Academic literature on the topic 'Human geography – Mexico, North – Maps'

Geography is the study of local and spatial variations in physical and human events on Earth. Studies of the world's geography have grown together with human developments and revolutions. Atlases often present geographic features and boundaries of areas; an atlas is a compilation of different Earth maps or Earth regions, such as the Middle East, and the continents of Asia, and North America. Most teachers still use classical methods of teaching. Geographical concepts and map-reading skills are the most common aspects of learning that early-stage students find challenging. Hence, the objective of this application is to develop a geography application for children between the ages of 9 and 12 years that would allow them to learn maps. Nowadays, smartphones and mobile apps are drawing closer to becoming acceptable learning tools. To facilitate this, Kids’ Atlas is an android application, the main purpose of which is to help children to learn easily and test their knowledge. The application improves learning through entertainment by adding technologies that will help children to learning geography. It captures their attention to learn by visualizing objects and allows them to interact more effectively than traditional methods teaching by visualizing the 3D items. The application intends to improve the individual’s ability to understand by providing a training section containing simple quizzes, listening/voice recognition capability, and it has the ability to search for a country by voice recognition and zooming for searched country. The methodology involves a set of software development phases, beginning with the planning; analyze data, design, implementation, testing and maintenance phases. The result of this project is a geography learning application that assists children to enjoy learning geography. The result has shown positive indicators that improve children’s ability and knowledge of geography. Learning geography also becomes enjoyable; encouraging and motivating children to continue learning. This project contributes to the growth of education in early childhood, which is essential to shape the nation for the future. Therefore, this project is significant and relevant, as it contributes to the knowledge society for Saudi Arabia.

Abstract. Effective map use in the field is based on orientation in two spaces: in a physical or geographical space and in a representational, graphic space. When using a map the wayfinding process includes the identification of the user’s geographical position in the field (starting point), the identification of the target and planning the route’s connecting the two points. However, the initial direction of the user is very rarely the orientation of the map, so the problem of navigation with maps is the translation of the representational space into the user’s actual situation. In other words, the projected or actual movement path during navigation must be transformed from one reference frame to the other. Spatial reference frame is a key issue in cartography and geovisualization. The transformation of the human subjects’ body-centred, egocentric reference system into an object-centred, allocentric reference system is a complex task. Maps are cognitive tools, traditionally representing large configurational spaces in visual, graphic form (Török 2019). They offer computational advantage over internal, human memory representation, organized into smaller spatial units. Apart from personal experience, learning from maps is a common practice (Meilinger et al. 2015). Supported by ubiquitous map services, prior to visiting unfamiliar places people consult maps to familiarize themselves, and this spatial learning results in memory structures with map-oriented reference frames. In modern societies the massive use of cartographic visualization in spatial thinking underlines the importance of modern cognitive cartographic research, resulting in new insights and consequences well beyond topographic map use (Zentai et al. 2006). Learning from maps influence the structure of the cognitive map. Increasing map use in modern information societies has strong effects on all spatial aspects of the human mind. Recent geo-visualizations, most importantly mobile navigational applications display maps with dynamic, head-up orientation and support the user by turn-by-turn voice navigation. Unfortunately, this practice does not support survey knowledge acquisition, cognitive map building and spatial memory training. The negative effect is decreasing navigational, or more generally spatial, ability of users of GPS navigational services. While the change of reference frame demands higher memory load for the human brain, the cost is compensated by the maintenance and development of human cognitive abilities.The North-is-up reference frame on cartographic maps is actually a rather modern cultural convention. However, we can trace its origin back to the astronomical-geometrical worldview of ancient Greek cosmology. The priority of north was adopted by Hellenic geography and became a classic tradition after the rediscovery of the 2nd c. work, a manual on making a map of the world by Ptolemy. He described the construction of the map in a geometric reference frame, in a north-oriented geographical coordinate system. Map making based on this new concept of geometric space had substantial influence on human spatial thinking from the Renaissance period on. Modern cartography is an Enlightenment project, and from the 19th century maps became common objects in European societies. In the 20th century cartographers and generations of map users were trained in geography with north-oriented maps, atlases – even globes were displayed with north on top. The representational history of cities in European cartography a case where cognitive cartographic issues strongly influenced cartographic practice and the importance of different reference frames is demonstrative. The modern city view as a new genre appears in the late 15th century and cities views were already popular at the time the Nuremberg Chronicle was printed with numerous illustrations (1493). However, how it is perhaps best exemplified by Sebastian Münster’s German Cosmography (from 1544) while maps were oriented north or south, the cities were given in perspective. In the Chronicle Buda, the capital of the Kingdom of Hungary, is represented from the east, while Münster included another woodcut, a view of the city from the south. After the long period of the Turkish occupation new representations of the former Hungarian capital were constructed by military engineers in connection with the siege of Buda (1686), representing the campaign’s target from military point of view. The cities Buda and Pest, stretching along the Danube, even in the 19th century they were represented with the river as a horizontal axis in landscape format views and maps. The significant change of the orientation of the city maps is the late 19th century, more specifically the period when topographic maps of the third military survey of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy became available. From this time on the historic material demonstrates that maps of Budapest (from 1872) are almost exclusively north-oriented. As a result of this process, generations learned geography from north oriented maps and school atlases.After our virtual reality experiments exploring spatial learning and navigation (Török et al. 2018), in the present field experiment we tested the interaction of local and global reference frames, the sense of geographical North in a sample of young adults. We created an ecologically valid experimental setting by selecting a special location at ELTE university campus in Budapest. In an enclosed vista space, positioned near the river Danube and heading an easterly direction, our participants were asked first to point to North. With good visibility of the river, a major, structural landmark in the configuration of the city we were interested how the misleading direction of the Danube influenced their directional sense. While the general course of the river is north-south, at the site of the experiment the river course changes to northwest-southeast, with a deviation of 30–40° from true north. We expected that the direction of the only visible global landmark, and, of course all the local landmarks, would result in similar pointing errors. In the first test series they were asked to point/draw toward salient urban landmarks in the city, that is in environmental space. In the second test series they pointed towards important cities in a large, geographical space. Finally, they once again indicated the direction of true North in the same geographic space.Our results are consistent with previous research (Frankenstein et al. 2012) that the participants had a clear sense of geographical North learned from maps, moreover, contradicting our expectations, the misleading course of the Danube and local geometry had little effect on the overall high accuracy of pointing to North. However, a few result deviated from the average and suggested high individual differences, presumably due to different spatial thinking strategies of participants. Test subjects living longer in Budapest had a much better sense of North, supporting the importance of learned components in this directional knowledge. Our experiment in the physical world resulted in supporting evidence that North is present in human cognitive map as the cardinal direction for orientation. The implications of the results of our experiment should be considered relevant when designing new maps and user interfaces. Another important result, our experiment suggest that local and global reference frames are not separate systems, but structured hierarchically and integrated in spatial orientation tasks. Although egocentric view may support direct scene recognition and object identification cartographers should construct navigational maps with geographic reference frame as well, especially in the case of extensive and complex environmental/geographical spaces, because these are still learned first from north oriented maps. The long tradition of paper maps, the history of cartography has a lasting effect of human understanding of the physical and virtual worlds.

Drawing on a novel dataset of hazardous waste shipments among Canada, Mexico, and the United States, we seek to enhance dominant modes of understanding transnational trading and regulation at the scale of the nation-state. We argue that these, while valuable, are limited by methodological nationalism. This epistemological position identifies the nation-state as the most relevant unit of analysis in examining “transnational” phenomena. In the case of transboundary waste trading, tracking waste between nation-states has come at the expense of identification and analysis of specific sites within nations that receive hazardous materials or send them abroad, obscuring the ongoing proliferation of waste havens at a subnational level and related environmental justice concerns. Working against methodological nationalism entails an epistemological shift that we pursue in this article through a series of empirical, analytical, and representational practices. We propose three visualization tactics that undermine nation-centered imaginaries: (1) documenting waste havens within the understudied United States through identifying subnational sites importing hazardous waste for processing; (2) establishing connections through flow maps connecting importing and exporting localities transnationally trading specific hazardous wastes; and (3) analyzing the corporate networks dominating the transnational waste trade. We argue these tactics build toward an alternative conception of methodological cosmopolitanism that highlights alternative routes toward environmental justice.

Abstract The aim of this article is to explore the relationships between forced migration of Central American communities and the global and national exclusion of migrants in their transit through Mexico on their way to the US. It is divided into the following sections: a) description of the main causes of Central America migration; b) responses of the Mexican government from the 1980s to 2018; c) the role of organized crime and the official “war on drugs” (2007-2018) in human rights violations to Central American migrant; and lastly, d) some changes in the Mexican State regarding the management of Central American migration. Although the act of migration is intrinsically human, it has been hard to conceive migration as human rights in the current conversations. “The refugee and migration crisis,” have received unprecedented political and media attention around the world. Transnational migration is one of the core elements of late modernity given the historical acceleration of global processes. There are currently about 244 million people who have migrated from their country of origin, (which is three percent of the world’s population). One third of global migration happens in a south-north direction, while the rest happens in a south-south direction. The focus of this article is to describe and analyze aspects of Central American migration to/through Mexico, human rights violations experienced in transit, and different responses of the Mexican State to the “crisis of migration.”

Abstract The association of America and Asia dominated the geographical imagination of Europe for well over a century after 1492. Narratives and representations of myriad texts, maps, objects, and images produced between 1450 and 1700 reveal a vision of a world where Mexico really was India, North America was an extension of China, South America was populated by a variety of biblical and Asian sites, and American cultural productions and ethnographic features colored conceptions of Asia. While the Amerasian imaginary was later suppressed by Eurocentric and colonialist narratives, here we consider various representations of Amerasia in order to bring it back into visibility. Doing so reveals various forms of mirroring at play, permitting us to understand one of the mechanisms by which Europeans assimilated a dizzying array of new knowledge to their pre-existing conceptual order, and also offering insights into early modern European conceptions of global geography and modernity.

The dynamics of the underground part of the water cycle greatly influence the features and characteristics of the Earth’s surface. Using Tóth’s theory of groundwater flow systems, surface indicators in Mexico were analyzed to understand the systemic connection between groundwater and the geological framework, relief, soil, water bodies, vegetation, and climate. Recharge and discharge zones of regional groundwater flow systems were identified from evidence on the ground surface. A systematic hydrogeological analysis was made of regional surface indicators, published in official, freely accessible cartographic information at scales of 1:250,000 and 1:1,000,000. From this analysis, six maps of Mexico were generated, titled “Permanent water on the surface”, “Groundwater depth”, “Hydrogeological association of soils”, “Hydrogeological association of vegetation and land use”, “Hydrogeological association of topoforms”, and “Superficial evidence of the presence of groundwater flow systems”. Mexico’s hydrogeological features were produced. The results show that 30% of Mexico is considered to be discharge zones of groundwater flow systems (regional, intermediate, and recharge). Natural recharge processes occur naturally in 57% of the country. This work is the first holistic analysis of groundwater in Mexico carried out at a national–regional scale using only the official information available to the public. These results can be used as the basis for more detailed studies on groundwater and its interaction with the environment, as well as for the development of integrative planning tools to ensure the sustainability of ecosystems and satisfy human needs.

Drought is one of the major threats to water and food security in many regions around the world. The present study focuses on the evaluation of agricultural drought risk from an integrated perspective, that is, emphasizing the combined role of hazard, exposure, and vulnerability to drought. For this purpose, we used the Mexican state of Zacatecas as a case study. This state is one of the most vulnerable to the adverse effects of agricultural drought in the country. The proposed method includes three stages: first, we analyzed the risk of agricultural drought at the municipal scale using the FAO Agricultural Stress Index System (ASIS) in its country version (Country-Level ASIS) and also determined a Drought Hazard Index (DHI). Subsequently, we conducted a municipal assessment of exposure and vulnerability to drought based on a set of socioeconomic and environmental indicators, which we combined using an analytical procedure to generate the Drought Exposure Index (DEI) and the Drought Vulnerability Index (DVI). Finally, we determined a Drought Risk Index (DRI) based on a weighted addition of the hazard, exposure, and vulnerability indices. Results showed that 32% of the state’s municipalities are at high and very high risk of agricultural drought; these municipalities are located mainly in the center and north of the state, where 75.8% of agriculture is rainfed, 63.6% of production units are located, and 67.4% of the state’s population depends on agricultural activity. These results are in general agreement with those obtained by other studies analyzing drought in the state of Zacatecas using different meteorological drought indices, and the results are also largely in line with official data on agricultural surfaces affected by drought in this state. The generated maps can help stakeholders and public policymakers to guide investments and actions aimed at reducing vulnerability to and risk of agricultural drought. The method described can also be applied to other Mexican states or adapted for use in other states or countries around the world.

Abstract The Water Poverty Index (WPI) standardizes water scarcity diagnostics by considering natural, environmental, and socioeconomic factors which reduce, facilitate, or prevent water access. To integrate these factors, the WPI includes five components: resource, environment (negatively affected by development), capacity, access, and use (positively affected by development). Nevertheless, the place granted to hydrological factors is questioned, and many studies insist on the problematic correlation of WPI with the well-known Human Development Index (HDI). Calculating WPI in the socially heterogeneous and semi-arid context of the State of Chihuahua (Mexico), adapting traditional methodology thanks to geographic information systems (GIS) tools and the corresponding databases, allows discussion of those points. This study uses multi-criteria evaluations from TerrSet software to calculate WPI while preserving specific data precision. In this process, scale calculation and indicator normalization are adapted through raster maps and fuzzy techniques to valorize specific hydrological data. This opens interesting discussions for multidimensional water scarcity diagnostics, since they increase the visibility of diverse water scarcity issues in WPI results. In fact, concentrating socioeconomic factors in corresponding components and valuing GIS alternatives provides a diagnostic different from the HDI and sensitive to hydrological factors.

Abstract John Wesley Powell, in the nineteenth century, introduced the notion that the 100th meridian divides the North American continent into arid western regions and humid eastern regions. This concept remains firmly fixed in the national imagination. It is reexamined in terms of climate, hydrology, vegetation, land use, settlement, and the agricultural economy. It is shown there is a stark east–west gradient in aridity roughly at the 100th meridian that is well expressed in hydroclimate, soil moisture, and “potential vegetation.” The gradient arises from atmospheric circulations and moisture transports. In winter, the arid regions west of the 100th meridian are shielded from Pacific storm-related precipitation and are too far west to benefit from Atlantic storms. In summer, the southerly flow on the western flank of the North Atlantic subtropical high has a westerly component over the western plains, bringing air from the interior southwest, but it also brings air from the Gulf of Mexico over the eastern plains, generating a west–east moisture transport and precipitation gradient. The aridity gradient is realized in soil moisture and a west-to-east transition from shortgrass to tallgrass prairie. The gradient is sharp in terms of greater fractional coverage of developed land east of the 100th meridian than to the west. Farms are fewer but larger west of the meridian, reflective of lower land productivity. Wheat and corn cultivation preferentially occur west and east of the 100th meridian, respectively. The 100th meridian is a very real arid–humid divide in the physical climate and landscape, and this has exerted a powerful influence on human settlement and agricultural development.

It is widely claimed that geographic information and maps are highly political. Many researchers have detailed the source of the power of maps and their ability to serve specific interests, represent certain ideologies and perpetuate systems of exclusion (Harley, 1988; Harvey, 1998; Wood, 1992). Maps can be both the products and the generators of power, thus assigning the mapmaker a great responsibility in the information that they choose or not to represent and how they decide to do it. Representing the same information in different ways, or choosing to omit certain parts of it and heighten others can reveal very different conclusions and lead to multiple interpretations. In the urbanism field, information often comes in extensive policy documents, development plans and land use maps. It is relevant to expand the sources of information that urbanists use when performing their job. Interest in mapping is high, made more accessible through tools like Google Earth and GIS software and with new forms of participatory mapping practices. Mapping has evolved from being done by and for figures of power and authority, to representing the issues, needs and conditions of everyday users. When mapping is reclaimed by the people, they can be used to propose alternatives to the image and language of power and become a medium for conversation or protest. By participating in the process, citizens can engage in dialogue with different stakeholders and government officials, acquire new skills and knowledge, be more informed and generate judgments about issues that concern them and exercise their political power. In the end, it is important to remember that making the map is not the end of the process, but the beginning, as information has to be processed, analyzed and discussed in a transparent and democratic manner as well. Cities are in constant growth and evolution and so the process of updating the information is ongoing. Maps should be kept updated and accessible in order for them to remain as a relevant tool for empowerment.

This chapter examines the rise and fall of the “radio geographies” of the North and, with them, of the relationship between Northern nature and shortwave radio disruptions in Canada. It focuses on maps created around the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC)’s shortwave transmissions and their place in the large-scale state initiatives of the 1950s and 1960s. These geographies defined the failure of radio broadcasts according to a specific human geography of the North, a spatial distribution of radio transmitters, and a natural order of high-northern latitudes. That fallibility, in turn, was used to define the North as a region. Government officials envisioned shortwave radio as a medium naturally suited to the customs and culture of indigenous people. In the late 1960s, satellite communications, which promised to overcome radio disruptions, were seen as a threat not only to indigenous culture but to the definition of the region itself.