To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Human rights, soviet union.
Journal articles on the topic 'Human rights, soviet union'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Human rights, soviet union.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Farber, Samuel, and Albert Szymanski. "Human Rights in the Soviet Union." Contemporary Sociology 15, no. 2 (March 1986): 291. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2071742.
Full text
2
Graham, Loren R. "Scientists, human rights, and the Soviet Union." Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 42, no. 4 (April 1986): 8–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00963402.1986.11459348.
Full text
3
Li, Ziqian. "Analysis of the Educational Legislation and its Influence of the Former Soviet Union." BCP Education & Psychology 3 (November 2, 2021): 90–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/bcpep.v3i.17.
Full textAbstract:
This paper introduces the stages and specific problems of Soviet educational legislation. First, the Legislation of the Soviet Union established many vital institutions, such as the system of equality between men and women in education. Secondly, the Soviet legislature and the Soviet Union also institutionalized Marxist ideas about freedom of learning and the overall development of human beings. Thirdly, in the practice of the Soviet Union, how to balance the relationship between freedom, equality and efficiency has become a topic worthy of subsequent discussion. Moreover, Soviet legislation influenced subsequent international human rights legislation and laid the foundation. On this basis, the subsequent international human rights legislation has been further improved.
4
Hurst, Mark. "‘Gamekeeper Turned Poacher’: Frank Chapple, Anti-Communism, and Soviet Human Rights Violations1." Labour History Review: Volume 86, Issue 3 86, no. 3 (December 1, 2021): 313–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/lhr.2021.14.
Full textAbstract:
The inclusion of the British trade union leader Frank Chapple on the panel of the 1985 Sakharov hearings, an event designed to hold the Soviet authorities to account for their violation of human rights, raises questions about the workings of the broader network of activists highlighting Soviet abuses. This article assesses Chapple’s support for human rights in the Soviet Union, arguing that because of his historic membership of the Communist Party and subsequent anti-communist leadership of the Electrical Trades Union (ETU) in Britain, his support for victims of Soviet persecution was multifaceted in the Cold War context.
5
Thomas, Daniel C. "Human Rights Ideas, the Demise of Communism, and the End of the Cold War." Journal of Cold War Studies 7, no. 2 (April 2005): 110–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/1520397053630600.
Full textAbstract:
This article analyzes the role of human-rights ideas in the collapse of Communism. The demise of Communist rule in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union was significantly influenced by the transnational diffusion of humanrights ideas. The analysis focuses on how human-rights norms were transmitted to Soviet dissidents and policymakers. The article also considers precisely how, and how much, these norms affected policy. The two primary causal mechanisms were the transmission of these ideas by a transnational Eastern European social movement for human rights, which expanded the roster of available political concepts and the terms of political legitimacy, and the mechanism of “rhetorical entrapment” whereby Soviet leaders became “trapped” or constrained to uphold their rhetorical commitment to the Helsinki Accords by the expanding discourse of human rights. Subsequently, Soviet leaders accepted human rights ideas for both substantive and instrumental reasons. Western power played some role, but the ideas themselves were salient, legitimate, and resonant for Soviet leaders seeking a new identity and destiny for the Soviet Union.
6
Kasyanov, R. A., and E. A. Torkunova. "Securing Human Rights on the Post-Soviet Space." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 5(44) (October 28, 2015): 56–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-5-44-56-62.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract: A lot of profound political, economic, social, cultural and legislative modifications have happened on the post-Soviet space since the disintegration of the USSR. The term “post-Soviet space” should not be considered as the geographical boundaries of the fifteen former Soviet republics. The conception of the “post-Soviet space” has a more profound meaning as it reflects the common historical and cultural heritage as well as close economic relations, moreover, friendship between the citizens of the new independent States. The most developed sphere in the interstate relations nowadays is economics. The most prime example is Eurasian Economic Union (EEU), the youngest integration institution in the world which unites five countries willing to construe their relationship on a stronger basis than the proposed format of cooperation within the Commonwealth of the Independent States. In the modern world the economic and financial interests are determining, their ensuring makes the governments change foreign and domestic policies, start and terminate trade wars, desperately fight for the respect of their legal rights or, on the contrary, voluntarily give up on some parts of their sovereignty in the framework of integration development. The experience of the European Union demonstrates that the construction of the unified internal market within which freely move persons, goods, services and capitals is a necessary but not the only attribute of a successful integration project. At a certain moment the complex of economic and financial interests should be supplied with the interests of a concrete person. A strict observation of rights and freedoms is becoming a factor that predetermines a possibility of a conversion to the higher forms of integration. In this article is analyzed the problem of human rights defense in the main organizations functioning on the post-Soviet space - Eurasian Economic Union and Commonwealth of the Independent States.
7
Korey, William. "Helsinki, Human Rights, and the Gorbachev Style." Ethics & International Affairs 1 (March 1987): 113–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.1987.tb00518.x.
Full textAbstract:
Human rights is one of three issues addressed by the Helsinki Accord, alongside security and trade matters. In the mid-seventies the accord was greeted with enthusiasm by the Soviet Union, which saw it as a means to reduce the U.S. presence in Europe. The United States, which played a limited role in drafting the accord, feared it might result in a betrayal of the various nationalities of Eastern Europe by its tacit acceptance of Soviet territorial arrangements. Over the next ten years the human rights section of the accord would become a central point of contention between the superpowers. Korey traces the evolution of the dispute and discusses Gorbachev's uneven attempts to improve the Soviet Union's recognition of human rights.
8
Iermakov, Nadia, and Nehemia Stern. "Gendering the Struggle: Women’s Voices of Resistance and the Jewish Movement in the Soviet Union." Religions 15, no. 3 (February 29, 2024): 310. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel15030310.
Full textAbstract:
This article analyzes the contribution of women to the Soviet Union’s Jewish movement. We argue that an assessment of the personal stories of Jewish female activists in the former Soviet Union reveals a uniquely meaningful impact on the exodus of Jewry from the Soviet Union, the image of the Soviet Jewish struggle in the international arena, and the establishment of a human rights movements in its support. We explore who these women were, their personal identities, and through what factors they became so successful as prominent leaders in their communities as well as within international organizations. More broadly, by highlighting the link between women’s human rights activities and personal life stories, this article emphasizes a more nuanced analysis concerning the complexity of heroism within national freedom movements through its impact on their careers, mental health, and future destinies.
9
Martin, Barbara. "The Sakharov-Medvedev Debate on Détente and Human Rights." Journal of Cold War Studies 23, no. 3 (2021): 138–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01009.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This article examines the debate between Soviet dissidents Andrei Sakharov and Roy Medvedev in the 1970s concerning the Jackson-Vanik Amendment and détente. Although both dissidents stood for East-West détente and democratization of the Soviet system and believed in the possibility of a dialogue with Soviet leaders until 1970, they later diverged in their views about methods of action. As Sakharov lost faith in the possibility of influencing the Soviet regime headed by Leonid Brezhnev, he shifted to a more radical position, adopting the language of human rights and turning to Western politicians and public opinion as an audience for his calls. Sakharov's public embrace of the Jackson-Vanik Amendment was in line with his advocacy of freedom of emigration and his belief that the West should extract concessions in the field of human rights before granting trade benefits to the Soviet Union. Medvedev, by contrast, argued that the amendment was counterproductive insofar as it risked alienating Soviet leaders and triggering adverse results. He considered that détente should be encouraged for its own sake, with the hope that over time it would spur democratization in the country. Medvedev's argument had much in common with the West German leader Willy Brandt's notion of “change through rapprochement,” a concept invoked as a rationale for Brandt's Ostpolitik. Although Sakharov's position earned him the Nobel Peace Prize, the Helsinki Accords showed how détente could serve the cause of human rights even with the Cold War under way.
10
Charnovitz, Steven. "The Human Rights of Foreign Labor." Worldview 28, no. 1 (January 1985): 7–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0084255900046416.
Full textAbstract:
Little noticed by the press. United States trade policy is undergoing significant changes aimed at promoting the rights of workers in foreign countries—changes achieved through the use of both a carrot and a stick. The carrot, now being offered to the less-developed world, is dutyfree access to the U.S. market for qualifying products exported by countries that meet certain new criteria on bbor. The stick is a ban on imports made by forced labor— something the Reagan administration is under increasing pressure to invoke against the Soviet Union. While it is too early to gauge the success of such attempts at exercising economic leverage, they may yet become a milestone in the march of human rights.
11
Abdullahzade, Cavid. "The Status of International Treaties in the Legal System of Azerbaijan." Review of Central and East European Law 32, no. 2 (2007): 233–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/092598807x195188.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractAs part of the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991, the Azerbaijan Republic ended its protracted existence as one of the fifteen members of the Soviet Union and became an independent state. As a result, on 30 August 1991, she became a full subject of international law. Currently, Azerbaijan is a party to a number of international treaties, virtually all major human rights treaties registered with the UN Secretary-General, the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, as well as a number of related Council of Europe human rights agreements.A tendency towards internationalization and a general 'opening' to international law can also be seen in the Azeri Constitution, which was adopted by public referendum on 12 November 1995. Like many other former Soviet Republics, Azerbaijan, in its 1995 Constitution, has rejected the traditional Soviet dualist approach of the implementation of international law in the domestic legal system and has established a monist system within the context of a relationship between national and international law. This article discusses these changes in the Azeri attitude towards international law, in particular the status of international treaties, with special reference to those problems stemming from the implementation of international treaties in the domestic legal system of Azerbaijan.
12
van Voren, Robert. "Is there a resumption of political psychiatry in the former Soviet Union?" International Psychiatry 11, no. 3 (August 2014): 73–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/s1749367600004550.
Full textAbstract:
After the outbreak of the Ukrainian crisis in the spring of 2014, the former Soviet Union again became front-page news. The sequence of events led to an atmosphere reminiscent of the Cold War. In Russia itself it led to a hunt for ‘national traitors’ and ‘foreign agents’ and observers both inside the country and abroad fear a return to Soviet-style repression. For the outside world this may come as a surprise, but human rights activists have been ringing the alarm bells for a few years. Ever since Vladimir Putin took power, the human rights situation has deteriorated. One of the warning signs was the return of the use of psychiatry for political purposes, to ‘prevent’ social or political activism or to ostracise an activist.
13
Awad, Mohsen. "The Arab Organization for Human Rights." Contemporary Arab Affairs 1, no. 4 (October 1, 2008): 621–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550910802393254.
Full textAbstract:
The Arab Organization for Human Rights was founded in 1983, at a time when the legal, political and cultural environment in the Arab world was not at all amenable to human rights. On the legal level and when present, societies' laws ranged between banning outright and imposing restrictions, and the very concept of human rights was deeply misunderstood. This was due to the many relevant interpretations and reference points and to its use by the West to contain communist ideology and apply pressure on the Soviet Union. In the meantime, all across the Arab region, public freedoms were experiencing crises of varying degrees of severity. It is in this legally restricted, culturally dubious and politically stifled environment that efforts to establish the Organization first saw the light of day in what amounted to an effort to swim against the current.
14
Lee, Ho, and Hyun-Chool Lee. "President Reagan’s Situational Leadership: Focusing on the strategy of the collapse of the Soviet Union." East and West Studies 35, no. 1 (March 20, 2023): 175–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.29274/ews.2023.35.1.175.
Full textAbstract:
This paper analyzes the leadership of President Reagan, who is credited with winning the Cold War and restoring American pride, by focusing on his strategy for the collapse of the Soviet Union. Reagan pursued ‘peace through strength’ and implemented strategies to fulfill this vision, arguing that the existing policies of containment and détente were ineffective and deceptive. First, he cut off the flow of funds to the Soviet Union by blocking the flow of technology to the Soviet Union, sabotage operations through the supply of fake technology, and a strategy to depress international oil prices. Second, the Soviet-Afghan war and the development of the SDI were used as a “poison pill” to make the Soviets pour money into the country like water. Third, he supported democratization in Poland and Eastern Europe, and used human rights as a weapon in the public opinion war to pressure the Soviet Union into regime change. Finally, his leadership was marked by his ability to persuade the public as a great communicator. To be effective, a political leader must have a guiding ideology that is responsive to the times and historical calling. He was a leader who was able to adapt his approach to the changing political environment and demonstrated situational leadership, using both transactional and transformational leadership to achieve his goals. In other words, he had a sense of the times and was able to articulate a vision to the people. In this respect, President Reagan is a prime example of the importance of situational leadership.
15
Stychynska, Anna. "Choosing the civilisational path of modern society in post-Soviet countries based on European values of quality of life." EUROPEAN CHRONICLE 8, no. 2 (May 7, 2023): 26–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.59430/euch/2.2023.26.
Full textAbstract:
European values, such as democracy, human rights, freedom of speech, equality, and social justice, are considered key components of the quality of life. The study of the impact of these values on society and their acceptability in post-Soviet countries is relevant today and is of immense importance for their future development. The purpose of this study was to investigate the basic European values, their perception, and application in post-Soviet countries. Methods: analysis, comparison, generalisation. The study analysed the extent to which post-Soviet countries such as Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova, the Baltic States (Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia), Tajikistan, Kyrgyz Republic, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Kazakhstan adhere to European quality of life values. This analysis included indicators on freedom, democracy, human rights, equality, and other aspects. The study also examines aspects of attitudes towards European values in the post-Soviet countries, with a detailed consideration of Ukraine as a non-EU country and the Baltic states that are members of the European Union. This study showed a tendency to adhere to European values in Ukraine and a high indicator of the civilisation path of modern society in the countries that are members of the European Union. However, for Ukraine, the issue of adhering to European values of quality of life is complicated by the war, which as of 2023 is still ongoing in the country. The findings of this study may be useful for international organisations such as the United Nations, the European Union, and others in planning and implementing programmes for the development and support of democracy in post-Soviet countries
16
Bilkiewicz, Tatiana. "HISTORICAL BACKGROUNDS OF UKRAINE’S ADMINISTRATIVE JUSTICE." Roczniki Administracji i Prawa 1, no. XVIII (June 30, 2018): 219–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.6000.
Full textAbstract:
Historical backgrounds of Ukraine’s administrative justice creation in the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union are analyzed in the article. The stages of formation and development of administrative justice in Ukraine and the reasons for its abolishment in the USSR are de ned. The article deals with the issue of administrative justice creation in Ukraine. It is an essential feature of any democratic state which ensures rights and freedoms of all individuals are ensured. Institute of administrative justice in Ukraine has come a long way of its formation. In the second half of the nineteenth century a sign cant interest in the problems of administrative justice appeared in Ukraine. However, the lack of state independence, complete denial of administrative justice by Soviet authorities and for other reasons it was impossible to create this democratic institution in Soviet Union. Only after Ukraine proclaimed its independence it made possible to modernize the current system of human rights protection from public administration.
17
Remezaite, Ramute. "Challenging the Unconditional: Partial Compliance with ECtHR Judgments in the South Caucasus States." Israel Law Review 52, no. 2 (June 7, 2019): 169–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223719000049.
Full textAbstract:
The European human rights system has long been seen as one of the greatest European achievements, with its European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) as the world's leading human rights court. Current turbulent times, however, pose serious challenges to the European system, which is increasingly being contested by the deepening ‘implementation crisis’. The absolute obligation of member states of the Council of Europe (CoE) to abide by ECtHR judgments under Article 46 of the European Convention on Human Rights has been increasingly compromised by the selective approach of states, often resulting in minimal, dilatory, lengthy or even contested compliance with ECtHR judgments. As the implementation backlog has grown largely after the accession to the CoE of the newly emerged states, as aspiring democracies, in the late 1990s and early 2000s following the collapse of the Soviet Union, this article analyses the compliance behaviour of these states by looking at the South Caucasus states: Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. The research findings suggest that partial compliance is a very likely form of compliance in the South Caucasus states as democratising states, and that some of the factors that explain such behaviour discussed in the article may be distinctive of states that joined the CoE as emerging democracies after the collapse of the Soviet Union. These states continue to display various vulnerabilities in the areas of human rights, the rule of law and democracy. This, in turn, has serious implications for the whole European human rights system and its ability to ensure that states’ commitments to the CoE are duly respected in the longer term.
18
Vagts, Detlev F. "The Proposed Expatriation Tax—A Human Rights Violation?" American Journal of International Law 89, no. 3 (July 1995): 578–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2204174.
Full textAbstract:
Income tax law and human rights law operate in quite separate worlds, but a proposal recently presented to Congress brings them together. The Clinton administration has advocated a tax on certain unrealized capital gains of expatriates and some of its opponents have claimed that it constitutes a violation of human rights law. They evoke the hardships visited on those who fled from Nazi Germany in the 1930s and from the Soviet Union and the German Democratic Republic more recently. They assert that a similar wrong would be inflicted by this proposed tax on those who surrender United States citizenship. The reaction of this writer is that of Justice Cardozo to the charge that twentieth-century administrative practices are “Star Chamber” procedures: “Historians may find hyperbole in the sanguinary simile.”
19
Lachowski, Tomasz. "Sowieckie ludobójstwo i prawo międzynarodowe. Litewskie zmagania ze zbrodniami ZSRS w świetle orzeczenia Europejskiego Trybunału Praw Człowieka w sprawie Drelingas." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 19, no. 2 (December 2021): 237–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2021.2.12.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of the paper is to analyze the endeavors undertaken by the authorities of independent Lithuania to deal with the crimes committed by the Soviet Union against Lithuanian society, in particular against representatives of the anti-Soviet resistance movement, by using the notion of crime of genocide rooted in international law. The judgment of the European Court of Human Rights in the case of Drelingas v. Lithuania of 12 March 2019, which approved the legality of the qualification of “ethno-national-political” genocide of “forest brethren” committed by the Soviet occupation authorities, was one of the key elements confirming the Lithuanian policy in this regard. This ruling reopens the discussion on the possibility of trying the crimes of the Soviet Union, at the same time raising certain legal and political doubts – as generally expressed by the Russian Federation.
20
Bouwman, Bastiaan. "Between Dialogue and Denunciation: The World Council of Churches, Religious Freedom, and Human Rights during the Cold War." Contemporary European History 31, no. 1 (December 7, 2021): 15–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777321000503.
Full textAbstract:
While the historiography on the religious Cold War has tended to focus on Christian anticommunism, the World Council of Churches (WCC) sought to transcend the Cold War while simultaneously advancing religious freedom in the Soviet Union. This article connects the WCC's ecclesiastical diplomacy to the wider story of human rights, from which religion has too often been excluded. The WCC's quest for Christian fellowship led it to integrate the Russian Orthodox Church into its membership, but this commitment generated tensions with the rise of Soviet dissidence. Moreover, the WCC's turn towards the left and the Third World contrasted with newly ascendant voices for human rights in the 1970s: Amnesty International's depoliticised liberalism, evangelical anticommunism, and the Vatican under John Paul II. Thus, the WCC, an early and prominent transnational voice for human rights, ran afoul of shifts in both the Cold War and the politics of protest.
21
Donskis, Leonidas. "Aleksandras Shtromas." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 18, no. 1 (2006): 75–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis2006181/24.
Full textAbstract:
Aleksandras Shtromas (1931-1999), a British-American scholar, became an eminent figure in his native Lithuania, yet Westem social scientists have yet to discover this human rights activist, Soviet dissident, and political thinker. Shtromas had no doubts about the inexorable collapse of the Soviet Union, resting his analysis on the assumption that communism was unable to provide any viable social and moral order. The vast majority of the Soviet intelligentsia had become skilled at the ideological cat-and-mouse games, wrestling wth Soviet Newspeak and censorship, and employing an Aesopian language in order to survive and remain as decent as possible in a world of brainwashing and lies. A gifted prophet of post-communism, Shtromas was the only political scientist in the world who took the disintegration of the Soviet Union as early as the late 1970s as an ongoing process. This essay links Shtromas' legacy to the great East European dissenters.
22
Siromskyi, Ruslan, and Hanna Siromska. "“MY VISIT DID NOT REASSURE ME”: FROM THE HISTORY OF VISIT LESTER PEARSON’S TO THE SOVIET UNION (OCTOBER 5–12, 1955)." Вісник Львівського університету. Серія історична / Visnyk of the Lviv University. Historical Series, no. 54 (November 3, 2022): 169–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/his.2022.54.11608.
Full textAbstract:
The article examines the political background, organization and course of the official visit of the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Canada Lester Pearson to the Soviet Union in October 1955. It is established that after ten years of mutual mistrust caused by the “Gouzenko case” (exposing the Soviet spy network in Canada), each side pursued its own goal of establishing contacts. Diplomatic searches for common ground between the two countries were made possible by a change of top leadership in the Soviet Union and a brief reduction in international tensions following the 1955 Geneva Summit, which expressed readiness to discuss acute international conflicts. Significantly, Pearson was destined to become the first high-ranking Western official to visit the Soviet Union since NATO’s founding. Pearson tended to be flexible in relations with the USSR, in particular, sought to take advantage of bilateral relations. Despite criticism of Soviet expansionist policies in the international arena and contempt for human rights within the country, he believed that it was in the West’s interest to maintain contacts with the USSR through trade in non-strategic goods and cooperation within the UN. For this he was sometimes accused of being too lenient with communism. At the same time, in the Soviet Union, Pearson was perceived as a cautious politician, “hostile” to their country. The visit of the Canadian official delegation led by L. Pearson to the Soviet Union was organized by the newly appointed Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Canada John Watkins (1954–1956). Watkins earned the support of the Soviet leadership, but fell victim to the newly formed KGB: they tried to turn him into an “agent of influence” by blackmailing him with leaked spicy information about the diplomat’s homosexual relations. In addition to Moscow, part of the Canadian delegation – only four people – visited Stalingrad, from where in the afternoon of October 11, 1955 arrived in Sevastopol. In addition to two hours of Soviet-Canadian talks with Khrushchev’s expressive behavior, the Crimean part of the Canadian delegation’s visit went down in history with its “drinking session”. The Crimean part of L. Pearson’s visit to the Soviet leadership and Khrushchev personally was an attempt to show that the Soviet Union was a sincere and reliable partner with whom it was profitable to deal. Unaware of common approaches to international issues, the parties focused on economic cooperation, which resulted in a mutually beneficial Canadian-Soviet trade agreement in 1956. The Soviet Union became a regular buyer of Canadian wheat for many years. It was found that conversations during the so-called the “Crimean party” (banquet) became for the Canadian delegation an indicator of the mood and intentions of the new Soviet leadership, which differed little from those that took place in the Stalinist era. Despite slight liberalization, the Soviet regime of the “Khrushchev thaw” period remained expansionist, hostile to human rights and freedoms. Nikita Khrushchev’s anti-Western (primarily anti-American) rhetoric, diluted by reflections on war and peace, allowed Canadian visitors to acknowledge the longevity of Soviet foreign policy and the inevitable continuation of the Cold War.
23
Bulota, Rytis. "Soviet Lithuania: A Failed Conservative Experiment?" Lithuanian Historical Studies 15, no. 1 (December 28, 2010): 3–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25386565-01501002.
Full textAbstract:
As scholars of international relations have noted, the Cold War, which ended with the defeat of the Soviet Union was largely a propaganda war (Halliday), based on conflicting values. Yet it was not a war between the communist and capitalist moral systems; rather, it was a war between the traditionalist conservative values, promoted in the USSR when Stalin came to power and liberal or, so-called ‘progressive’ values. While the capitalist West was able to accommodate the values of the 1968 sexual revolution and the further spread of various rights, the Soviet Union clung to a version of Victorian morals in the USSR. When Stalin came to power, the Soviet Union was oriented not towards the future in terms of morality, (what Marxism is alleged to be all about), but firmly towards the past. In the light of its values the period of Sąjūdis can be characterized, on one hand, as an uneasy alliance between the traditionalists, for whom the Soviet regime was oppressive mainly because of the loss of national sovereignty and the oppression of the Catholic Church, without having any major disagreements about morals, and the West-looking part of Lithuanian society, longing for developments similar to those in the West. To borrow the dichotomy from Isaiah Berlin, the Lithuanian independence movement had one part striving for collective, positive freedom and another, which was strove for negative, personal freedom and the advancement of human rights. This dichotomy is still present in Lithuania and the system of morality, preserved by the Soviet period, is the base on which the traditionalist position stands.
24
Siromskyi, Ruslan. "Human rights dimension in Helsinki 1975: Canadian concern the situation in the Soviet Union." Skhid, no. 2(166) (May 1, 2020): 55–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.21847/1728-9343.2020.2(166).199291.
Full text
25
Bonnie, Richard J. "Coercive psychiatry and human rights: An assessment of recent changes in the Soviet Union." Criminal Law Forum 1, no. 2 (1990): 319–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01096164.
Full text
26
Shyrokykh, Karina. "Compromising on Values? Human Rights Pressure and Competing Interests of the European Union in the Former Soviet States." European Foreign Affairs Review 23, Issue 1 (February 1, 2018): 119–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2018007.
Full textAbstract:
What influences the European Union’s (EU’s) policy towards human rights abuse in third countries? What effects do the EU’s punitive measures have on the subsequent human rights situation? In literature, there is no consensus about the effects of such an instrument; moreover, scholars often question the consistency of its application in regions where the EU has strong strategic interests. Utilizing time-series cross-section analysis of twelve former Soviet republics over two decades, the present article demonstrates that the severity of imposed measures is guided by the actual human rights situation, and the presence of competing interests does not determine their intensity. Additionally, coercive measures are shown to have a positive effect on the subsequent human rights situation. At the same time, competing interests of the EU prove able to undermine the instrument’s ex-ante credibility and, thereby, limit its potential impact.
27
Ramsay, Rosalind. "Banished to a Greek island." Psychiatric Bulletin 14, no. 3 (March 1990): 134–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.14.3.134.
Full textAbstract:
In October, public attention focused on psychiatrists gathering for the Eighth World Congress in Athens. Was psychiatry still being abused for political purposes in the Soviet Union (Bloch, 1990)? And were mental patients elsewhere being mistreated? At the Stadium of Peace and Friendship overlooking the Aegean Sea, delegates had the chance to meet and talk about these important issues concerning human rights and human dignity.
28
Nguyen, Quan Van. "The Universality of the Rule of Law as an International Standard: Transplanting the Rule of Law in Vietnam." International Journal of Religion 5, no. 11 (June 13, 2024): 692–702. http://dx.doi.org/10.61707/fnccna57.
Full textAbstract:
Legal doctrine usually regards the rule of law as the form of a state organization with formal and substantial characteristics. Scholars traced the initial formation and development of the concept through history to some Western countries. However, the rule of law has become an axiological requirement for all states. Besides the process of recognition and dissemination at national levels, the rule of law has become an international standard, along with democracy and human rights. Vietnam transplanted the idea of the rule of law in the late 1980s, along with Perestroika in the Soviet Union. After the fall of the Soviet Union, Vietnam opened up for economic integration, which gave new meaning to the rule of law in the country.
29
Daly, Sarah Zukerman. "State Strategies in Multi-Ethnic Territories: Explaining Variation in the Former Soviet Union and Eastern Bloc." British Journal of Political Science 44, no. 2 (February 12, 2013): 381–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123412000701.
Full textAbstract:
After the collapse of the Soviet bloc, its twenty-seven successor states were charged with devising policies with respect to their ethnic minorities. This shock enables an analysis of the conditions that render states more likely to repress, exclude, assimilate or accommodate their minorities. One would anticipate that groups that are most ‘threatening’ to the state's territorial integrity are more likely to experience repression. However the data do not validate this expectation. Instead, the analysis suggests that minority groups’ demographics and states’ coercive capacities better account for variation in ethnic minority policies. While less robust, the findings further indicate the potential importance of lobby states and Soviet multinational legacies in determining minority rights. The results have implications for ethnic politics, human rights, nationalism, democratization and political violence.
30
O'Keefe, Gerald F. "Soviet Legal Restrictions On Emigration." Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 14, no. 1 (1987): 301–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633287x00140.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe right to emigrate-the free movement of people into and out of their country of origin-is a right recognized by international human rights law. The Soviet Union has recognized its obligations under these laws and the Constitution of the USSR and the "fundamental principles" of its legislation require actions consistent with international treaties to which the USSR is a party. Nevertheless, the Soviet Union discourages and prevents emigration by manipulating its legal system. Only members of a few ethnic groups are allowed to emigrate. Over the years emigrants have been mainly Jews, Armenians, and ethnic Germans, as well as some Japanese and Koreans. Emigration is limited by the Soviet Union's policy of "reunification of families," which effectively eliminates the vast majority of Soviet citizens from emigrating. Even those groups allowed to emigrate in limited numbers face substantial impediments. Complicated procedures, great expense, economic and social ostracism, and oftentimes harassment or arrest await those who apply for an exit visa. Applications for emigration are handled in an arbitrary manner, at best, and in a punitive manner, at worst. The resulting system is one in which emigration is not a right, but the grant of an administrative indulgence. Emigration law, and the Soviet Union's policy toward it, is the focus of discussion herein. Analysis of emigration law and practice is necessary to counter the legal justifications advanced by the USSR to defend its restrictive policy of emigration. First, I will discuss the Soviet Union's obligation under international law to respect the right to emigrate; next, I will analyze Soviet emigration law and citizenship renunciation law. Third, I outline the application process; and last, I address the legal basis for refusing emigration.
31
Ayazbekov, Zh, and S. Kemelbayeva. "Gender Wage Gap in the Former Soviet Union: Evidence from EBRD Data." ECONOMIC SERIES OF THE BULLETIN OF THE L.N. GUMILYOV ENU, no. 1 (2023): 126–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2789-4320-2023-1-126-141.
Full textAbstract:
This research article examines gender inequality in employment in the former Soviet Union based on data collected by the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development with the third wave of the “Life in Transition” Survey conducted in 2016. Despite numerous efforts, the wage gap between women and men is still an important problem in many countries of the world, and especially in the countries of the former Soviet Union. It is worth noting that this wage gap affects the economic and social spheres of life, human rights, and dramatically affects women's economic independence. Several articles have been analyzed that identify various factors influencing the problem of wage inequality between men and women in the former Soviet Union. Next section identifies results and discussions of the pay gap using several figures. Each figure shows the wage gap between men and women in the former Soviet Union, the rate of return to school between men and women, statistics for the highest- and lowest-paid sectors of the economy, representation of female workers, and so on. As a result, countries where gender differences have a positive or negative impact on the labor market to this day are highlighted. Based on the conducted research, some country-specific policy applications are concluded at the end.
32
Siromśkyj, Rusłan. "Ten, który łączył niepołączalne. O profesorze Petrze Nedbajle i prawach człowieka." Krakowskie Pismo Kresowe 13 (December 13, 2021): 271–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/kpk.13.2021.13.17.
Full textAbstract:
COMBINING THE INCOMPATIBLE: PROFESSOR PETRO NEDBAILO AND HUMAN RIGHTS
The article analyses the scientific and diplomatic activities of Professor Petro Nedbailo. At the end of 1939, as part of the policy of “strengthening personnel” after the accession of Western Ukraine to the Ukrainian SSR, he was sent to work at the Lviv University. Since then, Petro Nedbailo headed the departments of state law, theory and history of state as well as law, state and administrative law, and he was twice appointed the dean of the law faculty. Initially, the scientist studied the issues of “socialist legitimacy”, but after being appointed the permanent representative of the Ukrainian SSR to the UN Commission on Human Rights (1958-1971) and the transition to teaching at the University of Kyiv, he paid more attention to human rights and freedoms. Repeating the Soviet official position, Petro Nedbailo interpreted human rights as a subject of internal competence of the state, and accepted international cooperation in this area only as a component of the “struggle for peace and security of the Soviet Union”. In his speeches in the UN General Assembly, Petro Nedbailo argued about the full respect for human rights in the Ukrainian SSR, but such allegations were far from the truth.
33
Cenda-Miedzińska, Klaudia. "Stanowisko Afganistanu wobec przyjęcia instrumentów międzynarodowej ochrony praw człowieka, cz. II: lata 1973–1989." Polityka i Społeczeństwo 20, no. 4 (2022): 39–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/polispol.2022.4.3.
Full textAbstract:
The article is the second part of studies showing Afghanistan's path towards adopting international instruments to protect human rights. Based on the acts of national and international law and historical sources, the conditions that led to the state's acceptance or rejection of international human rights treaties during the functioning of the Republic of Afghanistan was analysed. The main research goal is to show the changes in the state's political arena and the internal legal order, which conditioned the accession to the international instruments for the protection of human rights. Particular attention was paid to the state's situation in the context of international relations, including the impact of the Soviet Union on the government of Afghanistan.
34
Seurin, Jean-Louis. "La géopolitique des droits humains." Les Cahiers de droit 28, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 473–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/042825ar.
Full textAbstract:
The universality of the ideology of Human Rights is presently enjoying increased interest inspite of the limited results and disappointing concrete realizations achieved in this area. At the time of the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the universality of the doctrine of Human Rights was only an illusion and the problems raised by the application of subsequent international accords have made evident the political conflicts which are at play behind the human rights debate. Presently, one may accurately speak of a "geopolitic of human rights". Starting from the precept that the best way to resolve opposing points of view is to begin with reality, the author examines the relative situation of Human Rights in three groups which are each relatively homogeneous : the Atlantic zone regrouping the pluralist constitutional democracies; the totalitarian countries including the Soviet Union, the Eastern Bloc countries and the communist countries of Asia and, finally, the zone of non-aligned countries of the "third world".
35
Dzehtsiarou, Kanstantsin. "Georgia v. Russia (II)." American Journal of International Law 115, no. 2 (April 2021): 288–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ajil.2021.7.
Full textAbstract:
On January 21, 2021, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR or Court) issued its judgment in the interstate case of Georgia v. Russia (II). Georgia complained that Russia committed systemic human rights violations in the course of the 2008 war in South Ossetia and Abkhazia. Both of these regions are de jure parts of Georgia, but they have not been effectively governed by central Georgian authorities since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. During the night of August 7–8, 2008, Georgian artillery attacked Tskhinvali (the administrative capital of South Ossetia). Russian forces entered South Ossetia and Abkhazia the next day. Russian and Georgian troops engaged in hostilities for five days, before agreeing a ceasefire on August 12, 2008. Since then, a significant military contingent of Russian troops has remained in South Ossetia and Abkhazia. The Georgian authorities complained of systemic violations of European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) Articles 2 (right to life), 3 (prohibition of torture), 5 (right to liberty), and 8 (right to privacy), ECHR Protocol 1 Articles 1 (right to private property) and 2 (right to education), and ECHR Protocol 4 Article 2 (Freedom of movement).
36
Aronovitz, Alberto M. "Individual Patrimonial Rights Under the European Human Rights System: Some Reflections on the Concepts of Possession and Dispossession of Property." International Journal of Legal Information 25, no. 1-3 (1997): 87–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s073112650000812x.
Full textAbstract:
Both in general and in regional international law, the subject of private patrimonial rights presents a spectrum of interesting points for discussion. Amid the most notorious issues that have loomed in recent times in relation to this topic, one could refer to the dispute over the dormant accounts of Holocaust victims in Switzerland and other European countries (or, more widely, to the entire question of gold and other property stolen by the Nazis during the Second World War), to the problem of reprivatization of property in Eastern Europe, or to the issue of restitution of property taken in pursuance of communist reforms in the former Soviet Union and its former satellite countries.
37
Rimestad, Sebastian. "The Interaction Between the Moscow Patriarchate and the European Court of Human Rights." Review of Central and East European Law 40, no. 1 (May 19, 2015): 31–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15730352-40012002.
Full textAbstract:
Since the end of the Soviet Union, the Russian Orthodox Church has been trying to regain moral authority in Russian society. This authority is challenged by international human-rights norms, and the Moscow Patriarchate has shown a desire to be perceived as a serious player in the human-rights arena. Emblematic of this active approach is the official representation of the Russian Orthodox Church to the institutions of the Council of Europe, including the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg. This article seeks to analyze the ways in which the Moscow Patriarchate has approached the European Court of Human Rights since the 1990s. This includes cases with direct or indirect involvement of the Patriarchate, primarily concerning alleged religious discrimination and, on the other hand, an attempt to influence the discourse surrounding ethical and moral issues.
38
Peterson, C. P. "The Carter Administration and the Promotion of Human Rights in the Soviet Union, 1977-1981." Diplomatic History 38, no. 3 (June 20, 2013): 628–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/dh/dht102.
Full text
39
Seltzer, Michael R. "Book Review: Human Rights In The Soviet Union, by Albert Szymanski. London: Zed Press, 1984." Insurgent Sociologist 13, no. 4 (July 1986): 81–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/089692058601300412.
Full text
40
Rhéaume, Charles. "Western Scientists’ Reactions to Andrei Sakharov’s Human Rights Struggle in the Soviet Union, 1968–1989." Human Rights Quarterly 30, no. 1 (2008): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hrq.2008.0004.
Full text
41
Rudenko, Mykola. "Interview." Index on Censorship 17, no. 5 (May 1988): 11–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228808534410.
Full textAbstract:
At the end of last year, the Ukrainian writer, prominent human rights activist and political prisoner, Mykola Rudenko, was freed and allowed to leave the Soviet Union. A decorated war veteran who suffered a serious spinal wound at the siege of Leningrad, Rudenko enjoyed a successful career as writer, poet and playwright, and had over 20 books published. That was before he became a friend of Andrei Sakharov and Major-General Petro Hryhorenko (or, Grigorenko) in the early 1970s and joined the Soviet human rights movement. Although harassed, arrested and briefly detained in a mental hospital for becoming a member of the Soviet branch of Amnesty International, Rudenko went on to found the Ukrainian Helsinki monitoring group in November 1976. The following year he was arrested and given a twelve-year sentence of camps and internal exile. In 1980, his wife Raisa was also punished by a ten-year term for campaigning for his release. Shortly after his arrival in the West, Rudenko was interviewed for Index by Bohdan Nahaylo.
42
Korey, William. "The Helsinki Accord: A Growth Industry." Ethics & International Affairs 4 (March 1990): 53–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.1990.tb00245.x.
Full textAbstract:
Despite conservative opposition, in the late 1970s, Jimmy Carter turned the tide in favor of the Helsinki Accord by taking a strong stand in fostering U.S. participation in it. Korey focuses on the U.S. delegation to the Commission on Security and Cooperation (CSCE) in Europe and credits the success of the Helsinki Accord to U.S. adroit negotiation strategies, beginning with the Carter administration. By 1980, U.S. President Ronald Reagan and Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev came to embrace the “humanitarianism” of the treaty. The Vienna review conference's (1986–89) effort peaked when a milestone was reached in the human rights process, linking it directly to security issues equally pertinent to the East and the West. The author contends that the United States' ardent participation in the monitoring of compliance was particularly effective in putting pressure on the Soviet Union to uphold the agreement within its territory, yielding enormous progress in human rights
43
Arndt, Melanie. "Environmentalism or Sausages? Politicizing the Environment in the Late Soviet Union." European History Quarterly 52, no. 3 (June 21, 2022): 418–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914221103152.
Full textAbstract:
This paper analyzes the politicization of the environment in the late Soviet Union based on a new perception of the interconnection between the human being and the ‘rest’ of nature. On the basis of previously ignored sources, it shows the emerging rise and ultimate decline of human subjectivity as a political force in the Soviet Union, and the Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic (BSSR) in particular. Experts, politicians, and the secret service had long understood the need to conserve natural resources and the ecological consequences of relentless industrialization or nature transformation projects, and they had at least partially attempted to counter them. However, the disclosure, in the late 1980s, of the extent and consequences of the Soviet Union's ecological legacies, particularly the Chernobyl disaster, triggered an unprecedented awareness of the vulnerability of the human body and the Soviet state's disregard of the dangers to human health. This new awareness mobilized Soviet citizens, including state functionaries who had previously seemed untouched by ecological issues, to call for a right to life in an unprecedented way. Despite some achievements, such as new protection laws and investments in health care, this ‘ecological revolution’ was short lived. The social and economic difficulties linked to the collapse of the Soviet Union allowed the concern for a healthy, livable environment to fade into the background again in the early 1990s.
44
Kuldkepp, Mart. "Swedish political attitudes towards Baltic independence in the short twentieth century [Kokkuvõte: Rootsi poliitilised hoiakud Balti riikide iseseisvuse suhtes lühikesel 20. sajandil]." Ajalooline Ajakiri. The Estonian Historical Journal, no. 3/4 (December 21, 2016): 397. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/aa.2016.3-4.04.
Full textAbstract:
This article considers the history of Swedish attitudes towards Baltic independence during the short twentieth century (1914–91), focusing primarily on the years when Baltic independence was gained (1918–20) and regained (1989–91). The former was characterized by Swedish skepticism towards the ability of the Baltic states to retain their independence long-term, considering the inevitable revival of Russian power. Sweden became one of the very few Western countries to officially recognize the incorporation of the Baltic states in the Soviet Union in the Second World War. During the Cold War, Sweden gained a reputation for its policy of activist internationalism and support for democratization in the Third World, but for security-related reasons it ignored breaches of human rights and deficit of democracy in its immediate neighborhood, the Soviet Union and the Baltic republics. However, in 1989–91 the unprecedented decline in Soviet influence, the value-based approach in international relations, feelings of guilt over previous pragmatism, and changes in domestic politics encouraged Sweden to support Baltic independence, and to take on the role of an active manager of the Baltic post-soviet transition.
45
Nechevin, Dmitry. "Tokyo and Khabarovsk epilogue: militarism before the court of peace-loving peoples." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2023, no. 3-2 (March 1, 2023): 14–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202303statyi59.
Full textAbstract:
The article analyzes the legal (international legal) issues of the Nuremberg Trials, which an epoch-making even of legal civilization. Nuremberg Trial not only summand up legally closed the results of the Second World War, where the Soviet Union played a major role in defeating German fascism, but also served as the basic for the birth of a new international legal order in the world, laid the foundation of legal civilization -human rights and freedoms.
46
Grbešić, Grgo. "Crkva nasuprot totalitarizmu za vrijeme pontifikata Pija XI." Diacovensia 31, no. 3 (2023): 439–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31823/d.31.3.6.
Full textAbstract:
During the interwar period, European soil witnessed the rise of both right and left-wing totalitarian regimes. The Church tried to protect its pastoral activities by stipulating concordats with different states. Due to the violation of the Concordat agreement in Germany and Italy, and the abuse of human rights and the persecution of the Church in the Soviet Union, Pope Pius XI took a strong stand defending the liberty of the Church and condemning racism. Three encyclicals, Non abbiamo bisogno (1931), Mit brennerder Sorge (1937), and Divini Redemptoris (1937), reveal the position of the Church toward totalitarianism and demonstrate the social setting the Church was facing.
47
Kaup, Enn, and Erki Tammiksaar. "Estonia and Antarctica." Polar Record 49, no. 1 (July 8, 2011): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247411000234.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACTThe Russian South Pole expedition carried out in 1819–1821 was an early milestone in the scientific exploration of the Antarctic. The expedition took place under the command of the Baltic German Fabian Gottlieb von Bellingshausen. Bellingshausen came from the Island of Saaremaa in Estonia. The Russian empire, and followed by the Soviet Union, did not attach much importance to Bellingshausen's expedition. It was only after World War II as the question of the Antarctic received close attention that the Bellingshausen expedition received political significance in the Soviet Union. The fact that the expedition really took place was used by the Soviet Union to claim rights to the Antarctic and also to argue for its participation in Antarctic exploration (see Tammiksaar 2007; Bulkeley 2011). In the early stages of exploration of the continent, Estonians were given the opportunity to carry out investigations there. The first Estonian research programme in the Antarctic, on noctilucent clouds, was elaborated by the astronomer Charles Villmann. Altogether some tens of Estonians have visited the southern continent performing investigations in earth sciences, atmospheric physics, hydrology and ecology of surface waters and the human influence on them. They have also carried out isotope studies of the ice sheet to reconstruct environmental conditions in the past.
48
Русина, Юлия Анатольевна. "ХАРАКТЕРЫ СОВЕТСКИХ ДИССИДЕНТОВ В ЭМИГРАНТСКИХ ЗАПИСКАХ АДВОКАТА ДИНЫ КАМИНСКОЙ." Acta Neophilologica 2, no. XX (December 1, 2019): 29–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/an.3631.
Full textAbstract:
Dina Kaminskaya was a defense lawyer of Soviet dissidents and participated in the most famous political trials of the 1960s. She acted as a defense lawyer for the members of the human rights movement in the Soviet Union, the creators and disseminators of samizdat, those who organized protests and demonstrations, including the one on the Red Square in Moscow in August 1968. Leaving the USSR under the threat of arrest in 1977, in exile, she wrote a memoir, Attorney’s notes, which was published in New York by the Chronicle-Press publishing house in 1984. Not only is the Soviet political judicial system with its ideological tricks vividly represented in this book, but also the portraits of those dissidents whom she knew personally and worked for as a lawyer.
49
Bakanov, Mikhail, Roger Bloor, Vasily Emptsov, and David Pearson. "A 7-year partnership between psychiatric services in Russia and the UK." Psychiatric Bulletin 29, no. 4 (April 2005): 144–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.29.4.144.
Full textAbstract:
Historically, relationships with mental health professionals working in Russia have been difficult to sustain due to problems with access and perceived human rights infringements that existed earlier (Poloahij, 2001). This has resulted in many Russian psychiatric institutions having little opportunity to collaborate in international research or to take part in exchanges of information on service development. However, with the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, Russia has been brought back into spheres of international cooperation in healthcare.
50
Kravchuk, S. "Problematik aspects of protection of constitutional human rights in Ukraine and ways to overcome them." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law, no. 71 (August 25, 2022): 89–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2022.71.13.
Full textAbstract:
The article reveals the problematic aspects of the state of protection of human and civil rights in Ukraine, as such rights are the basis for the existence of the state as a subject of international law. Today, respect for human and civil rights and freedoms -the main criterion of civilized society, its ability to solve the most complex economic, political and social problems. It is no coincidence that the international community seeks to treat human rights globally, on an equitable and equal basis. This takes into account the national and regional specifics of states, their various historical, cultural and religious features.
The article aims at a comprehensive solution to the organization of the legal system of human rights protection, which must comply with international and national law. This provides a legal description and identifies elements of a set of guarantees for constitutional protection of rights, taking into account national experience, case law, experience of other states, as well as international standards in the field of human and civil rights, generalization and development of ideas on this issue social space.
Modern Ukrainian society is going through a stage of deep awareness of human rights and freedoms, which can be seen as the beginning of the spiritual revival of Ukraine. The very ideology of rights is becoming more widely recognized and in demand in state and public life. From the point of view of this ideology, there is a reassessment of views on the Soviet and post-Soviet past and a projection on the near and distant future of Ukraine.
Implementation in practice of protection and defense of human and civil rights and freedoms is a long and gradual process of transformation of the whole society. However, this process has certain time limits set by the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the European Union. The implementation of this Agreement requires not only appropriate measures to improve the quality of legislation in this area, improve the executive and judiciary, local governments, and increase the activity of citizens in the context of exercising the right to protect their rights and freedoms in all ways not prohibited by law.
The goal set in the article was achieved by solving the problems of studying the constitutional features of the organization of such protection and its implementation in practice.