raymond A. "The Moribund Moralist: Ethical Lessons in Calvin's Commentary On Joshua." Nederlands Archief voor Kerkgeschiedenis / Dutch Review of Church History 85, no. 1 (2005): 149–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187607505x00092.

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AbstractCalvin's final commentary, an exposition of the book of Joshua, reflects both Calvin's immersion in and dialogue with the exegctical and theological tradition, as well as his concern with the image and identity of Reformed believers, and especially the Huguenots of France. Prominent in this commentary is Calvin's wrestling with moral issues that arise in the text. Calvin's scrupulous treatment of these moral problems reflects his concern to depict Reformed believers as people who are loyal and obedient to the authorities and to the law, and as people who are truthful and avoid deception and duplicity. It also reflects his concern that his coreligionists actually strive to live up to that image. On occasion Calvin's treatment of these moral issues ends in an unresolved tension — a tension that reflects the moral and political ambiguities that French Reformed believers faced at the beginning of the Wars of Religion in France.

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Cadier-Rey, Gabrielle. "Les huguenots au Danemark aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles." Revue d'histoire du protestantisme 6, no. 4 (February 24, 2022): 461–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.47421/rhp6_4_461-498.

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On parle peu des huguenots qui se sont installés au Danemark au cours des XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles. À la fin du XVIIe siècle, il s’agit d’un refuge classique, soit d’officiers de terre et de mer entrant dans les armées d’un roi de Danemark un temps allié de Louis XIV, soit d’artisans tournés vers les métiers du luxe. Dans l’ensemble, malgré l’opposition vigoureuse des évêques luthériens, ils ont été bien accueillis et l’Église réformée de Copenhague, toujours active aujourd’hui, en témoigne. Ses registres renseignent sur ces paroissiens arrivés de France, leur origine géographique, et leur profession. Au XVIIIe siècle, le Danemark connaît une exceptionnelle période de croissance. Des agriculteurs francophones venus du Brandebourg voisin développent de nouvelles cultures dans le Jutland. Cependant c’est surtout le commerce colonial et international, appuyé sur une puissante marine, qui enrichit le pays et attire négociants et armateurs, tels que Huguetan, Iselin, Peschier, de Coninck. Il s’agit, là encore, de réformés francophones, souvent descendants de huguenots réfugiés. L’influence française se manifeste dans la vie culturelle et artistique du pays comme en témoigne le passage bref mais significatif du jeune La Beaumelle. Mais le Danemark qui avait profité de sa neutralité pour commercer pendant que les grandes puissances européennes se faisaient la guerre, est, au début du XIXe siècle, victime de leurs rivalités et voit s’effondrer ce qui faisait sa force économique et sa place en Europe.

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Fletcher, John. "The Huguenot Diaspora." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 2, no. 2 (September 1992): 251–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.2.2.251.

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Diasporas are often set in motion by an act of persecution, massacre, or other violent action on the part of the majority against a minority The persecuted minority is then dispersed; more often than not, it includes the elite responsible for much of the commercial and cultural activity of the persecuting nation and goes on to enrich the cultural and commercial life of the new host country. Moreover, in addition to the undoubted short- and medium-term damage in terms of loss of commercial and cultural effectiveness, history frequently exacts long-term revenge as well, so that, both sooner and later, the persecutors are punished for their act of intolerance. The reverse is hardly if ever true, that is, that the new hosts regret the generosity of their welcome: far from subverting the culture of the new homeland—the allegation habitually proffered in the former country to justify the initial persecution—the refugees contribute valuably to it. Thus, the irrational paranoia at the root of hatred of minorities carries its own baleful punishment. The diaspora of the Protestants of France—known as Huguenots—is a case in point. It constituted, without doubt, the destruction of an elite. It can plausibly be argued that it was a factor in the French loss of Canada. And there is no missing the irony of the fact that the military governor of the Atlantic stronghold of Brest during the last world war, a notoriously ungentle Wehrmacht officer, was a man of Huguenot descent.

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Fratini, Marco. "Les vaudois dans la propagande visuelle des Provinces-Unies à la fin du XVIIe siècle." Revue d'histoire du protestantisme 6, no. 4 (February 24, 2022): 401–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.47421/rhp6_4_401-440.

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Au XVIIe siècle, la survie des vaudois dans les vallées alpines du Piémont a été menacée à plusieurs reprises et ils n’ont pu se maintenir que grâce au soutien des puissances européennes protestantes. Parmi celles-ci, les Provinces-Unies les ont soutenus en 1655 et après 1686, par leurs interventions diplomatiques, financières et militaires ; dans la campagne de propagande contre le souverain français, l’image des vaudois a également utilisé des affiches, des cartes et des médailles. La représentation des vaudois comme minorité persécutée a été largement diffusée à l’occasion des massacres de 1655, connus sous le nom de « Pâques piémontaises » ou « Printemps du sang ». À travers des publications néerlandaises et anglaises, l’opinion publique européenne a pu découvrir les images des habitants des vallées alpines du Piémont soumis à d’innombrables atrocités, images diffusées dans le but de provoquer l’horreur et l’indignation, mais aussi d’éveiller la pitié et la solidarité des pays protestants. Trente ans plus tard, avec la révocation de l’édit de Nantes, l’offensive de Louis XIV contre les huguenots a également impliqué de façon dramatique les vaudois, sujets du duc de Savoie. La persécution, l’emprisonnement et l’exil forcé ont conduit à un nouveau soutien diplomatique et à une nouvelle propagande des puissances protestantes, en particulier l’Angleterre et les Provinces-Unies, unies sous l’égide de Guillaume III d’Orange. À ce stade, les représentations des vaudois dans les gravures et les médailles restent sporadiques et, lorsqu’elles apparaissent, c’est surtout pour dénoncer la persécution dont ils ont été victimes. À cette caractéristique s’ajoutent d’autres thèmes à l’ordre du jour du débat politique et religieux de l’époque. Tout d’abord, ils n’apparaissent plus comme un groupe isolé, mais comme faisant partie d’un monde protestant pluriel, au sein duquel, dans la controverse contre la politique du roi de France à l’égard des réformés, ils sont restés en retrait par rapport aux huguenots. Du point de vue politique également, leurs tentatives de survie, et parfois de résistance armée, représentent et constituent un élément perturbateur constant dans le conflit d’un territoire frontalier entre le royaume de France et le duché de Savoie. C’est pourquoi ils suscitent un intérêt supplémentaire pour les autres puissances européennes et leur participation militaire au conflit franco-savoyard en tant que sujets du duc les montre, dans une médaille de 1691, comme des soldats efficaces et fidèles au service de Victor Amédée II. En même temps, la continuité historique de l’époque médiévale garantit aux vaudois une valeur exemplaire d’ancêtres de la Réforme, à une époque où le protestantisme européen est à la recherche de racines historiques profondes pour légitimer son antagonisme à l’Église de Rome. La justification de leur présumée origine apostolique en fait un témoignage ancien du « christianisme authentique », toujours vivant et à préserver en tant que tel. Enfin, le succès, bien qu’avec des implications tragiques, de la Rentrée d’exil en 1689, crée l’image exemplaire de la libération du peuple de Dieu. Dans sa parabole accomplie du « martyre » à la « gloire », ils ont offert, notamment aux exilés huguenots des Provinces-Unies, la confirmation d’une possible réalisation concrète de leurs lectures prophétiques de l’Apocalypse, en vue de la délivrance de tous les protestants persécutés, attestée par une médaille hollandaise de 1686-1687, de la circulation tortueuse également dans les publications imprimées. L’étude des témoignages figuratifs (quoique rares) concernant les vaudois, produits à la fin du XVIIe siècle, permet de comprendre les formes de représentation symbolique des multiples significations qu’ils en sont venus à assumer, notamment aux Provinces-Unies et grâce à la large diffusion de l’imprimé, aux yeux du protestantisme européen.

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Bosher, J. F. "Sept grands marchands catholiques français participant au commerce avec la Nouvelle-France (1660-1715)." Revue d'histoire de l'Amérique française 48, no. 1 (August 26, 2008): 3–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/305298ar.

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RÉSUMÉ Pendant le règne de Louis XIV, sept grands marchands français de religion catholique s'imposèrent dans le commerce avec la Nouvelle-France à un moment où les marchands huguenots armaient de moins en moins de navires. On a souvent exagéré le rôle de ces derniers marchands pendant cette période, et il est probable que leur importance ait diminué à la suite des persécutions dont ils ont été victimes pendant les guerres de 1689 à 1713. En effet, la monarchie se montrait très méfiante à leur égard, une situation dont les marchands catholiques ont pu bénéficier. D'origine modeste, les sept marchands catholiques qui sont l'objet de notre étude ont été favorisés par cinq facteurs : des mariages avantageux, des relations solides de famille ou d'affaires outre-Atlantique, des rapports étroits avec des membres du clergé ou des officiers métropolitains (dans un cas au moins) et des occasions d'affaires issues des guerres de Louis XIV. Malheureusement, ces marchands subirent de lourdes pertes financières, assez fréquentes en ces années, car les Bourbons ne payaient pas toujours leurs dettes.

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van der Linden, David. "Unholy Territory." Church History and Religious Culture 100, no. 4 (October 19, 2020): 526–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-bja10012.

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Abstract This article studies the mission of French Discalced Carmelite friars in the seventeenth-century Dutch Republic. Established from 1647 onwards in The Hague, Leiden, and Amsterdam, the missionaries’ aim was to minister to the French-speaking Catholics of Holland, but they also sought to convert expatriate French Protestants as part of the wider Counter-Reformation campaign to win back souls lost to the Reformation. Despite conflict with the Walloon churches, however, the Carmelite mission was surprisingly successful in converting Huguenots to the Church of Rome, repatriating many of them to France in the wake of the Revocation. As such, this article sheds new light on the relationship between expatriate communities in Holland, arguing that the Dutch Republic was not only a safe haven for refugees, but also the scene of ongoing conflict between French Protestants and Catholics during the reign of Louis XIV.

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Nissimi, Hilda. "Religious Conversion, Covert Defiance and Social Identity: A Comparative View." Numen 51, no. 4 (2004): 367–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568527042500122.

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AbstractThis article examines the special contribution of forced conversion to the formation of a new social identity. Groups that were forced to convert while struggling to maintain a former-covert religious identity, such as the Moriscos of Spain, the Spanish and Portuguese Jews, and the Huguenots of France, shaped social identities with common traits, despite differences in social, political and religious environments. These groups stressed memory practices, strengthened familistic values, and regendered social roles. Each of these practices set them apart from both of the faith communities they belonged to: the old and the new, the open and the secret. The Mashhadis of Iran are offered as a control group to test this argument, as their community is the farthest in time and space while conforming to the same pattern of social mechanisms. The evolution of the new social-cultural and even ethnic identity was a process whereby religious motifs generated cultural cohesion, and communal ties facilitated both. Thus, even when danger was over a new community was born, more self-conscious, and stronger than before.

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Benedict, Philip. "Reviews of Books:Memory and Identity: The Huguenots in France and the Atlantic Diaspora Bertrand Van Ruymbeke, Randy J. Sparks." American Historical Review 109, no. 3 (June 2004): 863–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/530566.

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Whelan, R. "Review: La Diaspora des Huguenots: les refugies protestants de France et leur dispersion dans le monde (XVIe-XVIIe siecles)." French Studies 57, no. 3 (July 1, 2003): 374–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/57.3.374.

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Garrioch, David. "JaneMcKee and RandolphVigne, eds: The Huguenots: France, Exile, Diaspora. Brighton, Portland, and Toronto: Sussex Academic Press, 2013; pp. x + 255." Journal of Religious History 38, no. 1 (March 2014): 150–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9809.12143.

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Tingle, Elizabeth. "SACRED LANDSCAPES, SPIRITUAL TRAVEL: EMBODIED HOLINESS AND LONG-DISTANCE PILGRIMAGE IN THE CATHOLIC REFORMATION." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 28 (November 2, 2018): 89–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440118000051.

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ABSTRACTLong regarded as a medieval tradition which declined into insignificance after Luther, pilgrimage expanded considerably from the mid-sixteenth century, until well after 1750. This paper examines long-distance journeys to shrines, rather than sacred sites themselves, to explore how landscapes travelled were perceived, experienced and used by pilgrims in the Counter-Reformation. Using theory such as phenomenology, the focus is on autobiographical accounts of pilgrimages to two case-study sites, the Mont Saint-Michel in Normandy, northern France, and Santiago de Compostela in Galicia, north-west Spain, roughly between 1580 and 1750. These were shrines with origins in the early medieval period and which attracted a clientele over long distances. These pilgrimages were also in some way affected by religious conflict in the sixteenth century, whether by direct attack by Huguenots as at the Mont, or by war-time disruptions of its routes as with Compostela, as well as the theological and polemical attacks on the practice of pilgrimage itself by Protestant authors. Pilgrimage studies have examined ‘place’ – the shrine – but a focus on ‘landscape’ allows for a consideration of wider religious and cultural contexts, relations and experiences in this period of religious change.

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Van Ruymbeke, Bertrand. "Eckart Birnstiel et Chrystel Bernat (textes réunis par)La diaspora des huguenots. Les réfugiés protestants de France et leur dispersion dans le monde (XVIe-XVIIIe siècles) Paris, Honoré Champion, « Vie des huguenots», 2001, 208 p." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 61, no. 1 (February 2006): 178–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0395264900030985.

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Bennett, Peter. "Hearing King David in Early Modern France: Politics, Prayer, and Louis XIII's Musique de la Chambre." Journal of the American Musicological Society 69, no. 1 (2016): 47–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jams.2016.69.1.47.

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Scholars of Louis XIV have long recognized the “representational” strategy employed by the composers of the Chapelle Royale (and those who designed its liturgy), in which the words of the psalms (the work of poet-musician King David) allied to an elaborate musical setting (the grand motet) attested to the king's strength and power in both spiritual and temporal domains. By contrast, in the absence of a comparable repertory inspired by the psalms from an earlier period, the role of King David at the court of Louis XIII has received almost no attention. Yet, as this article shows, the biblical king did indeed play a central role at the court of Louis XIII, albeit in unexpected ways. The “public” voice of David—the voice of a warrior who defeated his enemies—spoke outside the confines of the court in orations, pamphlets, and psalm paraphrases (with simple musical settings), celebrating, in particular, the king's victory over the Huguenots at La Rochelle in 1628. On the other hand, study of the psalm-texted works composed for Louis XIII's Musique de la Chambre (recently identified in Bibliothèque Nationale de France, MS Vma rés. 571) reveals a “private” voice, a voice that reflected Louis's anxiety and penitence in the years around 1620 and that was heard only by the king's closest allies at court. By contextualizing this “private” voice it is also possible to account for the rise of the Domine salvum fac regem, a musical genre that originated in the same circumstances, and to suggest that Louis XIII and Louis XIV in fact had a common interest in David as supplicant.

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Shishkin, Vladimir V. "Itineraries of Margaret of Valois (with Reference to her Letters from the National Library of Russia)." Izvestia of the Ural federal university. Series 2. Humanities and Arts 24, no. 1 (2022): 87–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/izv2.2022.24.1.006.

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This article examines the itineraries of Margaret of Valois (1553–1615), Queen of Navarre, during her stay in the south of France between the late 1570s and early 1580s, which coincided with the crucial phase of the Religious Wars between Catholics and Huguenots. The main source for the study of these itineraries are the letters of Queen Margaret from the National Library of Russia, which make part of the collection of Peter Dubrovsky. The article traces the history of letters of the Queen of Navarre in St Petersburg, and it is suggested that the carton of the documents (Autograph 57) is part of the personal archive of State Secretary Villeroy. The author also analyses new data on the princess’ itineraries during her childhood, based on the new electronic database, as well as the historiography of the question of her movement, which makes it possible to understand the place of the St Petersburg autographs in the reconstruction of Margaret’s unknown itineraries in 1579–1582. Most of Margaret’s letters were written in territories ruled by Henry of Navarre, in Guyenne and Gascony and Navarre and represent an array of 32 documents of great importance, which help determine exactly where the Queen went to, indicate the trajectory of her movement, specify the duration of her stays in particular localities, and respectively, suggest possible delivery times for letters to recipients, mainly to her brother Henry III and her mother, Catherine de’ Medici. The study of Margaret’s messages from the point of view of her itineraries also helps place them in the historical context of religious and political events of the Civil Wars period in France, identify the details of the peacemaking role of the Queen in the south of the country, as well as understand the mechanisms for the implementation of peace treaties and decisions by the opposing parties.

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Harding, Matthew S. "ATONEMENT THEORY REVISITED: CALVIN, BEZA, AND AMYRAUT ON THE EXTENT OF THE ATONEMENT." Perichoresis 11, no. 1 (June 1, 2013): 51–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/perc-2013-0003.

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ABSTRACT Throughout the bulk of the Reformed Tradition’s history within both Europe and the United States, most scholars have dismissed pastor and theologian Moïse Amyraut as a seventeenth century French heretic whose actions and theology led to the demise of the Huguenots in France. However, upon further introspection into Amyraut’s claims as being closer to Calvin (soteriologically) than his Genevan successors, one finds uncanny parallels in the scriptural commentaries and biblical insight into the expiation of Christ between Calvin and Amyraut. By comparing key scriptural passages concerning the atonement, this article demonstrates that Reformed theologian Moïse Amyraut in fact propagated a universal atonement theory which parallels Calvin’s, both men ascribing to biblical faithfulness, a (humanistic) theological method, and similar hermeneutic. As such, both Calvin and Amyraut scripturally contend that God desires and provided the means for the salvation of the whole world. Further, the article demonstrates that Calvin’s successor, Theodore de Beza, could not in fact make the same claims as Amyraut, this article demonstrating that Beza went beyond Calvin’s scriptural approach to Christ’s expiation. Therefore, this article supports a more centrist approach from within and outside the Reformed tradition by demonstrating that Calvin and Amyraut concentrically held to God’s gracious provision in Christ for the saving of the whole world, for those who would believe in Christ for salvation.

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Roberts, Penny. "‘ACCEPTABLE TRUTHS’ DURING THE FRENCH RELIGIOUS WARS." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 30 (November 11, 2020): 55–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440120000031.

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AbstractThis paper seeks to provide some historical perspective on contemporary preoccupations with competing versions of the truth. Truth has always been contested and subject to scrutiny, particularly during troubled times. It can take many forms – judicial truth, religious truth, personal truth – and is bound up with the context of time and place. This paper sets out the multidisciplinary approaches to truth and examines its role in a specific context, that of early modern Europe and, in particular, the French religious wars of the sixteenth century. Truth was a subject of intense debate among both Renaissance and Reformation scholars, it was upheld as an absolute by judges, theologians and rulers. Yet, it also needed to be concealed by those who maintained a different truth to that of the authorities. In the case of France, in order to advance their cause, the Huguenots used subterfuge of various kinds, including the illicit carrying of messages. In this instance, truth was dependent on the integrity of its carrier, whether the messenger could be trusted and, therefore, their truth accepted. Both sides also sought to defend the truth by countering what they presented as the deceit of their opponents. Then, as now, acceptance of what is true depends on which side we are on and who we are prepared to believe.

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Chaze, E. "Les Huguenots dans les iles britanniques de la Renaissance aux Lumieres, Ecrits religieux et representations * Dictionnaire des pasteurs dans la France du XVIIIe siecle." French History 23, no. 2 (April 20, 2009): 270–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/crp018.

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Неклюдова, М. С. "“Jarnac’s Blow”: Local memory and the conflict of historical interpretations." Диалог со временем, no. 76(76) (August 17, 2021): 287–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.21267/aquilo.2021.76.76.009.

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В статье рассматривается казус, связанный с выражением «удар Жарнака» (coup de Jarnac), которое существует во французском языке по меньшей мере три столетия. Считается, что оно отсылает к последнему судебному поединку, имевшему место во Франции в 1547 г. Во время него один из дуэлянтов, Ги Шабо де Жарнак, смог ловким выпадом ранить своего противника, что и объясняет появление идиомы. Однако с высокой степенью вероятности она связана с другим событием, которое произошло на два десятилетия позже. В 1569 г. в сражении под Жарнаком выстрелом из пистолета был убит предводитель гугенотов, принц де Конде, причем произошло это в тот момент, когда он сдался на милость победителя. Статья посвящена месту обоих этих событий в национальной и лингвистической памяти. This article examines the expression "Jarnac’s blow" (coup de Jarnac), which existed in the French at least for three centuries. Supposedly it refers to the last judicial duel that took place in France in 1547. During the fight one of the duelists, Guy Chabot de Jarnac, was able to wound his opponent with a dexterous thrust, which explains the appearance of the idiom. However, it is highly probable that it was associated with another event that occurred two decades later. In 1569, at the battle of Jarnac, the leader of the Huguenots, Prince de Condé, was treacherously shot at the moment when he surrendered to the mercy of the winner. The article is devoted to the interpretation of these events in national and linguistic memory.

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Lagrée, Marie-Clarté. "Construire et diffuser une figure idéale par les Mémoires : l’exemple du pasteur huguenot Pierre Du Moulin dans la seconde moitié du XVIIe siècle." Renaissance and Reformation 45, no. 1 (August 11, 2022): 73–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v45i1.39121.

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On connaît à ce jour deux versions des Mémoires du pasteur huguenot Pierre Du Moulin (1568–1658), l’une publiée au XIXe siècle et l’autre restée manuscrite. Toutes deux datent de la seconde moitié du XVIIe siècle et ne sont pas autographes. Cet article analyse l’image idéale du pasteur qu’elles ont façonnée et diffusée en France et dans certains pays du Refuge. En effet, l’étude de ces deux manuscrits permet de voir comment la figure exemplaire d’un pasteur, et plus largement d’un croyant, a progressivement été forgée. La comparaison des récits révèle que l’entreprise d’idéalisation se renforce d’un texte à l’autre, ce qui doit être mis en relation avec la politique de répression menée par le pouvoir royal, dont le point culminant fut la révocation de l’édit de Nantes en 1685, et aussi avec le travail de construction mémorielle et identitaire qui a été réalisé au sein la communauté huguenote à la fin du XVIIe siècle.

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Dickerman, Edmund H. "Conviction, Ambition and the Genesis of Sully's Économies royales." Historical Journal 30, no. 3 (September 1987): 513–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00020860.

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Although Maximilien de Béthune, duke of Sully (1559–1641), held many high offices under Henry IV (superintendent of finances, grand voyer, grand master of artillery, among others), he never held the realm's highest military post, constable of France. Sully once had the chance to acquire the position, he tells us in his memoirs, the famous Économies royales, but turned it down. The occasion came when Henry IV offered Sully succession to the office held by the aged duke of Montmorency if Sully and his son would convert to Catholicism (Sully's son Maximilien II was to receive Henry's illegitimate daughter Mlle de Vendôme in marriage). Sully thanked the king but claimed he already held sufficient offices and declined to convert. When pressed further, the duke agreed to consider the offer for a month, at the end of which time he informed the king that his Calvinist convictions forbade a conversion’. Henry ‘showed great regret that you remained so firm in that resolution’, Sully's secretaries wrote, ‘and told you that he saw that you no longer loved him, and that since you were more attached to the Huguenots than to him, he would speak to you no more of it…’ This, Sully wished posterity to believe, was all there was to the episode. Since historians of the duke have credited his version of the affair, his wish prevailed. A close scrutiny of the episode and its aftermath reveals, however, that Sully's account concealed far more than it revealed. Henry's offer was far more than just a great ‘temptation.’ What really happened was that Sully tried to secure the ‘great elevation’ without converting. Henry grew angry when Sully refused to yield to his will and briefly threatened him with disgrace. In the end the king acclaimed his minister's firmness of will and forgot his pique. Sully did not, however, and decided that even if his master refused to reward him sufficiently for his contributions to Henry and France, posterity would learn of them. Thus was born the idea of, and very possibly a first draft of, Sully's famous Économies royales.

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Birnstiel, Eckart. "La France en quête de ses enfants perdus. Mythe et réalité du retour au « pays des ancêtres » des huguenots du Refuge, de la Réforme à la Révolution." Diasporas 8, no. 1 (2006): 22–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/diasp.2006.1040.

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Heller, H. "Huguenots and Camisards as Aliens in France 1589-1789: The Struggle for Religious Toleration. By Brian E. Strayer. Lewiston, N.Y., Edward Mellen Press, 2001. iv + 616 pp. np." Journal of Church and State 44, no. 3 (June 1, 2002): 575–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/44.3.575.

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41

Rance, Karine. "Bertrand Van Ruymbeke et Randy J. Sparks(éd.) Memory and identity. The huguenots in France and the Atlantic diaspora Columbia, University of South Carolina Press, 2003, 335 p." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 61, no. 1 (February 2006): 179–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0395264900030997.

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42

Daussy, Hugues. "Le mirage d’une France huguenote." Commentaire Numéro 151, no. 3 (July 30, 2015): 666–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/comm.151.0666.

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43

Haddad, Élie. "Sonja Kmec, Across the Channel. Noblewomen in Seventeenth- Century France and England. A Study of the Lives of Marie de La Tour − Queen of the Huguenots − and Charlotte de La Trémoïlle, Countess of Derby." Revue d’histoire moderne et contemporaine 58-2, no. 2 (2011): 204. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rhmc.582.0204.

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Bryant, M. "Across the Channel: Noblewomen in Seventeenth-Century France and England. A Study of the Lives of Marie de La Tour, Queen of the Huguenots, and Charlotte de La Tremoille, Countess of Derby, by Sonja Kmec." English Historical Review 127, no. 527 (August 1, 2012): 991–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ces152.

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Williams, Rocklyn. "From huguenots to humanism: Franco‐South African security dialogue." South African Journal of International Affairs 6, no. 2 (December 1999): 113–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10220469909545263.

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Larson, Jeffry. "Huguenot resistance to the Gregorian calendar reform in France." College & Research Libraries News 63, no. 4 (April 1, 2002): 260–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/crln.63.4.260.

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47

Herman, Arthur. "The Huguenot Republic and Antirepublicanism in Seventeenth-Century France." Journal of the History of Ideas 53, no. 2 (April 1992): 249. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2709873.

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Sager, Jason. "François De Sales and Catholic Reform in Seventeenth-Century France1." Nederlands Archief voor Kerkgeschiedenis / Dutch Review of Church History 85, no. 1 (2005): 269–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187607505x00164.

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AbstractUntil recently, studies on French pastoralism have overlooked the existence of a political ideology within late sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century sermon literature. And yet it appears that court preachers were co-opted by the Bourbon monarchy to assist in the pacification of the nobility and radical elements of both Catholic and Protestant confessions. This essay examines the sermon literature of the French saint, François de Sales, 1567-1622, in order to demonstrate that de Sales's sermon literature consciously supported the crown's pacification agenda. It is further argued that this political ideology in the sixteenth- and seventeenth-century sermon literature shaped the relations between court preachers such as de Sales and the Huguenot factions in the aftermath of the Edict of Nantes. With the emphasis on pacifying rebellious elements in the realm, the rhetoric in the sermon literature exhibited a sense of toleration of the existing Huguenot faction that had been absent in the sermon literature of the mid sixteenth-century.

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Yardeni, Myriam. "Reviews : Bernard Cottret, The Huguenots in England. Immigration and Settlement, c.1550-1700, Cambridge University Press/Éditions de la Maison des Sciences de l'Homme, 1992, xii + 317 pp,; L35.00. Philip Benedict, The Huguenot Population of France, 1600-1685: The Demographic Fate and Customs of a Religious Minority, Philadelphia, American Philosophical Society, 1991; ix + 164 pp.; US $22.00." European History Quarterly 23, no. 3 (July 1993): 441–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569149302300311.

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Neuschel, Kristen B. "Sonja Kmec . Across the Channel: Noblewomen in Seventeenth‐Century France and England; A Study of the Lives of Marie de La Tour ‘Queen of the Huguenots’ and Charlotte de La Trémoïlle, Countess of Derby . Trier: Kliomedia. 2010. Pp. 336. €36.00." American Historical Review 116, no. 3 (June 2011): 862–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.116.3.862.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Huguenots in France'

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