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Journal articles on the topic 'Hungary – Foreign economic relations'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 March 2023

Last updated: 31 July 2025

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1

Herzog, Tamás, and Zoltán Kormos. "Economic Relations between Hungary and Czechia." Statistika: Statistics and Economy Journal 103, no. 3 (2023): 277–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.54694/stat.2023.31.

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Trends of the economic relations between Czechia and Hungary – from Hungarian point of view – are reviewed, based mainly on the data of statistics office (KSH) and on the National Bank of Hungary (MNB). Developments are examined in EUR throughout the study, thus evaluation is exempt from HUF exchange rate changes. The first part presents, based on KSH data, the external trade turnover changes between Hungary and Czechia in 1994–2022. Czechia is an important trade partner of Hungary. Timely changes in product structure are emphasized, the most recent state is presented, based on SITC and BEC no

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2

Kálmán, Botond, and Arnold Tóth. "The Success of Japanese Foreign Market Investments in Hungary." International Journal of Trade, Economics and Finance 12, no. 4 (2021): 92–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.18178/ijtef.2021.12.4.700.

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This study examines the recent history and current state of a special area of Japanese-Hungarian economic relations, foreign direct investments (FDI) in Hungary. We reviewed the flow of Japanese capital into Hungary. Foreign direct capital investments can improve productivity on the one hand via technology transfer, and one the other hand, they may have further positive effects through corporate relationships, such as market access or improved financing conditions. Through these means, they strengthen economic growth. When analyzing the data on the historical development of Japanese investment

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Hasan, Bariş, and Ali Kiliçarslan Topuz. "Hungarian Foreign Policy towards the Turkic States: A Motivation for a More Authoritarian-Leaning Political Model or a Pragmatic Will for Economic Gain?" Politics in Central Europe 21, no. 1 (2025): 55–79. https://doi.org/10.2478/pce-2025-0003.

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Abstract This study examines the relationship between the recent discussions that Hungary has moved away from fundamental democratic values and turned into an illiberal democracy and the transformation of Hungarian foreign policy by taking Hungary’s relations with the Turkic states as a case. The dynamics of Hungarian foreign policy towards the Turkic states as part of Hungary’s post-2010 strategy of Eastern Opening are taken as a case study and the influences of these dynamics on perception differences about Hungarian democracy are analysed. It is discussed whether Hungary’s developing politi

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Tóth, Arnold, Gyöngyi Csongrádi, and István Engelberth. "The influence of Japanese automotive industry investment in East Nógrád." Észak-magyarországi Stratégiai Füzetek 21, no. 1 (2024): 127–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.32976/stratfuz.2024.10.

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This study explores Japanese-Hungarian economic relations, specifically focusing on foreign direct investments (FDI) in Hungary. The analysis delves into the historical development and current state of Japanese capital flow into Hungary, with a particular emphasis on the automotive industry. Foreign direct investments are shown to enhance productivity throughtechnology transfer and foster positive impacts on corporate relationships, contributing to economic growth. The study demonstrates the mutual benefits of Japanese FDI in the Hungarian automotive industry and includes a case study on the a

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Sáringer, János. "The Hungarian–Czechoslovak Relations from the Hungarian Perspective." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, European and Regional Studies 21, no. 1 (2022): 25–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/auseur-2022-0002.

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Abstract As a result of the first free and democratic elections in Hungary, in May 1990, József Antall formed a government, whose foreign policy goal was the restoration of the sovereignty of Hungary and the support and representation of the Euro-Atlantic integration and of the Hungarians across the border. In the Hungarian–Czechoslovak bilateral relations, the new Hungarian government’s aim was to expand the political relations in both federal and republican levels. It was Hungary’s interest that serious legacies, such as the issue of the Bős– Nagymaros Dam system, should not hold back the ge

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Kozár, László, and György Iván Neszmélyi. "Hungarian endeavours for the enhancement of economic relations in Southeast Asia focusing on a new partnership with Vietnam." Applied Studies in Agribusiness and Commerce 11, no. 3-4 (2020): 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.19041/apstract/2017/3-4/1.

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Beyond a brief review of the economic integration process among the states of the ASEAN region, the authors of the present study aimed to examine and analyze the main economic, social and political characteristics of the Hungaro-ASEAN relations. The importance of the topic of this research is underlined by the fact that the Hungarian government considers big importance to the improvement of the foreign economic relations with Asian economies. This intention was expressed by a new foreign economic strategy „Eastern opening” announced by the government in 2012, even though the foreign trade stat

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Prantner, Zoltán. "Hungary and the Arabian Peninsula in the 1960s." East Central Europe 49, no. 1 (2022): 23–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763308-49010003.

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Abstract In this article, the author discusses a particular episode in the history of Hungary’s foreign policy when the Hungarian Communist leadership attempted to expand its system of foreign policy relations within the Arab world in the 1960s. Regarding the latter, the analysis focuses on the Arabian Peninsula. The study is divided into four main parts. Accordingly, it presents the fundamental shift in attitudes toward socialist globalization following Stalin’s death in the first unit. The following chapters describe the relationship between Hungary and the two Yemens, as well as Kuwait in c

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Tkach, Dmytro, and Maria Burmaka. "THE POLITICS OF FIDESZ-KDNP OF HUNGARY UNDER V. ORBÁN IN WESTERN MEDIA, 2010-2024." Public Administration and Law Review, no. 3(19) (September 30, 2024): 91–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.36690/2674-5216-2024-3-91-101.

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This article offers a comprehensive analysis of Western media coverage of the Hungarian government's political course under Viktor Orban and the FIDESZ-KDNP coalition from 2010 to 2024. The study encompasses a wide range of aspects of Hungary's domestic and foreign policy, tracing the evolution of "Orbanism" perception in international media discourse. The author examines in detail the key themes that dominated Western media regarding Hungary, namely: The transformation of the country's democratic system and discussions around the concept of "illiberal democracy". Systematic conflicts between

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9

Mironov, V. V. "Mexico and Austria-Hungary: a difficult path to normalize relations." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities 29, no. 1 (2024): 233–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2024-29-1-233-245.

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Importance. The reasons for the restoration of interstate contacts between Mexico and Austria- Hungary at the beginning of the 20th century are analyzed and their evolution during the “porphyriate”, the Mexican Revolution of 1910–1917 and the World War I is traced.Materials and Methods. Based on a critical analysis of domestic and foreign research literature using historical-genetic and historical-comparative methods, the course of resolving the longstanding interstate conflict and the evolution of military-political and trade relations between Mexico and Austria-Hungary in the last third of t

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10

Comisso, Ellen, and Paul Marer. "The economics and politics of reform in Hungary." International Organization 40, no. 2 (1986): 421–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300027193.

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Reform of the domestic economic system is the distinctive element of Hungary's foreign economic strategy in the 1980s. The need for systemic economic reform stems from Hungary's status as a small country, heavily dependent on foreign trade, many of whose imports can no longer be met within the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance alone. The many obstacles to economic reform lie in a heritage of policy choices that responded to domestic and CMEA supply constraints rather than to principles of comparative advantage. Such policies undercut the initial economic reform in 1968 and contributed to

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Lazorkina, Olga. "Беларусь – Венгрия: паттерн взаимодействия в условиях ассиметричных объединений". Wschodnioznawstwo 14 (2020): 139–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20827695wsc.20.008.13336.

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Belarus – Hungary: pattern of interaction in the conditions of asymmetric associations The article focuses on bilateral relations between the Republic of Belarus and Hungary in the context of their membership in the Eurasian Economic Union and the European Union. The author made an attempt to define the model of bilateral cooperation between states limited in their actions by membership in regional associations. The features of the development of political dialogue, which was formed under the influence of the national vision and approaches of the EU as a whole, are analyzed. Special attention

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Islamov, Damir R., Bulat G. Akhmetkarimov, Yakov Y. Grishin, and Firdaus G. Vagapova. "The Russia and Turkey Factors in Hungary-Serbia Tandem’s Policies." Russia in Global Affairs 22, no. 1 (2024): 130–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.31278/1810-6374-2024-22-1-130-150.

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Hungary and Serbia’s relations with other countries are based on the “partnership of necessity” concept. Initially, these countries drew closer together in search of ways to resolve the common problem of illegal migration, but gradually they deepened their cooperation. Russia’s special military operation in Ukraine gave a new impetus to the intensification of relations between Hungary and Serbia as both states were unwilling to fully share the EU’s sanctions policy towards Russia. Serbia tried to maneuver while Hungary struggled to get exemptions for itself from EU sanctions regulations. Also,

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Balogh, Jeremiás Máté, and Nuno Morgado. "A cross-country comparison of wine in cultural foreign policy in Portugal and Hungary." British Food Journal 127, no. 13 (2025): 248–63. https://doi.org/10.1108/bfj-09-2024-0969.

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PurposeThis paper assesses the differences in the use of wine, as a consumed food substance, in the formulation of Portugal and Hungary’s cultural foreign policies between 2010 and 2022. By comparing the degrees of effectiveness of these two traditional wine-making countries’ approaches in shaping their national image, we contribute to the limited literature on wine diplomacy and cultural foreign policy. We highlight the disparities in policies and state organizations responsible for formulating the respective policies. Wine diplomacy enhances international affairs and strengthens political an

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14

Domonkos, Endre. "The Consequences of Stalinist Economic Policy in Hungary (1949-1953)." Multidiszciplináris kihívások, sokszínű válaszok, no. 1 (August 31, 2022): 3–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.33565/mksv.2022.01.01.

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By 1948, with the eradication of private property ownership and multi-party-system, the institutional background of the Soviet-type dictatorship was created by the Hungarian Workers Party (HWP). In economic terms, forced industrialisation became buzzword, whereas both agricultural and infrastructural development were neglected by the communist leadership. The forced collectivisation in the agriculture, accompanied by the postponement of necessary investments led to a permanent shortage of goods. Compulsory deliveries coupled with the application of the principle of quantity further aggravated

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15

Moldicz, Csaba. "Geopolitical Tensions in East Asia and the Effects on Japanese and Hungarian Economic Relations." Foreign Policy Review 14, no. 1 (2021): 76–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2021.1.76-97.

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The paper places a strong focus on the increasing geopolitical tensions in the world and the geopolitical and geoeconomic adjustment process of both Japan and Hungary to the new environment. After the introductory part (Chapter 1), which discusses the changes in the global political and economic environment, the next chapter (Chapter 2) analyses the geopolitical changes for both countries, focusing on foreign and trade policies. Chapter 3 focuses on how political and economic relations with the two major powers, the United States and Japan, have changed. This chapter also provides an overview

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Chetverikova, A. "Central Europe in the Pandemic Era: First Economic Results." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 3 (2021): 92–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-3-92-101.

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The article analyzes the response of the Visegrad Group countries to the 2020 pandemic. Measures are outlined that were taken by Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and the Czech Republic to support their economies, including efforts to stabilize labour markets and measures for several most affected sectors. The author assesses the main economic indicators of the Visegrad countries during the first half of 2020 in the light of the consequences of imposed restrictive measures. The reaction of the Visegrad economies to the pandemic correlates with the pan-European reaction. Special attention is paid to th

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17

Horbachenko, O. V. "CONSTITUTIONAL AND LEGAL ASPECTS OF THE EXTERNAL FUNCTIONS OF UKRAINE AND HUNGARY UNDER A THEORETICAL AND LEGAL PRISM." Legal Bulletin 64, no. 3 (2022): 29–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31732/2708-339x-2022-03-29-36.

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The modern globalized world needs the creation of a new type of international relations. The state cannot exist by itself, for its successful development it is necessary to actively cooperate with the international community. These are permanent good-neighborly relations, cooperation with leading democratic countries, and participation and active activity in universal and regional international organizations. This is required from the state, the medium type, and the existence of external threats, such as armed aggression, information wars, economic blockades by other states. The latest type of

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Koshovyi, Serhii. "Model of Cooperation between Taiwan and Visegrad Countries: Lessons for Ukraine." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XXI (2020): 668–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2020-33.

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The article highlights issues and trends of the relations between the Visegrad Group countries (Poland, Slovakia, Czech Republic, Hungary, hereinafter – V4) and the Republic of China on Taiwan. The preconditions and prospects for the development of relationships in the post-coronavirus world are analysed. The main ways of bilateral economic cooperation, investment activity, and cooperation in the humanitarian sphere are identified. It is stated in the article that the abovementioned states heavily rely on pragmatic instruments of partnership in foreign policy and foreign economic activity, whi

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Török, László. "The contribution of the Visegrad four automotive industry to economic growth." JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL STUDIES 15, no. 1 (2022): 90–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.14254/2071-8330.2022/15-1/6.

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In the countries of the Visegrad Four (V4) (Czech Republic, Poland, Hungary, Slovakia), significant and modern car production capacities were built due to foreign direct investment inflows. According to the results of mainstream research, the automotive industry can make a substantial contribution to the growth of the GDP of the affected national economy. In the V4 countries, the opposite has taken place in the automotive industry over the past decade. Automotive production increased in the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Slovakia but decreased in Poland. The study seeks to answer the question of

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20

Reményi, Péter, Tibor Pap, and Norbert Pap. "The changing room for manoeuvre of ‘Visegrad’ Hungary in the Western Balkans. An extraordinary change in Hungarian-Serbian relations." Politics in Central Europe 17, s1 (2021): 791–819. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2021-0032.

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Abstract Hungarian-Serbian relations have never been as cordial as they are now, and this is an opinion shared by the leadership of both countries in spite of the modern history of the two nations. In our paper, we seek explanation for this change and argue that it is a consequence of multiple factors: First, the geopolitical changes in the Western Balkans, which have resulted in a great power competition that has opened up space for small states, like Hungary, to assert their interests. Secondly, the changes in domestic politics in Hungary that have brought national interests into the foregro

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21

Skyba, Ivanna. "ECONOMIC REFORMS IN HUNGARY (LATE 1950s – 1960s.)." Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University. Series: History, no. 2 (47) (December 20, 2022): 139–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2523-4498.2(47).2022.267357.

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The article is devoted to the characteristics of economic reforms in the Hungarian People's Republic carried out in the late 1950s-1960s by representatives of the reformist wing of the Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party (HSWP) under the leadership of J. Kadar. It is noted, in particular, that the ultimate success of the ruling communist regime was the economic reform, the main provisions of which came into effect on January 1, 1968, having received the name "a New economic mechanism." The reform anticipated the transition from a centralized directive-planning system to an indicative one, i.e.,

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Derzhaliuk, M. "Results of Parliamentary Elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 and Prospects of Ukrainian-Hungarian Relations (Part 1)." Problems of World History, no. 18 (November 8, 2022): 144–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-18-7.

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The article is dedicated to the elections to the State Assembly of Hungary on April 3, 2022, which ended with the victory and acquisition of a constitutional majority by the now ruling coalition of Fidesz-Hungarian Civil Union and the Christian Democratic People’s Party (KDNP) - (Fidesz–KDNP). It analyzes its electoral platform “War or Peace”, the center of which was the attitude to the Russian-Ukrainian war. It is indicated that this war divided the political forces of Hungary into two camps – supporters of neutrality (peace) or supporters of Ukraine (war). The ruling coalition advocate

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Derzhaliuk, M. "Results of Parliamentary Elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 and Prospects of Ukrainian-Hungarian Relations (Part 2)." Problems of World History, no. 19 (October 27, 2022): 143–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-19-9.

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The article is dedicated to the elections to the State Assembly of Hungary on April 3, 2022, which ended with the victory and acquisition of a constitutional majority by the now ruling coalition of Fidesz-Hungarian Civil Union and the Christian Democratic People’s Party (KDNP) - (Fidesz–KDNP). It analyzes its electoral platform “War or Peace”, the center of which was the attitude to the Russian-Ukrainian war. It is indicated that this war divided the political forces of Hungary into two camps – supporters of neutrality (peace) or supporters of Ukraine (war). The ruling coalition advocate

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24

Shabanov, A. V. "«Dissident» Hungary — a symptom of the EU’s malaiseRussia and BRICS: New Stage of Strategic Cooperation." Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service), no. 3 (June 3, 2025): 272–81. https://doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2503-05.

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After the «Cold War» the European Union expanded signifi cantly to the East and claimed to become a model for creating modern state alliances. However, there is growing evidence of the EU’s current systemic malaise. One of them was the very independent domestic and foreign policy of Hungary, going far beyond what Brussels allowed. This was clearly demonstrated in the legislative activities of Budapest, its approaches to solving the migration crisis, relations with Ukraine and Russia. The EU seeks to «discipline» Hungary by imposing economic sanctions and through legal procedures, including the

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Plenta, Peter. "The European Two-Level Game in Central Asia: Visegrad Countries and Kazakhstan." International Studies Review 17, no. 2 (2016): 79–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-01702004.

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Since 2007, the European Union has developed a strategy towards Central Asia. Relations with the region have created an opportunity to focus on a wider spectrum of interests across different levels of EU foreign policy. This article examines the “two-level game” between EU member states (from Central Europe) and EU institutions in Brussels regarding economic interests versus values agenda with the focus on Kazakhstan. In this game, the EU’s member states focus on developing trade and economic relations while they let space for the EU’s institutions to discuss sensitive issues, such as democrac

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Kotkowski, Daniel. "Napływ zagranicznych inwestycji bezpośrednich i ich oddziaływanie na gospodarkę Węgier." Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego. Studia i Prace, no. 1 (November 28, 2014): 137–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kkessip.2014.1.6.

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At the turn of century the paradigm of economic development has been changing. Despite the economic instability in the world the process of globalization has not been stopped. The importance of growth factors included in the area of R&D (research and development) increased. These two aspects are also important in the analysis of the economic transition in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). Factors from R&D area are now perceived as the key conditions for creating knowledge -based economy and for sustainable development. There should also be noted low potential of CEE countries to genera

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Prokip, Andrii, Vasyl Klok, Oleksandra Kendus, and Yuriy Mykhalskyi. "THE ROLE OF PETRO BUBELA IN THE GENESIS OF UKRAINIAN-HUNGARIAN RELATION IN 1918 – 1919." Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University. Series: History, no. 1 (48) (June 11, 2023): 18–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2523-4498.1(48).2023.280118.

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This article discusses the role of Petro Bubela in the emergence and development of relations between the Western Ukrainian People's Republic (WUPR) and Hungary in 1918 – 1919. After the collapse of the Habsburg Empire and the formation of new nation-states in Central and Eastern Europe, the problem of forming a new international relations system became acute. The genesis of Ukrainian-Hungarian interstate relations was important for both countries and the political situation in the region. Based on the analysis of archival materials and memoirs, the authors analyzed the stages of development o

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Kovály, Katalin. "The Role of Ethnic Social Capital in the Operation of Entrepreneurs in Transcarpathia, Ukraine." Pogranicze. Polish Borderlands Studies 9, no. 3 (2021): 129–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.25167/brs4505.

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Owing to its geopolitical position, history of shifting borders, and multiethnic-multilingual population, Transcarpathia provides a convenient environment to study how ethnicity interplays with the economy. The present research aims to examine the role of formal and informal ethnic social capital in the life of Transcarpathian enterprises. The research is based on mainly semi-structured interviews conducted with foreign investors in Transcarpathia and with local Transcarpathian Hungarian entrepreneurs as well as with representatives of business organizations related to the given community. I a

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ÇAPRAZ, Hüseyin Şevket Çağatay. "SEEKING COALITION IN EUROPE AGAINST THE SUBLIME PORTE ON THE EVE OF THE BATTLE OF MOHACS AND HUNGARY." Turkology 112, no. 4 (2022): 219–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.47526/2022-4/2664-3162.11.

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The place of the Hungarian Kingdom before Mohacs in Europe and its political maneuverability are of great importance in the comprehensive analysis of Ottoman-Hungarian connections. Thus, the place occupied by the Buda administration in European diplomacy and its attempts to maintain its political presence against the Sublime Porte [Dîvân-ı Hümâyûn] will be clearly revealed. In this way, developments that have a direct impact on Hungarian foreign policy are centered in this study. The time interval was determined as the years 1521-1522. Thus, the Ottoman raids that led to the conquest of Hungar

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Artner, Annamária. "Production Technology and Competitiveness in the Hungarian Manufacturing Industry." Acta Oeconomica 55, no. 3 (2005): 317–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aoecon.55.2005.3.4.

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Following the big transformations of the 1990s, enterprise structure and technological level seem to have become stabilised in Hungary. Under these circumstances it is especially interesting to identify the elements responsible for competitiveness in general, and the role technology plays in development in particular, according to managers experienced in production and marketing. This empirical study - based on in-depth interviews and field research - summarises characteristics of the technological level in the sectors examined, role of technology and labour in production, effects of foreign d

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Horbachenko, O. "Comparative legal analysis of external functions of Ukraine and Hungary: implementation of experience (Part 1)." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law 1, no. 72 (2022): 24–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2022.72.4.

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The structure of external functions is the same for most states, the main differences between them are contained in the approaches to their implementation. For Ukraine, which until February 24 was on the verge of a full-scale military invasion and conducted its activities in an almost basic mode, today must not only review its stereotypical tasks, but must create them in a new way. Now a new military battle has begun for Ukraine and Ukrainians, and each component of the function is own separate front of confrontation today. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine is considered as a PR manag

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Kasumović, Amila. "Activities of the Consular Missions in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the First Years of the Austro-Hungarian Occupation 1878 – 1881." Journal of the Faculty of Philosophy in Sarajevo (History, History of Art, Archeology) / Radovi (Historija, Historija umjetnosti, Arheologija), ISSN 2303-6974 on-line 7, no. 2 (2020): 181–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.46352/23036974.2020.2.181.

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The system of capitulations was dominant from the 16th century in economic and political relations of the Ottoman Empire and the European countries. Capitulations had always emphasized the right of foreign consuls to execute consular jurisdiction in the territory of the Ottoman Empire. Since the Eyalet of Bosnia was an integral part of the Ottoman Empire, the consular jurisdiction of foreign consuls included that area, which had especially become significant in the 19th century when the leading European powers increasingly started to open their consulates in

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Shishelina, Lyubov. "THE MULTI-VECTOR NATURE OF HUNGARY’S EASTERN POLICY." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 25, no. 1 (2022): 35–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran120223543.

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The author attempts to trace the development of the eastern direction of Hungary’s foreign policy, which received the name «Opening to the East» with the return in 2010 to the Hungarian policy of Viktor Orban’s cabinet. The reason for the study of this aspect was the recent visit of the Hungarian Prime Minister to Moscow on February 1, 2022. In our country, especially after the crisis of 2014, these visits are seen as a breakthrough event, a success of politics and diplomacy. The European Union does not share such a degree of pragmatism of Viktor Orban’s foreign policy, seeing in his trips pri

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Borhi, László. "Rollback, Liberation, Containment, or Inaction? U.S. Policy and Eastern Europe in the 1950s." Journal of Cold War Studies 1, no. 3 (1999): 67–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039799316976814.

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This article discusses the Eisenhower administration's policy toward Eastern Europe in the years leading up to the 1956 Hungarian revolution. The article first considers the broader context of U.S. Cold War strategy in Eastern Europe, including policies of “economic warfare” and “psychological warfare,” as well as covert operations and military supplies. It then examines U.S. policy toward Hungary, particularly during the events of October-November 1956, when the Eisenhower administration had to decide how to respond to the uprising. The article brings to light the Eisenhower administration's

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Vinogradnyi, B. A. "Forming a dualistic system in the Habsburg Empire: prerequisites and peculiarities of building new relations between Austria and Hungary." Гуманитарные и юридические исследования 11, no. 3 (2024): 434–41. https://doi.org/10.37493/2409-1030.2024.3.2.

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Introduction. After its reformation in 1867, AustroHungary became a unique state entity that abandoned strict centralization and implemented a unique formula of constitutional development. This resulted in a personal union between Austria and Hungary, which adopted different models of domestic and economic development. The establishment of the European Union, the development of multiculturalism, and the increasing role of regions in the development of individual states and the EU as a whole stimulate interest in the history of the Habsburg Empire. Materials and Methods. Both foreign and, to a

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Gorin, Nazar. "Development of international economic ties of Western Ukraine in the second half of the XIX – early XX century." Ìstorìâ narodnogo gospodarstva ta ekonomìčnoï dumki Ukraïni 2019, no. 52 (2019): 155–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/ingedu2019.52.155.

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The article describes the main forms and channels of international economic relations of the Western Ukrainian lands during their being in Austro-Hungary state. The role of government policy in attracting foreign investment for the development of economy of the Western Ukrainian region has been clarified. The role of railway network development in the integration of Western Ukraine economy into the world commodity-cash flows is analyzed. It was noted that the northeastern regions of the empire were developed by the central government primarily in order to obtain cheap raw materials and labor,

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Csaplár-Degovics, Krisztián. "Albanian Nation-Building and Austria–Hungary. The Development of a Southeast European People into a Modern Nation." Foreign Policy Review 15, no. 1 (2022): 6–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2022.1.6-30.

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Diplomatic, political, economic, cultural, and scientific relations between Hungary and Albania date back to before 1918. At the time, Hungary was considered to possess and control half of a great power: the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. The Austro-Hungarian Joint Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Ballhausplatz) played a crucial role in the strengthening of the Albanian national movement at the turn of the century and in preparing the members of that movement for the tasks to be performed as leaders of an independent nation-state. Based on archival sources yet to be published and relying on previous l

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Budai, G., and N. D. Afanasieva. "Teaching the Russian Language in Hungary: History of Cultural Interactions." Concept: philosophy, religion, culture 5, no. 1 (2021): 121–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2021-1-17-121-131.

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The paper is dedicated to outlining the main specific features of the spread and reception of Russian language in Hungary, with attention paid to the chronological perspective and the current situation. The text aims at revealing the factors, institutional and personal agents that fuel the interest to studying and teaching Russian in the atmosphere of Hungary. Russian history, culture, literature, traditions, and, consequently, the Russian language have always been of interest in Hungary. The Hungarian national culture developed in parallel with the rise of enthusiasm toward Russia — and in 18

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Druláková, Radka. "The Slovene Road into Europe." Czech Journal of International Relations 35, no. 4 (2000): 77–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/cjir.1098.

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Slovenia was established in 1991 by its secession from the Yugoslav Federation. This was preceded by various events which we can classify as economic, social, politico-economic and international policy causes. They determined the modus operandi of the new state in international policy and alongside traditions dating back to the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, the first and second Yugoslavia, they were the starting point of its foreign policy. The first foreign policy representation decided that a small state such as Slovenia needed to be anchored in international structures, above all, by its membe

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Bélyácz, Iván, and Mónika Kuti. "Foreign direct investment and external debt in Hungary." Society and Economy 31, no. 2 (2009): 211–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/socec.31.2009.2.4.

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Naray, Peter. "The End of the Foreign Trade monopoly (The Case of Hungary)." Journal of World Trade 23, Issue 6 (1989): 85–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad1989044.

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Yordanov, Radoslav. "Bittersweet solidarity: Cuba, Sugar and the Soviet bloc." Revista de Historia de América, no. 161 (July 12, 2021): 215–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.35424/rha.161.2021.855.

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This paper traces the complex sugar trade between Cuba and the East European Socialist states (the German Democratic Republic, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, and Hungary) from the Cuban revolution in 1959 until the dissolution of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) in 1991. To Cuba, selling its sugar to the Socialist states at above-world market prices was an expression of East European states’socialist solidarity. To the bloc states, it was a form of economic aid to Cuba. This formulation not only went against the preferred form of exchange within the CMEA, namely cooperation

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Chetverikova, A. "Investment Ties of Visegrad Countries." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 3 (2022): 90–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-3-90-100.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of the investment ties of the Visegrad Group countries over the last three decades with the emphasis on the period of their EU membership. Transformation and subsequent integration into the EU predetermined certain imbalances in investment sectors of Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and the Czech Republic, some of which still remain. The Visegrad countries continue to be strong importers of capital, but Hungary and the Czech Republic were able to equalize several imbalances, which is manifested in increased export opportunities. The importance of FDI for the Vis

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Dziubanovska, Nataliia. "Dynamic modelling of trade relations between Ukraine and the Visegrad Group countries." Economic Analysis, no. 34(4) (2024): 191–203. https://doi.org/10.35774/econa2024.04.191.

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Introduction. International trade is a priority factor in economic development, and it is particularly significant for countries with geographical and strategic proximity. For Ukraine, which is integrating into the European space, the study of trade relations with the Visegrad Group countries is relevant, as these countries are promising partners for Ukraine’s economic and political stability. Purpose. The purpose of this article is to analyze the dynamics of trade relations between Ukraine and the Visegrad Group countries, examine trends in these relations over recent years, and develop an ap

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Phelps, Nicole M. "Rights without Ratification: How the US Government Found Its Way to Peace with Austria in the 1920s." Journal of Austrian-American History 6, no. 2 (2022): 105–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jaustamerhist.6.2.0105.

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Abstract After the US Senate rejected the Treaty of Versailles in 1920, the US government needed to find an alternate, politically viable route to a legal termination of its state of war with Germany, Austria, and Hungary. This was necessary to reopen diplomatic and trade relations, end domestic wartime legislation in the United States, settle a range of war-induced property claims, and, in Austria, to secure a League of Nations economic restructuring plan. In the Knox-Porter Resolution, or July Resolution, Congress claimed rights based on November 1918 armistices and the subsequent Paris trea

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Phelps, Nicole M. "Rights without Ratification: How the US Government Found Its Way to Peace with Austria in the 1920s." Journal of Austrian-American History 6, no. 2 (2022): 105–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/pennhistory.6.2.0105.

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Abstract After the US Senate rejected the Treaty of Versailles in 1920, the US government needed to find an alternate, politically viable route to a legal termination of its state of war with Germany, Austria, and Hungary. This was necessary to reopen diplomatic and trade relations, end domestic wartime legislation in the United States, settle a range of war-induced property claims, and, in Austria, to secure a League of Nations economic restructuring plan. In the Knox-Porter Resolution, or July Resolution, Congress claimed rights based on November 1918 armistices and the subsequent Paris trea

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Tarrósy, István, Hajer Trabelsi, and Zoltán Vörös. "Hungary’s Relations with the BRICS in the Context of the Changing World Order." Central European Journal of International and Security Studies 18, no. 4 (2024): 59–82. https://doi.org/10.51870/bpgr3349.

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The paper aims to analyse Hungary’s evolving foreign policy in a changing world order since the politico-economic regime change of the early 1990s, but with the main focus on relations with the member states of the BRICS group since the initiation of Hungary’s ‘Global Opening’ policy in 2011. As such, the paper aims to offer a comparative overview of Hungary’s engagements with the five core members of the BRICS. By following the theory of poles and paying attention to the changing world order, Hungary’s foreign policy is critically examined to pave the way for a geopolitical analysis of bilate

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Żyra, Joanna, and Roman Kopych. "Trading Partners and Output Growth in Ukraine." Prace Naukowe Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego we Wrocławiu 67, no. 4 (2023): 172–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.15611/pn.2023.4.16.

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This study aimed to empirically estimate the long-term and short-term relations between the output of trading partners and economic growth in Ukraine. With the use of quarterly data over the 2004-2019 period, it was found that an increase of output in the euro area resulted in the most substantial stimulating long-term effect on the level of GDP in Ukraine, followed by spillovers from output growth in Poland. There was no long-term effect of output in other major trading partners, such as other Central and Eastern European countries (Czechia, Hungary, Slovakia) and the former Soviet Union coun

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Lutsyshyn, Halyna, and Nataliia Lukach. "Energy Aspect of Ukrainian-Russian Conflict of the End of XX and the XXI Centuries." Humanitarian vision 7, no. 1 (2021): 25–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/shv2021.01.025.

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The article deals with bilateral Russia and Ukraine power relations, urgent questions of their cooperation and form of realization of large Russia foreign economic projects. The separation of bilateral Ukrainian-Russian relations in the energy sector is quite conditional, the authors have studied. Because they are objectively inscribed in the relations of both countries with a third party – first of all, European countries as consumers of energy resources transported through the territory of Ukraine. Thus, both from the point of view of the technological chain (producer-transit-consumer) and f

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Pivovar, Efim Iosifovich, Alexander Stanislavovich Levchenkov, and Alexander Vladimirovich Gushchin. "HUNGARIANS OF TRANSCARPATHIA IN RELATIONS BETWEEN UKRAINE AND HUNGARY AT THE TURN OF THE XX-XXI CENTURIES." Yearbook of Finno-Ugric Studies 15, no. 2 (2021): 316–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2224-9443-2021-15-2-316-327.

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The article is devoted to the influence of the problem of the status and situation of the Hungarian population of the Transcarpathian region of modern Ukraine on the Ukrainian-Hungarian relations. Based on a wide range of sources - legislative acts, interstate agreements and other diplomatic documents, statements of politicians and public figures, published in the Hungarian and Ukrainian press, as well as in the media of other countries, the dynamics of changes in the approaches of the two countries to the Hungarian issue in Transcarpathia throughout the post-Soviet period is studied. The prer

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