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Journal articles on the topic "Hume, David, 1711-1776 – Ethics"
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Craig, Edward. "David Hume." Royal Institute of Philosophy Lecture Series 20 (March 1986): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0957042x00004041.
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David Hume (1711–1776) was born in Scotland and attended Edinburgh University. In 1734, after a brief spell in a merchant's office in Bristol, he went to France to write A Treatise of Human Nature, published anonymously in 1739 (Books I and II) and 1740 (Book III). An Abstract, also anonymous and written as if by someone other than the author of the Treatise, appeared about the same time, and provides an invaluable account, in a brief compass, of what Hume thought most important about the Treatise. The Treatise was not well received, and Hume was unsuccessful in his candidature for the chair of moral philosophy at Edinburgh. He rewrote Book I of the Treatise, adding a controversial discussion of miracles and providence; and a revision of this was published as An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding in 1748. His Enquiry Concerning the Principles of Morals, which was a rewriting of Book III of the Treatise, was published in 1751, and his Dissertation on the Passions, corresponding to Book II of the Treatise, but with significant omissions, such as the account of the psychological mechanism of sympathy, in 1757. In 1752 he had been made keeper of the Advocates' Library at Edinburgh, and wrote his History of England which, at the time, brought him more approbation than his philosophy. During this time, he wrote the Dialogues Concerning Natural Religion, published posthumously in 1779. In 1763 he became secretary to the British Embassy in Paris. He returned to London in 1766, and a year later was Undersecretary of State. In 1769 he returned to Edinburgh and worked on final editions of his writings, and on an autobiography, dated 18 April 1776, a few months before his death.
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Vesey, Godfrey. "Hume on Liberty and Necessity." Royal Institute of Philosophy Lecture Series 20 (March 1986): 111–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1358246100004069.
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David Hume (1711–1776) described the question of liberty and necessity as ‘the most contentious question of metaphysics, the most contentious science’ (Hume [1748] 1975, p. 95). He was right about it being contentious. Whether it is metaphysical is another matter. I think that what is genuinely metaphysical is an assumption that Hume, and a good many other philosophers, make in their treatment of the question. The assumption is about language and reality. I call it ‘the conformity assumption’. But more about that shortly. Let us begin at the obvious beginning, by considering what the terms ‘liberty’ and ‘necessity’ mean in the expression ‘liberty and necessity’.
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Vesey, Godfrey. "Hume on Liberty and Necessity." Royal Institute of Philosophy Lecture Series 20 (March 1986): 111–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0957042x00004065.
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David Hume (1711–1776) described the question of liberty and necessity as ‘the most contentious question of metaphysics, the most contentious science’ (Hume [1748] 1975, p. 95). He was right about it being contentious. Whether it is metaphysical is another matter. I think that what is genuinely metaphysical is an assumption that Hume, and a good many other philosophers, make in their treatment of the question. The assumption is about language and reality. I call it ‘the conformity assumption’. But more about that shortly. Let us begin at the obvious beginning, by considering what the terms ‘liberty’ and ‘necessity’ mean in the expression ‘liberty and necessity’.
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Waldmann, Felix. "David Hume in Chicago: A Twentieth-Century Hoax." Journal of British Studies 59, no. 4 (October 2020): 793–820. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2020.127.
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AbstractThis article alleges that two letters attributed to the philosopher David Hume (1711–1776) were forged in the twentieth century. The letters were first published in 1972 and 1973 by Michael Morrisroe, an assistant professor of English in the University of Illinois, Chicago Circle, after which they became monuments of conventional scholarship on Hume's life and writings. Both letters are cited without qualification by scholars of Hume's thought in dozens of publications, including Ernest Campbell Mossner's celebrated Life of David Hume (1980), and John Robertson's entry for Hume in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (2004). This article reconstructs the history and transmission of Hume's extant letters and attempts to account for why the forgeries published by Morrisroe were accepted as genuine. It makes a systematic case against the authenticity of the letters, and focuses in particular on the question of whether Hume met the Jansenist homme de lettres Noël-Antoine Pluche (1688–1761) and had access to his library, in Reims, in 1734. The article concludes with a discussion of the implications of the exposé for modern editorial scholarship and intellectual history.
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Reis, Nilo Henrique Neves dos. "Maquiavel na Inglaterra: O leitor David Hume." Pensando - Revista de Filosofia 10, no. 21 (January 24, 2020): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.26694/.v10i21.8953.
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Os escritos de Nicolau Maquiavel foram lidos por várias pessoas de modo não confessional desde a sua divulgação. Indícios apontam que os ingleses tiveram acesso as suas obras já no reinado de Henrique VIII, ainda que de forma restrita à elite inglesa, que tinha familiaridade com o idioma italiano. Decerto que as obras do florentino ofereceram uma sólida contribuição ao pensamento político inglês, o que, por sua vez, estimulou uma reflexão crítica ao fenômeno político, bem como aos valores vigentes, pois, como se sabe, suas ideias serviram de inspiração para muitos escritores. A bem da verdade, cotejando as produções inglesas, principalmente após a guerra civil, sente-se a influência de Maquiavel. David Hume, que viveu entre 1711 a 1776, dois séculos depois da circulação dos escritos na Inglaterra, quando o florentino já era um referencial ali, não tinha como desconhecer as contribuições dos escritos políticos de Maquiavel, já que uma série de autores faziam referência diretas a ele, muitos dos quais, comentados pelo escocês. Em uma época em que era pernicioso fazer menções louváveis ao pensamento do florentino, há vestígios de que Hume usou estratégias para colocar suas posições próximas, e dado aos indícios encontrados neste escrito, defende-se a posição de que a familiaridade do escocês com os textos de Maquiavel era grande, visto que ele conhecia bem o “corpus machiavellicus”.
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Botero Camacho, Manuel. "To dream or not to dream: incursión en la lógica de la canción de S. T. Coleridge." Razón Crítica, no. 1 (August 29, 2016): 122–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.21789/25007807.1139.
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<p align="justify">A lo largo de este artículo se expone una serie de posibilidades que puede ofrecer la lectura del poema de Samuel Taylor Coleridge titulado “The Rime of the Ancient Mariner” (1798). Los argumentos aquí expuestos carecen de intención distinta de aquella que consiste en señalar elementos que acaso no sean accidentales dentro del texto. David Hume (1711-1776) será quien proporcione las relaciones que deban examinarse. En este escrito se ofrecen tres posibilidades interpretativas y, al menos, dos de ellas pueden verse como contaminadas por las teorías de Hume. Aunque la tercera no está directamente tratada en la filosofía que aquí se maneja, es fácil hacer la inferencia del origen de tal relación. El objetivo es presentar el poema de Coleridge como una objeción a la teoría de la causalidad enunciada por Hume.</p>
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Schabas, Margaret, and Carl Wennerlind. "Retrospectives: Hume on Money, Commerce, and the Science of Economics." Journal of Economic Perspectives 25, no. 3 (August 1, 2011): 217–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.25.3.217.
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David Hume (1711–1776) is arguably the most esteemed philosopher to have written in the English language. During his lifetime, however, Hume was as well if not better known for his contributions to political economy, particularly for the essays published as the Political Discourses (1752). Hume left his mark on the economic thought of the physiocrats, the classical economists, and the American Federalists. Adam Smith, who met Hume circa 1750, was his closest friend and interlocutor for some 25 years. Among modern economists, Hume's essays on money and trade have informed theorists of both Keynesian and Monetarist persuasions. In this essay, we begin by discussing Hume's monetary economics, and then spell out his theory of economic development, noting his qualified enthusiasm for the modern commercial system. We end with an assessment of his views on the scientific standing of economics, specifically his counterintuitive argument that economics could be epistemologically superior to physics.
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King, Peter, and Nathan Ballantyne. "Augustine on Testimony." Canadian Journal of Philosophy 39, no. 2 (June 2009): 195–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cjp.0.0045.
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Philosophical work on testimony has flourished in recent years. Testimony roughly involves a source affirming or stating something in an attempt to transfer information to one or more persons. It is often said that the topic of testimony has been neglected throughout most of the history of philosophy, aside from contributions by David Hume (1711-1776) and Thomas Reid (1710-1796). True as this may be, Hume and Reid aren't the only ones who deserve a tip of the hat for recognizing the importance of testimony: Augustine of Hippo (354-430) affirms the place of testimony in human cognition, at least in his later writings.In what follows, we consider three questions raised by Augustine's thinking about testimony: the analytical question of what sources count as testimony (Section I); the epistemological question about the status of testimony-based belief (Section II); and the doxastic question about the circumstances in which it is appropriate to believe on the basis of testimony (Section III).
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Monteiro, Ricardo Rodrigues. "A SEMIÓTICA DE PEIRCE A PARTIR DE JOHN LOCKE E DAVID HUME: O ÍCONE, ÍNDICE E SÍMBOLO." Divers@! 11, no. 1 (June 30, 2018): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.5380/diver.v11i1.52373.
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O objetivo deste trabalho é apresentar alguns conceitos fundamentais da semiótica de Peirce (1839-1914), em especial a relação do signo com o objeto, demonstrando-a como uma evolução em relação ao pensamento de John Locke (1632-1704) e David Hume (1711-1776). Pretende-se assim fornecer subsídios aos interessados em conhecer ou aprofundar seus estudos sobre a semiótica de Peirce, de maneira introdutória, ou que estejam no início de um aprofundamento mais teórico-conceitual sobre o assunto. No início apresentamos conceitos essenciais que influenciaram Peirce, tais como a ideia de signo sonoro, em Locke, ou o conceito de associação de ideias por semelhança, contiguidade ou causa e efeito, em Hume. Tentaremos demonstrar que esse conceito, bem como a provocação feita por Hume aos filósofos, foram decisivos para o desenvolvimento da teoria geral dos signos de Peirce, em especial a relação entre signo e objeto (S-O), vindo a culminar na tricotomia clássica: ícone, índice e símbolo. Outrossim, vale destacar que o signo sonoro em Locke possivelmente influenciou a ideia de signo enquanto imagem acústica, em Saussure. Ainda, apresentaremos várias provas para atestar que a teoria de Peirce não é antropocêntrica e, por essa razão, pode muito bem ser utilizada, além da comunicação entre humanos, para os estudos de comunicação entre humanos e não humanos, e entre não humanos e não humanos
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Silva, Carlos Campelo da. "A ortodoxia do “grande infiel”: ou sobre o uso do ceticismo Humeano por Kierkegaard e Hamann." Revista Ética e Filosofia Política 2, no. 22 (July 4, 2020): 94–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.34019/2448-2137.2019.31111.
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Este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar a apropriação que Hamann e Kierkegaard fazem de alguns aspectos do ceticismo desenvolvido por Hume. Em 1744, David Hume (1711-1776), até então, autor do Tratado da Natureza Humana (1739) e dos Ensaios Morais e Políticos (1741) é rejeitado para o cargo de professor da cadeira de Ética da Universidade de Edimburgo, sob a alegação de que ele era um “notório infiel”. Desse modo, parece estranho pensar que Hamann que tão energicamente combateu a ilustração, sendo um defensor implacável de um cristianismo baseado somente na fé, tenha algo a ver com o ceticismo de Hume. Do mesmo modo, que não parece crível pensar que o autor de Escola do Cristianismo (1850), Obras do Amor (1847) e Discursos edificantes possa de alguma forma estar relacionado com este “notório infiel”. Entretanto, as afirmações de Hume de que: “[...] a religião cristã não só foi inicialmente acompanhada de milagres, como até hoje não é possível que uma pessoa razoável lhe dê crédito sem milagre [...]”, bem como a afirmativa de Hume, segundo a qual ser um cético filosófico é o primeiro e mais importante passo no sentido de se tornar um cristão verdadeiro, parecem ter provido as armas que Kierkegaard e Hamann tanto necessitavam para combater o racionalismo filosófico e teológico que se imiscuíam na religião e minavam a fé. Desse modo, essa comunicação pretende apontar as consequências do pensamento humeano para a concepção de um cristianismo cético desenvolvido por Hamann e Kierkegaard.
Palavras-chave: Hume. Ceticismo. Hamann. Kierkegaard. Cristianismo.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Hume, David, 1711-1776 – Ethics"
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Vos, James Antony. "The motivating force of moral beliefs." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003804.
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I investigate the issue of whether or not one's holding a moral belief is sufficient to motivate one to act as that belief prescribes. I argue that rational persons who hold a moral belief that is also a 'self-referential belief' will form a desire to act as that belief prescribes and thereby be motivated to act on the moral belief. I argue for this claim by, firstly, showing that the demand that moral judgements must be intrinsically motivating, Internalism, should only apply to rational persons, that is, the link between moral judgement and motivation can be broken in cases of irrationality. Secondly, I argue against the Humean claim that one cannot rationally form a desire simply because one believes that one ought to have that desire. This claim requires an investigation into a variety of views of Practical Reason and an argument concluding that Practical Reason is broader in scope than the Instrumentalist or Humean allows. I undertake this task in chapter 2. Thirdly, I argue that believing that I ought to perform a certain action will give me an internal commitment to perform that action, insofar as I am rational. I argue that an internal commitment is a form of desire. Once I recognise that I have a moral belief and an internal commitment, I will be motivated to act as that belief and commitment prescribe.KMBT_363
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Oliveira, Roberto Carlos de. "Sociedade e artÃficio na teoria politica de Hume." [s.n.], 2007. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/278704.
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Orientador: Jose Oscar de Almeida MarquesDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: A análise de David Hume (1711-1776) vincula a epistemologia, a moral e a política de forma tal que a sociedade é apresentada como resultado da interação entre as faculdades naturais dos homens e os recursos artificiais decorrentes da reflexão. O artifício denota as invenções refletidas e voluntárias que ampliam as perspectivas da natureza humana, ou seja, os mecanismos de sociabilização do homem que promovem seu desenvolvimento social, situando-o no universo da moral e da política e adaptando seus interesses particulares ao interesse público. A essência do artifício reside na capacidade humana de dominar seus impulsos mediante a sublimação, que direciona os desejos para uma perspectiva estável de satisfação. Nesse sentido, ele amplia as possibilidades de realização do homem, além de cooperar na manutenção da sociedade. Este estudo pretende mostrar como Hume compõe uma filosofia que analisa a sociedade a partir das implicações e desdobramentos de princípios naturais e mostrar como o artifício estabelece um vínculo entre a moral e a política, entre os interesses particulares dos indivíduos e os interesses gerais da sociedade, contribuindo para o estabelecimento das instituições sociais e da autoridade
Abstract: The analysis of David Hume (1711-1776) entail the epistemology, the morals and the politics so that the society is presented like the result of interaction between the natural faculties of men and the artificial recourses current from reflexion. The artifice connotes the reflected and voluntary inventions that ampliflies the perspectives of human nature, that is, the mechanisms of sociabilization of man which promote their social development, placing them in the universe of morals and politics and adapting their particular interests to the public interest. The essence of the artifice resides in the human capability to dominate their impulses through sublimation, which directionates the desires to an estable perspective of satisfaction. In this sense, it amplifies the possibilities of man's realization, yonder to collaborate with the maintenance of society. This study intends to display how Hume composes a philosophy which analyses the society from the implications and unfoldments of natural principles and to indicate how the artifice establishes an entailment between moral and politics, between the particular interests of individuals and the general interests of society, contributing to the establishment of social instituitions and the authority
Mestrado
Ética e Política
Mestre em Filosofia
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Ferraz, Marilia Cortes de. "Liberdade e imputabilidade moral em Hume." [s.n.], 2006. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281518.
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Orientador: Jose Oscar de Almeida MarquesDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: A dissertação examina a análise de Hume dos conceitos de liberdade e imputabilidade moral. O texto de referência para a pesquisa é a seção VIII da Investigação sobre o entendimento humano. Mostro, a partir do estudo dessa seção, em que sentido os conceitos de liberdade e necessidade são compatíveis para Hume. Para tanto, analiso o compatibilismo humeano enfatizando a unidade explicativa que o autor esposa claramente na obra citada. De fato, Hume, em seu exame das noções de liberdade e necessidade anuncia introduzir novidades que prometem ao menos algum resultado na decisão da controvérsia entre a doutrina da necessidade e a doutrina da liberdade (da vontade). Ele propõe um 'projeto de reconciliação¿ (reconciling project) que consiste em mostrar que liberdade e necessidade são perfeitamente compatíveis entre si, e que afirmar que as ações humanas são livres não é afirmar que estejam fora do âmbito da necessidade, mas apenas que se realizaram sem constrangimento. Em seguida, esclareço as razões que conduzem à crença na vontade livre, crença esta infundada, segundo Hume. Por fim, procuro estabelecer as conseqüências que o compatibilismo humeano traz para a noção de responsabilidade moral. Hume entende que não só é perfeitamente possível explicar os juízos morais pelo seu compatibilismo, como também que o seu compatibilismo é a única alternativa de fato consistente para dar conta dos ajuizamentos que fazemos acerca da moralidade. Entendo que a explicação dos juízos morais de imputabilidade oferecida por Hume representa uma hipótese altamente persuasiva e com vigor suficiente para responder a objeções geralmente apresentadas pelos incompatibilistas
Abstract: The dissertation examines the analysis of Hume of the concepts of freedom and moral imputability. The text of reference for the research is section VIII of the Enquiry concerning Human Understanding. I show, from the study of this section, how freedom and necessity are compatible for Hume. To this effect, I analyze the humean compatibilism emphasizing the unit of the explanation that the author maintains in the cited work. Hume, in his examination of freedom and necessity, announces a new approach that promises at least some results for the decision of the controversy between the doctrine of the necessity and the doctrine of the freedom (of the will). He proposes a conciliatory project that consists in showing that freedom and necessity are perfectly compatible, and that to say that the human actions are free is not to say that they are out of the scope of the necessity, but only that they are without constraint. After that, I clarify the reasons that lead to the belief in free will, which is baseless according to Hume. Finally, I establish the consequences that humean compatibilism brings for the notion of moral responsibility. Hume understands not only that it is perfectly possible to explain moral judgments by means of his compatibilism, but also that his compatibilism is the only consistent alternative to account for moral judgement. I understand that the explanation of moral judgments of imputability offered by Hume represents a highly persuasive hypothesis, and strong enough to answer the objections generally raised by incompatibilists
Mestrado
Filosofia Moral
Mestre em Filosofia
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Espinoza, Verdejo Alex. "David Hume : aspects ontologiques et épistémologiques de l'induction." Nantes, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005NANT3018.
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Contrairement à beaucoup de penseurs modernes, Hume ne trace pas une démarcation nette entre l'être et la connaissance de l'être. Pour argumenter en faveur de la thèse antidivisionniste de Hume, nous avons déterminé cinq sources du problème de l'induction : les sources physiques, psychologique, logique, métaphysique et sociologique. Dans chacune d'elles (mise à part une interprétation purement formaliste de la source logique) nous avons trouvé une idée commune : la connaissance est un processus qui mêle inextricablement l'objectif et le subjectif, l'être et le connaître. L'analyse détaillée des sources du problème de l'induction, et les nombreuses comparaisons des idées de Hume avec celles de penseurs anciens, modernes ou contemporains, nous ont conduit à la conclusion que la philosophie de Hume, en particulier en ce qui concerne les aspects ontologiques et épistémologiques de l'induction, serait une classe de "réalisme pragmatique".
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Ouellet, Dominique. "Science et scepticisme chez David Hume." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/26324.
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L’oeuvre philosophique de David Hume repose sur un incontournable paradoxe. Dans le premier livre du Traité de la nature humaine, le projet d'une science expérimentale de la nature humaine se trouve curieusement juxtaposé à l'expression d'un scepticisme radical. Notre objectif consiste principalement à rendre compte, au-delà de cette contradiction apparente, de la cohérence de la position épistémologique de Hume. Nous tenterons de mettre en évidence la compatibilité des conceptions humiennes de science et de scepticisme. Nous chercherons également à souligner l'invraisemblance de l'interprétation traditionnelle qui dissout la tension entre science et scepticisme en réduisant la philosophie humienne à un scepticisme autodestructeur.
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Mullen, Shirley Annette. "David Hume and the partility-impartiality debate." Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683165.
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Jenkins, Joan (Joan Elizabeth). "The Enlightenment Legacy of David Hume." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1989. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc332061/.
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Although many historians assert the unity of the Enlightenment, their histories essentially belie this notion. Consequently, Enlightenment history is confused and meaningless, urging the reader to believe that diversity is similarity and faction is unity. Fundamental among the common denominators of these various interpretations, however, are the scientific method and empirical observation, as introduced by Newton. These, historians acclaim as the turning point when mankind escaped the ignorance of superstition and the oppression of the church, and embarked upon the modern secular age.
The Enlightenment, however, founders immediately upon its own standards of empiricism and demonstrable philosophical tenets, with the exception of David Hume. As the most consistent and fearless empiricist of the era, Hume's is by far the most "legitimate" philosophy of the Enlightenment, but it starkly contrasts the rhetoric and ideology of the philosophe community, and, therefore, defies attempts by historians to incorporate it into the traditional Enlightenment picture. Hume, then, exposes the Enlightenment dilemma: either the Enlightenment is not empirical, but rather the new Age of Faith Carl Becker proclaimed it, or Enlightenment philosophy is that of Hume.
This study presents the historical characterization of major Enlightenment themes, such as method, reason, religion, morality, and politics, then juxtaposes this picture with the particulars (data) that contradict or seriously qualify it. As a result, much superficial analysis, wishful thinking, even proselytizing is demonstrated in the traditional Enlightenment characterization, especially with regard to the widely heralded liberal and progressive legacy of the era.
In contrast, Hume's conclusions, based on the method of Newton-the essence of "enlightened" philosophy, are presented, revealing the authoritarian character (and legacy) of the Enlightenment as well as the utility and relevance of its method when honestly and rigorously applied. Through David Hume, the twentieth century can truly acquire what the Enlightenment promised—an understanding of human nature and a genuinely secular society.
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Rowan, Michael. "Hume, probability and induction." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1985. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phr877.pdf.
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Espinosa, Sarmiento Ruth. "El Problema de Hume: Epistemología, escepticismo y metafísica." Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2008. http://www.repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/108472.
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[…] Por mucho tiempo se pensó que en Hume no había tal cosa como un interés propiamente epistemológico, es decir se pensó que no había interés alguno por describir condiciones normativas que justificaran nuestro conocimiento, sino más bien una descripción psicológica y por ende subjetiva del modo en que tienen lugar nuestros estado de “certeza” subjetiva. Por otra parte, hay una de las tres condiciones mencionadas que pocas veces es tratada en el marco del problema de la justificación, a saber, la verdad de la creencia. La verdad de la creencia, sin embargo, como se verá, no necesariamente ha de ser considerada como la verdad objetiva más allá del marco de las creencias del sujeto. Es decir, no es necesario, según creo, adquirir compromisos ontológicos en el marco de una teoría realista para sostenes una teoría de la justificación epistémica propiamente normativa. Para llegar a este punto en la filosofía de Hume, sin embargo, se analizará en el primer capítulo el origen y principales influencias del proyecto humeano de la ciencia del hombre. En la sección I, intentaré mostrar cómo la filosofía de Hume se comprende de manera más cabal en contraste con la filosofía a la que se opone, a saber, la metafísica racionalista. Leeremos, tal como Hume sugiere en su correspondencia, su Tratado de la Naturaleza Humana, en contraste con la filosofía cartesiana. En ella hallaremos una de las teorías de la justificación más conocidas y debatidas en la espistemología, a saber, el fundacionalismo clásico. En este mismo contexto haré notar la búsqueda de Hume de una renovada concepción de conocimiento capaz de subsanar los vicios de la vieja escuela. En las secciones II y III intentaré mostrar los principales recursos de Hume para levantar una nueva metafísica, que no es sino su así llamada ciencia de la naturaleza humana. En esta nueva ciencia la adopción del método experimental de razonar juega un rol central. Luego de ello, esbozaré en la misma sección la recepción y la interpretación de las doctrinas humeanas acerca del conocimiento humano en la epistemología contemporánea. Con ello se habrá delineado la visión estándar del autor del Treatise. Esta visión, sin embargo, no agota el pensamiento de nuestro autor, y debe ser considerada tan solo como la parte negativa de su filosofía. En el segundo capítulo, intentaré mostrar que la visión estándar de Hume, puede ser matizada por nuevas interpretaciones del proyecto de Hume, como una doctrina metafísica propositiva y no como un mero diagnosticador de los problemas del conocimiento. En ella, sostendré que es posible encontrar una teoría de la justificación fundada en una nueva comprensión de la naturaleza humana y fundamentalmente de la racionalidad.
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Déragon, Sonia. "Identité personnelle chez David Hume : Imagonation et passions." Aix-Marseille 1, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001AIX10104.
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L'idée que nous défendons est celle suivant laquelle les discussions au sujet de l'identité personnelle développées dans les Livre I et II du Traité de la Nature Humaine sont consistantes l'une avec l'autre. Afin de démontrer cette thèse, nous discutons les propos tenus par Hume dans ces Livres et montrons que les discussions répondent à différentes questions et qu'elles se complètent bien théoriquement. Cette thèse se divise en trois parties. Nous expliquons, tout d'abord,"L'existence des substances matérielles". Nous montrons que nous trouvons chez Hume une première formulation de la thèse de la collection ainsi qu'une précision importante quant à la nature du lien entre les perceptions. Nous expliquons les croyances au sujet des corps extérieurs et soutenons que c'est grâce à la conception chez Hume de l'imagination que ces croyances "naturelles" peuvent être expliquées et justifiées. Nous distinguons, finalement, la croyance et la fiction et montrons l'importance de cette différenciation pour suivre correctement le propos humien. Dans la deuxième partie, nous discutons de "L'existence des substances spirituelles". Nous distinguons l'idée du moi et le moi des passions et montrons que l'idée "vraie" du moi ou de l'esprit est une idée complexe [. . . . ] Nous présentons ce que soutient Hume dans l'Appendice concernant l'identité et défendons les thèses suivant lesquelles 1) il n'y a pas de deuxième circularité théorique dans son traitement de l'identité et que 2) Hume est insatisfait de son explication de l'unité réelle de l'esprit humain. Dans la dernière partie, nous discutons de l'identité en tant qu'elle concerne les passions. Nous défendons l'idée suivant laquelle les passions contribuent grandement à la formation du moi et que, par conséquent, nous pouvons le différencier des fictions établies dans le Livre I. Nous expliquons le rôle essentiel que joue l'idée du moi dans les passions indirectes ainsi que dans les mécanismes de la sympathie et de la comparaison. Nous montrons, dans nos conclusions, la relation étroite entre le moi et l'autre ainsi que le rôle privilégié du corps humain dans la conception humienne de l'identité personnelle.
Books on the topic "Hume, David, 1711-1776 – Ethics"
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Siebert, Donald T. The moral animus of David Hume. Newark: University of Delaware Press, 1990.
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Mencius, Hume, and the foundations of ethics. Aldershot, Hampshire, England: Ashgate Pub., 2003.
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Botros, Sophie. Hume, reason and morality: A legacy of contradiction. London: Routledge, 2005.
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Clack, Beverley. "David Hume 1711–1776." In Misogyny in the Western Philosophical Tradition, 135–44. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230212800_11.
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Rotwein, Eugene. "Hume, David (1711–1776)." In The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics, 6027–33. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-349-95189-5_751.
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Demeter, Tamás. "Hume, David (1711–1776)." In Encyclopedia of Early Modern Philosophy and the Sciences, 1–7. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-20791-9_440-1.
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Milgate, Murray, and Shannon C. Stimson. "Hume, David (1711–1776)." In The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics and the Law, 908–15. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-74173-1_173.
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Howard, Alex. "David Hume (1711–1776)." In Philosophy for Counselling and Psychotherapy, 172–81. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-04644-4_18.
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Rotwein, Eugene. "Hume, David (1711–1776)." In The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics, 1–7. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-349-95121-5_751-1.
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Rotwein, Eugene. "Hume, David (1711–1776)." In The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics, 1–8. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-349-95121-5_751-2.
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Morrissey, Lee. "David Hume (1711–1776) from “Of the Standard of Taste,” Essays (1757)." In Debating the Canon: A Reader from Addison to Nafisi, 17–20. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-04916-2_3.
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Crisp, Roger. "Hume." In Sacrifice Regained, 137–57. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198840473.003.0012.
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This chapter discusses the views on self-interest and morality of the Scottish empiricist philosopher David Hume (1711–76). The view that Hume’s ethics is purely anthropological or descriptive is criticized. Hume’s deontological ethics of action is compared with his utilitarian ethics of motive. It is shown that his utilitarianism is a view about rather than within morality: morality itself is a device for the promotion of happiness, so that non-utilitarian or deontological moral views may be conceptually confused. Hume’s conception of impartiality is explained, and finally his dualism of the practical reason, which allows for the rationality of self-sacrifice as well as that of immorality, depending on circumstances.
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Rayman, R. A. "David Hume (1711 - 1776)." In Economics Through the Looking-Glass, 253–57. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429444586-40.
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