Academic literature on the topic 'Hungarian and Bosnian'

Traditional folk music of Bosnia and Herzegovina can be best understood in light of the multicultural heritage of Bosniaks, Serbs and Croats, as well as many ethnic minority groups. But in the period 1878–1918, traditional music became open to Western European influences. Openness, as well as exposure, to the “new” becomes one of the characteristic signs of the Austro-Hungarian empire, whose new system of governance brought the unknown Western European cultural spirit to the population of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the mentioned period, new musical instruments appeared, which were previously unknown (e.g. clarinet, accordion), as well as professional musical ensembles which were not common in Bosnian tradition. These and similar appearances made the period of Austro-Hungarian empire a unique turning point in the development of urban traditional music which was developed within the Bosnian and Herzegovinian cafes.

Political thought in Bosnia and Herzegovina during Austro-Hungarian rule can be researched by a thorough analysis of the engagement of local political elites with pressing contemporary issues. There were four distinct political clusters in Bosnia and Herzegovina at the time: the Bosniak Muslim, Serbian, and Croatian ones were crystallized around an ethnoreligious principle; while Social Democrats as a coherent group were based on the principle of civic and working class identity, and were consequently indifferent towards ethnicity and religion. Members of the four groups markedly differed in their views on nation and nationalism, Austrian rule and the future of the Bosnian polity, social and economic development, and religion. However, within the three ethnic clusters it is possible to make further distinctions between moderates and radicals, modernists and traditionalists, conformists and revolutionaries, and liberals and conservatives. Along these lines, the article maps this complex field and introduces the reader to the main lines of Bosnian political thought in this eventful period.

The beginning of the 19th and the 20th century marked the period of nations’ constitution in southeastern Europe and greater care for nations’ oases living out of their parent nations. Sometimes that care turned into intended or unintended hegemony over other nations. This phenomenon is actual even today in various nations, especially in the Balkans, so it is interesting how "the care of the people out of their home country" (nowadays people would say "diaspora"), implemented various "actions" that were sometimes politically conducted from the Austro-Hungarian centres of power to the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Slavonia, especially in the case of the Hungarian government's pro-government project "Julian Action".So-called Julian Action was not unique at that time, neither it was the only, nor the first or special, but it can be somewhat comparable to the same work methodology in the same regions, for example, with the similar German project Schulvereine, the Italian action by Dante Alighieri, and even to not so significant Slavic action of the Cyril and Methodius societies, as well as to some other less-known "actions" that operated abroad, i.e. mainly outside the home countries, on the territory of Austria-Hungary. The opposite views were mostly manifested in the interpretation of justification, e. g. of Julian Action (which got the prosaic name). For instance, the Hungarian side (similar to German, Italian ... through their associations), justified the action of the association "Julian" by the care of its own people outside the borders of the home state (in order to preserve identity, culture and language). On the contrary, the Croatian (and also Bosnian-Herzegovinian,…) side in the activity of the "Julian" organization recognized a sort of political alienation and Hungarization (or Germanization, Italianization, ...) of the majority of domicile population. The Hungarian Julian campaign was conducted on the basis of: A) Statute of the Julian Society, (voted in 1903), and B) Hungarian, Bosnian-Herzegovinian and Croatian-Slavonic-Dalmatian laws. For example, the Hungarian Julian Schools in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Slavonia could be founded, organized and act not only on the basis of the applicable Hungarian laws, but also on the basis of the school laws of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Slavonia and Dalmatia, which allowed and even encouraged the organization of public and private schools, rural and wilderness schools (e. g. through Hungarian Julian schools), factory schools (e. g. Hungarian state railway schools), confessional schools (e. g. Hungarian reformatory schools), which opened a wide area of the Hungarian Julian Action operation from 1904 in Croatia and Slavonia, and from the 1908 occupation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. A vast majority of pupils were of non-German nationality, and they were enrolled there because of better conditions, employment opportunities in enterprises, state and public services, as well as because of future education. Hungarian schools and Hungarian railways, as well as Hungarian churches and societies in Croatia and Slavonia, existed in the second half of the 19th century. They had the purpose of implementing the so-called Hungarian State Thought (Magyar Állami eszme), which had been politically instrumentalized. Since 1904 until the end of the First World War they put the so-called Julian action into their systems and programmes. Almost identical relationship had existed in Bosnia and Herzegovina since 1908. There were constant conflicts between the state of Hungary and Julian campaign with the majority of Slavic population outside of Hungary, for example, in Bosnia and Herzegovina. When the Julian campaign was politically instrumentalized because of “taking care of its people in diaspora", and in some parts crossed the boundaries of "preserving" them, it began with "unintentional" assimilation through schools, railways and cultural societies. So it necessarily had to come into conflict with other nations. From the Hungarian point of view, the so-called "Bosnian Action" and "Slavonic Action" of the Hungarian Government were directed towards the care of Hungarians in the so-called "affiliated" and annexed province, as well as to strengthening and expansion of Hungarian influence in the countries where the majority of population were Muslims-Bosnians, Serbs and Croats. The same action ranged from the accusation of "Hungarianization” to the theory of the Hungarians threatened by assimilation; however, the action did not achieve a long-term goal and did not prove permanent because, after the end of the First World War, a small group of Hungarians in the newly established countries did not have any legal guarantees, and new authorities did not ensure its survival.

Traumatic encounter with Europe: ‘Austro-Hungarian theme’ and beginnings of modern Bosniak literature Initiated by the crucial historical event of the end of the centuries long Ottoman rule in Bosnia (1878) and extremely complex subsequent processes of ‘emancipation’, ‘modernisation’ and ‘europeisation’ of post-Ottoman Bosnia, the ‘Austro-Hungarian theme’ is a common, or even obsessive, literary topic of Bosniak and the entire Bosnian-Herzegovinian literature from the 19th century onwards, mostly realized as ‘an account of Austro‑Hungarian occupation, in a range of images of disintegration of Muslim ethnic and social environment’ ‘to which the end of the Turkish Empire [...] is the end of what they were’. As such, the ‘Austro-Hungarian theme’ is a particular mnemonic phenomenon – a theme of a specific historical trauma, as well as a theme of a radical and comprehensive cultural transition or a theme of a complex and dramatic cultural transcoding, crucially important in the construction of identity and alterity policies of modern Bosniak and Bosnian‑Herzegovinian literature and culture as a whole. It is not surprising, then, that in the scope of the ‘Austro-Hungarian theme’ – along with other literary pieces – there appears the first Bosniak novel, Zeleno busenje [‘The Green Sods’] (1898) by Edhem Mulabdić (1862–1954), after whom the theme will later be addressed, especially in Bosniak literature, by a whole range of different authors, representing in various ways the late-19th century traumatic Bosnia’s encounter with Europe. Traumatyczne spotkanie z Europą: „Temat austro-węgierski” i początki nowszej literatury boszniackiej W artykule omówiono zagadnienia związane z problematyką podejmowaną w literaturze boszniackiej i bośniacko-hercegowińskiej od końca XIX wieku po czasy współczesne. Autor dowodzi, iż podstawowym tematem w tych literaturach jest „temat austro-węgierski”, który po raz pierwszy pojawił się w 1878 roku, kiedy na skutek decyzji kongresu berlińskiego za­kończyło się panowanie osmańskie w Bośni i nastąpiły złożone procesy „emancypacji”, „mo­dernizacji” i „europeizacji”. W czasach postosmańskich wykorzystywano go szeroko, a nawet „obsesyjnie”, uważając „okupację austro-węgierską” za przyczynę rozwarstwiania narodowego i społecznego środowisk muzułmańskich.„Temat austro-węgierski” reprezentuje szczególny fenomen pamięci. Ujmowany w ka­tegoriach traumy historycznej, stał się głównym motywem ukazującym przejście kulturowe jako złożony i dramatyczny proces przekodowania kulturowego. Odegrał też wyjątkową rolę w konstruowaniu polityki tożsamościowej w nowszej literaturze i kulturze boszniackiej oraz bośniacko-hercegowińskiej. Nic zatem dziwnego, że znalazł się w pierwszej powieści boszniac­kiej Zeleno busenje (1898) Edhema Mulabdicia, a także w twórczości innych pisarzy, zwłasz­cza przedstawicieli literatury boszniackiej, ukazujących w różnorodny sposób traumatyczne spotkanie Bośni z Europą pod koniec XIX wieku.

Serbia's ethnic Hungarian minority, concentrated in the northern province of Vojvodina, is little known compared to other ethnic minorities in the Balkans. Unlike Kosovo Albanians, Bosnian Muslims, Bosnian Serbs, and Croatian Serbs, the Vojvodina Hungarians were not involved in violent conflict during Yugoslavia's disintegration of the 1990s. The Hungarian minority is not without its grievances or its political demands, however. Over the past two decades, Vojvodina Hungarians have organized a campaign for greater cultural accommodation and political autonomy for their community. They argue that the province as a whole has lost most of its meaningful autonomous powers, that the Hungarian minority does not have adequate political representation and cultural institutions, and that the state does not fully protect the minority from growing threats of ethnic violence and discrimination. The minority's campaign directs most of its appeals to the Belgrade authorities, but increasingly it looks beyond Serbia's borders for support as well. Especially when the Serbian government appears hostile or indifferent to their appeals, the Vojvodina Hungarians look to make alliances with foreign actors, including the Hungarian government, the US government, EU institutions, and assorted other media outlets and NGOs. The minority leaders expect that by sending these foreign actors accounts of the human rights abuses that Vojvodina Hungarians suffer, they will ally themselves with the campaign and pressure the Serbian authorities to compromise with its demands.

This text is an introduction to the thematic block of the journal Social Sciences and Humanities Studies on the literary and theatrical aspects of Bosnian drama and theater. It recalls the presence of theatrical and sub-theatrical phenomena on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina in antiquity, and then lists the specifics of Bosnian culture in the Middle Ages, from which arises a specific relationship to drama and theater. The attitude of Islamic culture towards theater and drama significantly influenced the status that drama has even after the departure of the Ottoman Empire from Bosnia and Herzegovina. With the arrival of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, there are significant differences concerning European civic theater. Through the most important conclusions from the individual texts that make up this block, the status that Bosnian drama has in our theatrical culture is pointed out.

In 1878 The Habsburgs exercised their rights under the Treaty of Berlin and marched an army of occupation into the former Ottoman provinces of Bosnia and Hercegovina. Between then and their expulsion in 1918, the Habsburg authorities attempted to weld their new province into the Austro-Hungarian polity and economy. Responsibility for governing Bosnia-Hercegovina was entrusted to the Common Finance Ministry. Its officials, especially during the administration of Count Benjamin Kalláy (1882–1903), saw their task as a “civilizing mission” and the Bosnian economy as clay to be worked according to their prescriptions. The developmental outcome of their endeavors forms the subject of this paper.

After the Congress of Berlin in 1878, in Bosnia and Hercegovina we saw big changes. The Austrian government was building roads, and railroad tracks. In the Austro-Hungarian period, also they changed their architectural style; from the prevailing ottoman one to more like in Vienna or Prague. This situation was a short time, in live only one generation. These changes affected to life and behavior of Bosnia and Hercegovinas’ citizens. Was changed several people, because after the Austrian arrive, a lot of Muslims Bosniacs, and Turks, were left this part. There were elites in this place. Their positions, how “new elites” take people which they came from different part of the Habsburg Monarchy; Hungarians, Germans, Poles, Czechs, etc. They were taking new ideas, how feminism. The emancipation of women was something new in these places. The first woman, which was proclaiming the slogans, as teachers. On the article we can show two examples; Jelica Belović-Bernadzikowska, and Jagoda Truhelka. They were born in Osijek, from giving Bosnian part ideas, that girl needs to will independent and need to have good graduated. These modern ideas, supported, in a way, the government because in the country was a school program for girls. Austro-Hungarian politics was building a school for girls, and take some scholarship went girl studied in University, how Marija Bergman, born in Bosnia, daughter of some Jews officials. However teachers not only modern women, similar roles had women-doctors. Girls who graduated Faculty of Medicine, arrive in Bosnia and Hercegovina and help Muslim women. Poles Teodora Krajewska and Czechs Anna Bayerova also take ideas of feminism, but, most important that she was great respect between patience. Propagating the feministic ideas was thinking which affect all women. Most important was not only slogans but also changes in everyday life normal family in Bosnia and Hercegovina. The other day only men can work on the farmland or work. After the Congress of Berlin situations was changed. On the consequences, women must be going to work, often how a worker in fabric. Work was hard, but women first time have their cash. Automatically her position in society was better. These situations have consequences for the city, as like villages. We sow this situation in the book Vere Ehrlich, which researched this topic in the interwar period. In the article, we went to show, that this changing was things also women, which life to margin, how prostitutes. Naturally, their life was always difficult, but the new government also got assistance. Habsburg's administration knew, that better control of specific profession, because this is the way how deal with the epidemic of syphilis, and something like this. In this work, we use scientific literature and documents from archives, mainly the Archive of Federation Bosnia and Hercegovina, and Historical Archive from city Sarajevo, when was document fo Jelica Belović-Bernadzikowska. How method we use case study and analyzing to literature and historical sources.

The relationship between identity and national consciousness is one of the important issues, not only, of the sociology of identity but of the overall opinion of the social sciences. This scientific question has been insufficiently researched in the sociological thought of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and with this paper we are trying to actualize it. Aware of theoretical-methodological and conceptual-logical difficulties related to the research problem, we considered that in the first part of the paper we make some theoretical-methodological notes on the problems in studying this phenomenon, in order to, above all, eliminate conceptual-logical dilemmas. The use of terms and their meaning in sociology and other social sciences is a very important theoretical and methodological issue. The question justifiably arises whether we can adequately name and explain some of the “character traits” of the contemporary national identity of the Bosniak nation that we want to talk about in this paper with classical, generally accepted terms, identity, consciousness, self-awareness, shame or shame, self-shame. Another important theoretical issue of the relationship between identity and consciousness in our case, the relationship between the national consciousness of Bosniaks and their overall socio-historical identity is the dialectical relationship between individual and collective consciousness, ie. the extent to which the national consciousness of an individual or a particular national group, political, cultural, educational, age, etc., is contrary to generally accepted national values and norms. One of the important factors of national consciousness is the culture of remembrance. What does it look like for Bosniaks? More specifically, in this paper we problematize the influence of “prejudicial historiography” on the development of the culture of memory in the direction of oblivion or memory. What to remember, and why to remember. Memory is part of our identity. The phrase, not to deal with the past but to turn to the future, is impossible. How to project the future and not analyze the past. On the basis of what, what social facts? Why the world remembers the crimes of the Nazis, why the memory of the Holocaust and the suffering of the Jews is being renewed. Which is why Bosniaks would not remember and renew the memory of the genocides committed against them. Due to the Bosniak memory of genocide, it is possible that the perpetrators of genocide are celebrated as national heroes and their atrocities as a national liberation struggle. Why is the history of literature and art, political history and all other histories studied in all nations and nations. Why don't European kingdoms give up their own, queens and kings, princesses and princes. These and other theoretical-methodological questions have served us to use comparative analysis to show specific forms of self-esteem among Bosniaks today. The concrete socio-historical examples we cite fully confirm our hypothesis. Here are a few of these examples. Our eastern neighbors invented their epic hero Marko Kraljevic (Ottoman vassal and soldier, killed as a “Turkish” soldier in the fight against Christian soldiers in Bulgaria) who killed the fictional Musa Kesedzija, invented victory on the field of Kosovo, and Bosniaks forgot the real Bosniak epic heroes , brothers Mujo and Halil Hrnjic, Tala od Orašac, Mustaj-beg Lički and others, who defended Bosniaks from persecution and ethnic cleansing in the Bosnian Krajina. Dozens of schools in Bosnia and Herzegovina have been named after the Serbian language reformer, the Serb Vuk Stefanović Karađić (1787-1864), who was born in the village of Tršić near Loznica, Republic of Serbia. Uskufije (1601 / 1602.-?), Born in Dobrinja near Tuzla. Two important guslars and narrators of epic folk songs, Filip Višnjić (1767-1834) and Avdo Medjedović (1875-1953), are unequally present in the memory and symbolic content of the national groups to which they belong, even if the difference in quality is on the side of the almost forgotten. Avdo Medjedovic, the “Balkan Homer”, is known at Harvard University, but very little is known in Bosnia and Herzegovina. And while we learned everything about the murderer Gavril Princip, enlightened by the “logic of an idea” (Hannah Arendt) symbolizing him as a “national hero”, we knew nothing, nor should we have known, about Muhamed Hadžijamaković, a Bosnian patriot and legal soldier, he did not kill a single pregnant woman , a fighter in the Bosnian Army who fought against the Austro-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1878. When it comes to World War II and the fight against fascism are full of hero stories. For one example, we will take Srebrenica, the place of genocidal suffering of Bosniaks. Before the war against Bosnian society and the state 1992-1995. in Srebrenica, the elementary school was called Mihajlo Bjelakovic, a partisan, born in Vidrići near Sokolac. Died in Srebrenica in 1944. The high school in Srebrenica was named Midhat Hacam, a partisan born in the vicinity of Vares. It is not a problem that these two educational institutions were named after two anti-fascists, whose individual work is not known except that they died. None of them were from Srebrenica. That's not a problem either. Then what is it. In the collective memory of Bosniaks. Until recently, the name of the two Srebrenica benefactors and heroes who saved 3,500 Srebrenica Serbs from the Ustasha massacre in 1942, who were imprisoned by the Ustashas in the camp, has not been recorded. These are Ali (Jusuf) efendi Klančević (1888-1952) and his son Nazif Klančević (1910-1975). Nothing was said about them as anti-fascists, most likely that Alija eff. Klančević was an imam-hodža, his work is valued according to Andrić's “logic” as a work that cannot “be the subject of our work” In charity, humanitarian work, but also courage, sacrifice, direct participation in the fight for defense, the strongest Bosniaks do not lag behind Bosniaks, but just like Bosniaks, they are not symbolically represented in the public space of Bosnia and Herzegovina. We had the opportunity to learn about the partisan Marija Bursać and many others, but why the name Ifaket-hanuma Tuzlić-Salihagić (1908-1942), the daughter of Bakir-beg Tulić, was forgotten. In order to feed the muhadjers from eastern Bosnia, Ifaket-hanum, despite the warning not to go for food to Bosanska Dubica, she left. She bravely stood in front of the Ustashas who arrested her and took her to Jasenovac. She was tortured in the camp and eventually died in the greatest agony, watered and fried with hot oil. Nothing was known about that victim of Ustasha crimes. Is it because she is the daughter of Bakir-beg Tuzlić. Bey's children were not desirable in public as benefactors because they were “remnants of rotten feudalism”, belonging to the “sphere of another culture”. In this paper, we have mentioned other, concrete, examples of Bosniak monasticism, from the symbolic content of the entire public space to naming children.

In modern societies foreigners are implicated in the resolution of the problem of state sovereignty. This paper clarifies how foreign groups can be used by the state to reconstitute the nation in such a way that vulnerabilities are mended. Michel Foucaultâ s racism and bio-politics are used as conceptual tools to gain insight on how the perpetually open question of who belongs and who does not belong to the population might be settled. This theoretical problem is illustrated with the help of case studies on two significant â crisis momentsâ for the Swiss state: the arrival of the Hungarian refugees in the late 1950s and the arrival of the Bosnian refugees in the early to mid 1990s.
Master of Arts

La thèse doctorale « De Vienne à Sarajevo, modèles et répliques; architecture de la période austro- hongroise » offre un aperçu chronologique et historique du développement de l’architecture en Bosnie- Herzégovine, en se focalisant sur la période austro-hongroise à Sarajevo. La monarchie austro-hongroise occupa la Bosnie-Herzégovine à partir de 1878 et opéra alors une transformation complète du pays durant une période de quarante ans. Sarajevo, comme la plupart des autres villes de Bosnie-Herzégovine, initialement orientale, s’est muée en ville occidentale, sous l’influence des centres de la monarchie. Les édifices construits sur la Ringstrasse de Vienne ont fait office de modèles pour les répliques bâties à Sarajevo. Les circonstances politiques spécifiques de la Bosnie-Herzégovine durant la période austro-hongroise furent influencées par la relation entre le centre et la périphérie. La thèse doctorale compare et met en valeur des exemples concrets d’édifices construits dans les néo-styles et style sécession à Vienne et Sarajevo, dans les contextes de l’identité, du Genius Loci, et de la relation entre le centre et la périphérie. Le patrimoine culturel et historique bosnien, en particulier l’héritage architectural de Sarajevo datant de la période austro-hongroise, est également replacé dans un contexte européen plus large. La cartographie et la valorisation d’exemples architecturaux concrets ont mis en évidence de nombreuses similitudes proportionnelles et stylistiques, mais aussi les différences essentielles existant dans la perception des modèles et des répliques dans le cadre du Genius Loci, ce dernier constituant un facteur clé dans la comparaison des exemples sélectionnés
Doctoral dissertation From Vienna to Sarajevo, role models and replicas in the architecture of Austro- Hungarian period brings a chronological and historical overview of the development of the architecture in Bosnia and Herzegovina with an emphasis on the Austro-Hungarian period in Sarajevo. The Austro-Hungarian Monarchy occupied Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1878 and made a full transformation of the country during a period of 40 years. Sarajevo, like most other Bosnian and Herzegovinian towns, has been transformed from the Oriental to a Western European city under the influence of the centers of Austro-Hungarian monarchy. The buildings built on the Vienna’s Ringstrasse served as role models for the replicas built in Sarajevo. The specific political circumstances in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Austro-Hungarian period were influenced by the relationship between the center and the periphery. The doctoral dissertation compares and valorizes concrete examples of buildings built in Neo-styles and Secession in Vienna and Sarajevo in the context of identity, Genius loci and the relationship between the center and the periphery. In this way, the Bosnian- Herzegovinian cultural and historical heritage, primarily the architectural heritage of Sarajevo from the Austro-Hungarian period, is placed in a wider European context. Mapping and valorization of concrete examples of architecture showed numerous proportional and stylistic similarities, but also the essential differences in the perception of patterns and replicas in the context of Genius loci, which is shown as a key factor in the comparison of the selected examples
Doktorska disertacija "Od Beča do Sarajeva, uzori i replike u arhitekturi austrougarskog perioda" donosi hronološki i istorijski pregled razvoja arhitekture u Bosni i Hercegovini sa naglaskom na austrougarski period u Sarajevu. Austro-Ugarska monarhija okupirala je Bosnu i Hercegovinu 1878. godine, a u narednih 40 godina izvršila je potpunu transformaciju zemlje. Sarajevo, kao i većina drugih gradova u Bosni i Hercegovini je pod uticajem centara Austro-Ugarske monarhije potpuno transformisano iz orijentalnog u zapadnoevropski grad. Arhitektonski objekti građeni u bečkom Ringstrasse-u poslužili su kao uzori za arhitektonske objekte - njihove replike, građene u Sarajevu. Specifične političke prilike u Bosni i Hercegovini u austrougarskom periodu bile su uslovljene odnosnom centra i periferije. Ova doktorska disertacija poredi i valorizuje konkretne primjere arhitektonskih objekata izgrađenih u neo-stilovima i secesiji u Beču i Sarajevu u kontekstu identiteta, duha mjesta i odnosa između centra i periferije. Na taj način kulturno-istorijsko naslijeđe u Bosni i Hercegovini je smješteno u širi evropski kontekst. Mapiranje i valorizacija konkretnih arhitektonskih primjera pokazali su brojne sličnosti u proporcijama i stilskoj artikulaciji, ali i suštinske razlike u percepciji uzora i replika u kontekstu duha mjesta koji predstavlja važan faktor u komparaciji odabranih primjera

During four decades of Austro-Hungarian rule in Bosnia and Herzegovina, economic, social and cultural circumstances had improved, as well as the position of women, who started participating in public life as educational workers, translators and writers. In this article, special attention is drawn to Anka Topić, first Bosnian-Herzegovinian women poet, who in 1909 published an individual collection of poems Lost Star (Izgubljena zvijezda). The analysis focuses on her transformation from a poet altruistically celebrating the transnational brotherhood and unity of all peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the romantic folklore spirit, to a tribune writing occasional poems to Croatian notables in Bosnia and Herzegovina and propagating the idea of a strictly Croatian Bosnia in the realms of the Monarchy.

The paper will consider the position of the Croatian language in Bosnia and Herzegovina and attempt to answer the question whether Croats living in Bosnia and Herzegovina should be using Standard Croatian as prescribed by the authorities in Zagreb or if they should insist upon their own peculiarities resulting from specific social and political circumstances as well as a hundred years of separation from the homeland. What position should be taken with regards to numerous words of Turkish, Arabic and Persian origin making up the vocabulary of Croats living in Bosnia and Herzegovina, considering the wide variety of words of German, Italian and Hungarian origin characteristic of the language spoken in different parts of Croatia? There are those who believe that the Croatian language in Bosnia and Herzegovina should and must be separate in some of its language solutions from the Croatian language as standardised by the authorities in Zagreb. They subscribe to the view that the Croatian language in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as the Croats themselves, are systematically neglected by the homeland, being used only for political point-scoring. On the other hand, the University of Mostar is the only university in Bosnia and Herzegovina teaching in the Croatian language as prescribed by the authorities in Croatia, invoking the unity of the Croatian people and language used by all Croats, regardless of their country of residence. The paper will try and clarify which position is the correct one, whether there can be only one correct position or the solution for Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina lies in a different direction.