Journal articles: 'Hutu'

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Fonseca, Danilo Ferreira da. "Etnicidade de hutus e tutsis no Manifesto Hutu de 1957 (Ethnicity of Tutsis and Hutus in the 1957 Hutu Manifest)." Cadernos de História 17, no. 26 (June 28, 2016): 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.5752/p.2237-8871.2016v17n26p221.

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O presente artigo visa refletir acerca do modo com que a etnicidade de hutus e tutsi é vivenciada e problematizada na turbulenta década de 1950 de Ruanda, principalmente devido ao processo de independência frente a Bélgica, que foi concretizado em 1962. O foco principal está na maneira que o chamado “Manifesto hutu”, de 1957, compreende e divulga múltiplas faces acerca da etnicidade de hutus e tutsis, envolvendo a relação construída entre os dois grupos e o seu sentimento de pertencimento. O movimento emancipatório de Ruanda possibilita novas reflexões acerca da unidade nacional ruandesa e do pertencimento étnico que os hutus constroem acerca de si mesmos e acerca dos tutsis, em um movimento que funde elementos tradicionais e modernos a partir dos costumes locais e da inserção de instituições ocidentais no país. Tais elementos são centrais para a construção da Revolução hutu de 1959, que rompe com a dominação aristocrática dos tutsis e traz cicatrizes históricas profundas que são reabertas em diferentes momentos da história ruandesa, inclusive no próprio genocídio ocorrido em 1994. AbstractThis article aims to reflect on the way the Hutu and Tutsi ethnicity is touched upon and problematized in the turbulent 1950s in Rwanda, mainly due independence process in front of Belgium, that was implemented in 1962. The main focus is on so that the called "Hutu Manifest" of 1957 comprises and discloses multiple faces on the ethnicity of Hutus and Tutsis, involving the relationship built between the two groups and their sense of belonging. The emancipatory movement of Rwanda provides new insights about the Rwandan national unity and ethnic belonging that Hutus build about themselves and about the Tutsis, in a move that merge traditional and modern elements from the local customs and the inclusion of estern institutions in the country. These elements are central to Hutu revolution of 1959 building that breaks with the aristocratic domination of Tutsis and back deep historical scars that are reopened at different times of Rwandan history, including genocide occurred in 1994.Keywords: Ethnicity. Hutus. Tutsis. Rwanda. Hutu Manifest.

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Carney, J. J. "Beyond Tribalism: The Hutu-Tutsi Question and Catholic Rhetoric in Colonial Rwanda." Journal of Religion in Africa 42, no. 2 (2012): 172–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006612x646178.

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AbstractPost genocide commentaries on colonial Rwandan history have emphasized the centrality of the Hamitic Hypothesis in shaping Catholic leaders’ sociopolitical imagination concerning Hutu and Tutsi identities. For most scholars, the resulting racialist interpretation of Hutu and Tutsi categories poisoned Rwandan society and laid the groundwork for postcolonial ethnic violence. This paper challenges the simplicity of this standard narrative. Not only did colonial Catholic leaders possess a complex understanding of the terms ‘Hutu’ and ‘Tutsi’, but the Hutu-Tutsi question was not the exclusive or even dominant paradigm of late colonial Catholic discourse. Even after the eruption of Hutu-Tutsi tensions in the late 1950s, Catholic bishops and lay elites continued to interpret the Hutu-Tutsi distinction in a wide variety of ways. Catholic attitudes and the escalation of Hutu-Tutsi tensions stemmed more from contextual political factors than immutable anthropological theories, however flawed.

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Gao, Zhipeng. "Mieke Matthyssen: Ignorance is Bliss—The Chinese Art of Not Knowing." Asian Studies 11, no. 3 (September 7, 2023): 301–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2023.11.3.301-303.

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Matthyssen’s monograph has an intriguing title: Ignorance is Bliss: The Chinese Art of Not Knowing. The art of not knowing is encapsulated in a pithy Chinese expression: Nande hutu (难得糊涂), which literally translates to “Hard to attain muddleheadedness”. In practice, Nande hutu entails deliberate performance of not knowing, or “playing dumb”, for one to cope with challenging circumstances. For example, a government official might pretend not to see corruption so as to keep a distance from it. More than a survival strategy, Nande hutu also allows one to maintain moral integrity or even achieve spiritual transcendence. As simple as the notion of Nande hutu might appear to be, it requires steadfast self-cultivation in the long run and skilful self-control during social interactions. For all these reasons, Nande hutu became a maxim that for centuries inspired Chinese individuals from varied walks of life. Capturing the sheer complexity of Nande hutu, Matthyssen treats it as the entrance into a labyrinth of Chinese philosophy, politics, social relations, and a cultural history spanning from ancient times to today.

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Jaji, Rose. "Under the shadow of genocide: Rwandans, ethnicity and refugee status." Ethnicities 17, no. 1 (July 25, 2016): 47–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796815603754.

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This article discusses ethnicity and refugee status among Rwandan refugees self-settled in Nairobi, Kenya. It addresses conflation of Hutu fugitives who participated in the 1994 Rwandan genocide and refugees, and critiques perception of Hutu and Tutsi as mutually exclusive ethnicities with no points of intersection. Framed within the social constructivist approach to identity, the article problematizes ethnic essentialism and wholesale criminalization and stigmatization of Rwandan refugees and, in particular, Hutu ethnicity in ways that silence individual viewpoints emanating from personal experience. Conversely, the article highlights how Rwandan refugees deflect collective guilt and legitimize their refugee status under the shadow of the genocide which was committed by extremist Hutu on Tutsi and moderate Hutu. The refugees’ reaction to association with the genocide confounds theoretically irreconcilable extremes through self-representations centred on experiences that muddle the simplistic perpetrator – victim and guilty – innocent binary. The refugees’ narratives portray victimhood in Rwanda as complex, cyclical and heterogeneous.

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Frisch, Ryan L., and Robert A. Bender. "Properties of the NAC (Nitrogen Assimilation Control Protein)-Binding Site within the ureD Promoter of Klebsiella pneumoniae." Journal of Bacteriology 192, no. 19 (July 9, 2010): 4821–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1128/jb.00883-09.

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ABSTRACT The nitrogen assimilation control protein (NAC) of Klebsiella pneumoniae is a LysR-type transcriptional regulator that activates transcription when bound to a DNA site (ATAA-N5-TnGTAT) centered at a variety of distances from the start of transcription. The NAC-binding site from the hutU promoter (NBS hutU ) is centered at −64 relative to the start of transcription but can activate the lacZ promoter from sites at −64, −54, −52, and −42 but not from sites at −47 or −59. However, the NBSs from the ureD promoter (ureDp) and codB promoter (codBp) are centered at −47 and −59, respectively, and NAC is fully functional at these promoters. Therefore, we compared the activities of the NBS hutU and NBS ureD within the context of ureDp as well as within codBp. The NBS hutU functioned at both of these sites. The NBS ureD has the same asymmetric core as the NBS hutU . Inverting the NBS ureD abolished more than 99% of NAC's ability to activate ureDp. The key to the activation lies in the TnG segment of the TnGTAT half of the NBS ureD . Changing TnG to GnT, TnT, or GnG drastically reduced ureDp activation (to 0.5%, 6%, or 15% of wild-type activation, respectively). The function of the NBS ureD , like that of the NBS hutU , requires that the TnGTAT half of the NBS be on the promoter-proximal (downstream) side of the NBS. Taken together, our data suggest that the positional specificity of an NBS is dependent on the promoter in question and is more flexible than previously thought, allowing considerable latitude both in distance and on the face of the DNA helix for the NBS relative to that of RNA polymerase.

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McNamee, Lachlan. "Mass Resettlement and Political Violence." World Politics 70, no. 4 (August 31, 2018): 595–644. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887118000138.

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This article examines the relationship between mass resettlement and political conflict. The author theorizes that states can use mass resettlement to extend control over contested frontiers. Settlers whose land rights are politically contested will disproportionately participate in violence to defend the incumbent regime. The theory is tested using data on resettlement and violence in postcolonial Rwanda. The author shows that the Hutu revolutionary regime resettled some 450,000 Hutus after independence to frontier and Tutsi-dominated areas to defend itself against external Tutsi militias. The author contends that the invasion of the Tutsi-led Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) in the 1990s threatened the Hutu settler population because the RPF sought the repatriation of Tutsis onto redistributed land and that consequent land insecurity incentivized violence against Tutsis in 1994. The article identifies the positive effect of resettlement on locality violence during the genocide via a geographic regression discontinuity design. A process tracing of one notoriously violent resettled commune supports the theorized causal sequence. In light of these findings, the author suggests that research should refocus on the way that conflict shapes ethnic demography and that, to understand participation in state-sponsored violence, scholars should attend to the threat posed by regime change to individual livelihoods.

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Melvern, Linda. "Moral Equivalence." Journal of International Peacekeeping 22, no. 1-4 (April 8, 2020): 190–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-0220104012.

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Since the very beginning of the Rwandan Genocide of the Tutsis in 1994, members of Hutu Power, the Akazu, and other interested allies of the former government of Rwanda have been conducting a campaign of genocide denial, one in which they blame the Tutsi dominated Rwandan Patriotic Army for carrying out murder of civilians during the civil war in 1994. In this article Linda Melvern examines the role that Hutu Power played in creating the myth of a counter-genocide and the unwitting legitimacy that was given to it by several UN agencies and their associated employees and consultants. Melvern notes that despite overwhelming evidence that demonstrates that there was no ‘counter genocide’, the lies and misinformation planted in the early post-genocide days persist, with some authors making new unsubstantiated claims about a slaughter of those Hutu who did not flee the country in July 1994.

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Waters, Tony. "Tutsi Social Identity in Contemporary Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 33, no. 2 (June 1995): 343–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00021121.

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The literature pointing out that ethnic groups are a social construction has a particular salience in discussion of identity in both East and Central Africa. As numerous authors have noted, there are in fact few linguistic, phenotypical, or social differences between Hutu and Tutsi. Indeed, as all acknowledge, there has been substantial intermarriage, particularly in Rwanda. Nevertheless, as recent events in Rwanda and Burundi illustrate, the presumably ‘socially constructed’ differences between Hutu and Tutsi have become a legitimated reason for murdering one's neighbours. But although cited as the cause of the civil war by virtually every Rwandan, as well as the Western and Tanzanian press, I am also impressed by the fact that at different times and places being ‘Tutsi’ means very different things. My own observations in the Benaco refugee camp for ‘Hutu’ illustrate how quickly and drastically such seemingly ‘fixed’ identities can change.

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Elias, Michel, and Danielle Helbig. "Deux mille collines pour les petits et les grands. Radioscopie des stéréotypes hutu et tutsi au Rwanda et au Burundi." Politique africaine 42, no. 1 (1991): 65–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/polaf.1991.5475.

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Two thousand hills for the small and the tall : radioscopy of Hutu and Tutsi stereotypes in Rwanda. The west tends to feed itself with stereotypes when dealing with Rwanda and Burundi. During the colonial period, a hierarchy-based racial ideology has established wich distinguishes three courses of identification : Tutsi, Hutu and Twa. This discourse was retained in its broad lines by some anthropologists after indepetulance. More seriously, younger generations in Rwanda and Burundi have internalized this ethnic analysis and their national realities.

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André, Charles. "Phrenology and the Rwandan Genocide." Arquivos de Neuro-Psiquiatria 76, no. 4 (April 2018): 277–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0004-282x20180022.

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ABSTRACT Belgian colonizers used phrenology to create an irreducible division between the two major groups living for centuries in Rwanda-Urundi. This formed the basis for the implementation of systematic efforts to subdue the large Hutu population. Both the Hutus and the smaller, and initially privileged, Tutsi group soon incorporated the racist discourse, which was pivotal to the gradual increase in violence before and after Rwandan independence in 1962. The Rwandan genocide in 1994 culminated in the horrible pinnacle of this process, involving recurrent episodes of slaughtering. Doctors should not underestimate the racist potential of pseudoscientific misconceptions.

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Lungu, Bianca Cornelia, Ioan Hutu, and Paul Andrew Barrow. "Correction: Lungu et al. Molecular Characterisation of Antimicrobial Resistance in E. coli Isolates from Piglets in the West Region of Romania. Antibiotics 2023, 12, 1544." Antibiotics 13, no. 5 (April 30, 2024): 412. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/antibiotics13050412.

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12

Lemarchand, René. "The Report of the National Commission to Study the Question of National Unity in Burundi: a Critical Comment." Journal of Modern African Studies 27, no. 4 (December 1989): 685–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00020516.

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In May 1989 the National Commission for the Study of National Unity appointed by President Pierre Buyoya issued its eagerly awaited report, ostensibly designed to find a lasting solution to the bloody confrontations that have repeatedly pitted Hutu against Tutsi. For the first time in the history of independent Burundi an official statement has been made public which explicitly recognises the centrality of the Hutu-Tutsi problem, and sets forth specific solutions to resolve it. As such this is a document of historic significance, and the sum of its recommendations must be seen as an important breakthrough towards national reconciliation.

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Janiyani, Kamala L., and M. K. Ray. "Cloning, Sequencing, and Expression of the Cold-Inducible hutU Gene from the Antarctic Psychrotrophic Bacterium Pseudomonas syringae." Applied and Environmental Microbiology 68, no. 1 (January 2002): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1128/aem.68.1.1-10.2002.

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ABSTRACT A promoter-fusion study with a Tn 5-based promoter probe vector had earlier found that the hutU gene which encodes the enzyme urocanase for the histidine utilization pathway is upregulated at a lower temperature (4° C) in the Antarctic psychrotrophic bacterium Pseudomonas syringae. To examine the characteristics of the urocanase gene and its promoter elements from the psychrotroph, the complete hutU and its upstream region from P. syringae were cloned, sequenced, and analyzed in the present study. Northern blot and primer extension analyses suggested that the hutU gene is inducible upon a downshift of temperature (22 to 4°C) and that there is more than one transcription initiation site. One of the initiation sites was specific to the cells grown at 4°C, which was different from the common initiation sites observed at both 4 and 22°C. Although no typical promoter consensus sequences were observed in the flanking region of the transcription initiation sites, there was a characteristic CAAAA sequence at the −10 position of the promoters. Additionally, the location of the transcription and translation initiation sites suggested that the hutU mRNA contains a long 5′-untranslated region, a characteristic feature of many cold-inducible genes of mesophilic bacteria. A comparison of deduced amino acid sequences of urocanase from various bacteria, including the mesophilic and psychrotrophic Pseudomonas spp., suggests that there is a high degree of similarity between the enzymes. The enzyme sequence contains a signature motif (GXGX2GX10G) of the Rossmann fold for dinucleotide (NAD+) binding and two conserved cysteine residues in and around the active site. The psychrotrophic enzyme, however, has an extended N-terminal end.

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Rooke, O. J. "The refugees of Rwanda seen through the eyes of a psychiatrist." Psychiatric Bulletin 19, no. 12 (December 1995): 774–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.19.12.774.

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Rwanda was the most densely populated country in Africa. It is two-thirds the size of Switzerland but contained a larger population (9 million people), growing by almost 40% every two years. Few square inches are left uncultivated. The Tutsi people (never more than 14% of the population) are said to have arrived in the 14th century ad, bringing with them a feudal and totalitarian system of government. There was significant intermarriage with the result that today the Hutu and Tutsi people share the same language, cultural beliefs and religions (predominantly Catholic). In reality the terms Hutu and Tutsi now more accurately describe caste than ethnicity (Delcros, 1994).

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Newbury, Catharine. "Suffering and Survival in Central Africa." African Studies Review 48, no. 3 (December 2005): 121–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2006.0032.

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In this remarkable book, Marie Béatrice Umutesi recounts what she saw and experienced in Rwanda before and during the 1994 genocide, and as a refugee in Zaire after the genocide. With its intense local level perspective, her study provides fresh insights into the Rwanda genocide and its antecedents, the massacre of Rwandan refugees during the war in Zaire of the mid-1990s, and the utter failure of the international media to understand what was happening there on the ground. Eschewing extremism of all sides, Umutesi records the experiences of ordinary people buffeted by violent events and broader political dynamics they could not control. She is a perspicacious observer—astute, courageous, engaged, and compassionate. One of the remarkable features of this narrative, however, is how little Umutesi appears in this text; it is about her experiences, to be sure, but not about “her.” It is as a testimonial to the times and the human experiences of those times that this tale has such force.The initial chapters ofSurviving the Slaughterrecount Umutesi's experiences as a student in the 1970s and mid-1980s and (having completed her university education) as a young adult managing rural development programs. Ethnic distinctions between Hutu and Tutsi held litde importance for Umutesi and her friends while she was growing up. Instead, as a Hutu from the north, she found that regional tensions among Hutu were important during the 1980s, under the Second Republic of Juvenal Habyarimana, when she witnessed regionalism in high school and college in Rwanda. Only later, when studying in Belgium, did ethnic distinctions and discrimination between Hutu and Tutsi come into play. The examples she describes show both the contingent nature of ethnic categorization and identities in Rwanda, and the importance of politics in shaping their salience.

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Khatagova, I. U. "The Role of the Catholic Church in the 1994 Genocide in Rwanda." Concept: philosophy, religion, culture 7, no. 3 (September 30, 2023): 52–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2023-3-27-52-66.

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Studies in the sphere of history and culture of the African continent attract an increasing interest given the ongoing development of African countries, the reinforcement of ties with Russia as well as the erosion of stereotypes about the nations that populate these territories. This article suggests that the Catholic Church played a significant role in the formation of the Rwandese society in 1890–1994, with the genocide of 1994 being one of the central events. In the framework of the study, the author seeks to reveal the background of the genocide that became the culmination of long-lasting contradictions between Hutu and Tutsi in Rwandan society. One of the main goals of the research was to investigate how the terms Hutu and Tutsi were transformed from social to quasi-ethnic ones. Special attention in this regard was paid to the role of the Catholic Church in the destruction of Rwandan collective self-identification, the growth of tribalism, and antagonism within the society. The article employs the methods of content analysis, case study, event analysis, discourse analysis and interview to research the official position of the Catholic Church during the genocide as well as the actions of specific priests, which is crucial for understanding the controversial role of the Church in the tragedy. Starting from the colonial period the Catholic Church had a vast influence not only in the spiritual but also in the social sphere, including education and mass media. Analyzing the empowerment of the Hutu in Rwanda, in general and especially within the Catholic Church in the country, the author traces back the evolution of social relations in the second half of the 20th century in order to help understand the particular historical role of the Church in the country and in relations between the Hutu and Tutsi along with their quest for power. The author concludes that one of the most interesting issues is the merging of the church’s elite and radical political leadership of Rwanda, which resulted in the further degradation of social relations in the country, growing mutual tensions between Hutu and Tutsi and, in the long run, the genocide. The post genocide analysis of the Catholic Church’s politics reveals not only tools used by the institute to facilitate national reconciliation but also the measure of responsibility for the genocide that it has agreed to take.

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Messanga, Gustave Adolphe, and Marios Yannick Duclair Tajeugueu. "The role of Radio-Télévision Libre des Mille Collines in the Rwandan genocide : An analysis from the theoretical perspectives of intergroup threat and aggression." International Journal of Social Service and Research 3, no. 5 (May 13, 2023): 1116–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.46799/ijssr.v3i5.359.

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This research focuses on the role of Radio-Télévision Libre des Mille Collines (RTLM) in the Rwandan genocide. It analyzes the radio broadcasts through the prism of theories of intergroup threat and aggression. In this perspective, this medium is conceived as a manipulative and propagandist agent which participated in the perpetration of mass killings constituting the Rwandan genocide, through the dissemination of the ideology of hatred before and during the genocide and the logistical assistance provided to those involved in the killings. Indeed, RTLM broadcasts were structured in such a way as to present the Hutu as victims (intergroup threat), with the aim of justifying the use of violent actions against Tutsi (intergroup aggression). The corpus to be analyzed consists of extracts from RTLM broadcasts selected from transcripts stored at the Montreal Institute of Genocide and Human Rights Studies (MIGS) and at the International Monitor Institute (IMI). These extracts were analyzed with the method of discourse analysis. They reveal that RTLM’s discourse was based on the victimization and glorification of Hutus, as well as the devaluation and demonization of Tutsis. Concretely, the radio broadcasts were structured in such a way as to incite Hutu (past and present victims of injustice) to exterminate Tutsi (the enemies, the "cockroaches" (inyenzi)) and to eradicate them from Rwandan society. They were built around two main themes, including the threat, which includes elements like propaganda and hatred, homogenization, categorization and victimization ; and aggressiveness which includes the revolutionary vision of Rwanda, the deshumanization of Tutsi, their designation as enemies, the search for a just and homogeneous society.

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Orth, R. "Rwanda's Hutu Extremist genocidal Insurgency: An Eyewitness Perspective." Small Wars & Insurgencies 12, no. 1 (March 2001): 76–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714005381.

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Saur, Léon. "« Hutu » et « Tutsi » : des mots pour quoi dire ?" Histoire, monde et cultures religieuses 30, no. 2 (2014): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/hmc.030.0119.

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Kuradusenge-McLeod, Claudine. "Belgian Hutu Diaspora Narratives of Victimhood and Trauma." International Journal of Transitional Justice 12, no. 3 (October 29, 2018): 427–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijtj/ijy020.

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Yakti, Probo Darono. "The 1994 Hutu and Tutsi Ethnopolitics Conflict in Rwanda: Genocide Revenge Settlement Through the Gacaca Reconciliation System." Jurnal Hubungan Internasional 15, no. 1 (June 29, 2022): 37–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v15i1.33787.

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The conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi tribes that occurred in Rwanda at the end of the 20th century opened the eyes of the international community that ethnic issues could escalate into a political issue which encouraged the crime of genocide. This politicization led to the deaths of more than 800 thousand Tutsis due to planned mass killings by the Hutu government. This justifies Gilroy and Wright's argument about ethnic politicization which can form an exclusive feeling in talking about one's nationality within the state. Likewise with Yun and Synder's opinion about racial issues affecting people's political preferences on a large scale and tend to see negative forms of nationalism when viewed from ethnicity. By using a discourse analysis and qualitative-explanatory research approach, a comprehensive approach is obtained to understand the problem in its entirety and explore the research questions: how to explain the conflict in Rwanda between the Hutu and Tutsi tribes from the aspect of politicizing the identity issue in the era of postcolonialism? In this paper, a number of issues will be raised, namely the fundamental differences between the Hutu and Tutsi, the chronology of the conflicts between the two tribes, the spread of these problems into regional conflicts, investigating the causes, settlement methods, and post-conflict life in Rwanda. So that it concludes that it is true that there is ethnic politicization in Rwanda. The importance of this paper is to be a lesson for other regions of the world that experience the same problems and can offer options for methods of conflict resolution as has been done by Rwanda: reconciliation, accommodation, and the Gacaca system. These four methods require a long process and a sense of relief from each individual community to forgive the actions of their own neighbors who become murderers for their own neighbors. So it is important to make lessons for conflicts based on other ethnic differences.

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Riedel, H. D., A. J. Remus, B. A. Fitscher, and W. Stremmel. "Characterization and partial purification of a ferrireductase from human duodenal microvillus membranes." Biochemical Journal 309, no. 3 (August 1, 1995): 745–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1042/bj3090745.

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Reduction of ferric iron in the presence of HuTu 80 cells or duodenal microvillus membranes (MVMs) was investigated. With both systems, NADH-dependent reduction of Fe3+/NTA (nitrilotriacetic acid) was demonstrated, using the ferrous iron chelator ferrozine. Uptake of Fe3+ from Fe3+/NTA by HuTu 80 cells was strongly inhibited by addition of ferrozine, indicating that Fe2+ is the substrate for the iron uptake system. With isolated plasma membranes it is shown that the reductase activity is sensitive to trypsin and incubation at 65 degrees C. The reductase activity could be extracted from the plasma membrane and partially purified by ammonium sulphate precipitation and isoelectric focusing. From the purification and inhibition characteristics we conclude that reduction of ferric iron on the surface of duodenal plasma membranes is catalysed by a membrane protein.

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Geraghty, Mark Anthony. "Gacaca, Genocide, Genocide Ideology: The Violent Aftermaths of Transitional Justice in the New Rwanda." Comparative Studies in Society and History 62, no. 3 (July 2020): 588–618. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417520000183.

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AbstractThis article investigates the violent aftermaths of Rwanda's 1994 Genocide and Liberation war by analyzing its Gacaca Courts, which framed themselves as a “traditional” mechanism of transitional justice. These specialized genocide tribunals, in operation between 2002 and 2012, authorized laypersons to sentence their neighbors to up to life in prison. They passed judgment on almost two million cases, at an official conviction rate of 86 percent. I argue that through their practice, “genocide” came to be constituted as a crime whose contours extended far beyond the boundaries of any international legal definition. It included a wide range of acts, utterances, and inner states, as potentially infinite manifestations of a boundless criminal interiority named “genocide ideology,” the necessary ‘driving force’ behind acts of genocide. Within Gacaca, genocide ideology was constituted as the continuing destructive potential of Hutu to menace or even disrespect innocent Tutsi, who were constituted as metonymic of the “new” state. The paranoid hermeneutics of those trials led them to project such an interiority within ‘others,’ imagined as constantly on the verge of erupting into insurrectionary violence, threatening the state's very foundation. The figure of the “Hutu” was transformed into a negative political category operating as a spectral threat haunting the New Rwanda. Gacaca led to a realization throughout the vast population that it marked as “Hutu” that the crime of genocide could potentially inhabit any and perhaps even all of them, thereby producing a generalized fear and pervasive silence.

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Hedlund, Anna. "“There Was No Genocide in Rwanda”." Conflict and Society 1, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 23–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/arcs.2015.010104.

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This article analyzes how the 1994 genocide in Rwanda is recalled and described by members of a Hutu rebel group, the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) whose leadership can be linked to the 1994 atrocities in Rwanda. The article explores how individuals belonging to this rebel group, currently operating in the eastern territories of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), articulate, contest, and oppose the dominant narrative of the Rwandan genocide. Based on ethnographic fieldwork with members of the FDLR in a rebel camp, this article shows how a community of exiled fighters and second-generation Hutu refugees contest the official version of genocide by constructing a counterhistory of it. Through organized practices such as political demonstrations and military performances, it further shows how political ideologies and violence are being manufactured and reproduced within a setting of military control.

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Cissé, Catherine. "The End of a Culture of Impunity in Rwanda? Prosecution of Genocide and War Crimes before Rwandan Courts and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda." Yearbook of International Humanitarian Law 1 (December 1998): 161–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1389135900000088.

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Following the death of Rwandan President Juvénal Habyarimana in a plane crash on 6 April 1994, Hutu extremists, members of the Presidential Guard, Rwandan army troops, theInterhamwe(‘Those who work together’) militia affiliated to the ruling party, the M.R.N.D. (Mouvement Révolutionaire National pour la Démocratie) and theImpuzamugambi(‘Those with a single purpose’) militia of the extremist CDR Party (Coalition pour la Défense de la République) began the systematic and widespread killings of Tutsi civilians in the capital Kigali. Hutu moderates were also targeted. Early victims of the violence included Prime Minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana along with ten Belgian soldiers of the United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR). This incident prompted the withdrawal of UNAMIR which left the perpetrators of the genocide a free rein. Ministers and the President of the Constitutional Court were also killed within hours of the plane crash.

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Jefremovas, Villia. "Acts of Human Kindness: Tutsi, Hutu and the Genocide." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 23, no. 2 (1995): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1166503.

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Jefremovas, Villia. "Acts of Human Kindness: Tutsi, Hutu and the Genocide." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 23, no. 2 (1995): 28–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700501991.

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Most press reports would have us believe that the genocide in Rwanda was the result of a “centuries-old” ethnic/tribal hatred. There is no denying that mass murder and genocide took place in Rwanda. It is estimated that between 500,000 and 1,000,000 people died in the most appalling way. Those killed were from all ethnic groups, Tutsi, Hutu, and Twa; but the vast majority of those killed were Tutsi. However, it is important to understand the process by which this took place: we must stop and ask if this genocide was inevitable, if it was universal, and if it was the result of ancient irreconcilable hatreds.The reference to tribal warfare, or even ethnic conflict, implies that there are (at least) two sides fighting, and that all members of society are caught up in the killings. But in this case, the great preponderance of deaths resulted not from “conflict” but from murder.

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Fessenmaier, Martin, Rainer Frank, János Retey, and Carsten Schubert. "Cloning and sequencing the urocanase gene (hutU) fromPseudomonas putida." FEBS Letters 286, no. 1-2 (July 29, 1991): 55–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0014-5793(91)80938-y.

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Seraku, Tohru, and Nana Tohyama. "Grammatical nominalization in Yoron Ryukyuan." Studies in Language 44, no. 4 (September 4, 2020): 879–916. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.19057.ser.

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Abstract Despite extensive research on Ryukyuan languages, relatively few attempts have been made to describe Ryukyuan nominalization. This paper sets out the agenda for exploring Ryukyuan nominalization with special reference to Yoron Ryukyuan, which, we propose, has four nominalizers: -si, hutu, munu, and Ø (zero). We divide nominalization into GB (Gap-Based) and GL (Gap-Less) nominalization. Firstly, -si is the most productive; it realizes GB/GL nominalization and derives clefts, relatives, and stance constructions. Secondly, hutu is less productive; its use in GB nominalization is restricted, and it derives only stance constructions. Thirdly, munu is viewed as a formal noun in that it encodes the general meaning ‘person, thing’ and usually requires a modifying element. Finally, Ø is the least productive, found only in fixed constructions. Based on these observations, we propose a non-discrete view of nominalizer and formal noun and a cline of their productivity.

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Sabui, Subrata, Veedamali S. Subramanian, Quang Pham, and Hamid M. Said. "Identification of transmembrane protein 237 as a novel interactor with the intestinal riboflavin transporter-3 (RFVT-3): role in functionality and cell biology." American Journal of Physiology-Cell Physiology 316, no. 6 (June 1, 2019): C805—C814. http://dx.doi.org/10.1152/ajpcell.00029.2019.

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The apically localized riboflavin (RF) transporter-3 (RFVT-3) is involved in intestinal absorption of vitamin B2. Previous studies have characterized different physiological/biological aspects of the RFVT-3, but there is a lack of knowledge regarding possible existence of interacting partner(s) and consequence of interaction(s) on its function/cell biology. To address the latter, we performed yeast two-hybrid (Y2H) screening of a human colonic cDNA library and have identified transmembrane protein 237 (TMEM237) as a putative interactor with the human (h)RFVT-3; the interaction was further confirmed via “1-by-1” Y2H assay that involved appropriate positive and negative controls. TMEM237 was found to be highly expressed in human native intestine and in human intestinal epithelial cell lines; further, confocal images showed colocalization of the protein with hRFVT-3. The interaction between TMEM237 with hRFVT-3 in human intestinal epithelial HuTu-80 cells was established by coimmunoprecipitation. Expressing TMEM237 in HuTu-80 cells led to a significant induction in RF uptake, while its knockdown (with the use of gene-specific siRNA) led to a significant reduction in uptake. Transfecting TMEM237 into HuTu-80 cells also led to a marked enhancement in hRFVT-3 protein stability (reflected by an increase in the protein half-life). Interestingly, the level of expression of TMEM237 was found to be markedly reduced following treatment with TNF-α (a proinflammatory cytokine that inhibits intestinal RF uptake), while its expression was significantly upregulated following treatment with butyrate (an inducer of intestinal RF uptake). These findings identify TMEM237 as an interactor with the intestinal hRFVT-3 and show that the interaction has physiological/biological significance.

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Lee, Leo Tsz-On, Kian-Cheng Tan-Un, Ronald Ting-Kai Pang, David Tai-Wai Lam, and Billy Kwok-Chong Chow. "Regulation of the Human Secretin Gene Is Controlled by the Combined Effects of CpG Methylation, Sp1/Sp3 Ratio, and the E-Box Element." Molecular Endocrinology 18, no. 7 (July 1, 2004): 1740–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1210/me.2003-0461.

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Abstract To unravel the mechanisms that regulate the human secretin gene expression, in this study, we have used secretin-expressing (HuTu-80 cells, human duodenal adenocarcinoma) and non-secretin-expressing [PANC-1 (human pancreatic ductile carcinoma) and HepG2 (human hepatocellular carcinoma) cells] cell models for in vitro and in vivo analyses. By transient transfection assays, within the promoter region (−11 to −341 from ATG, relative to the ATG initiation codon), we have initially identified several functional motifs including an E-box and 2 GC-boxes. Results from gel mobility shift and chromatin immunoprecipitation assays confirmed further that NeuroD, E2A, Sp1, and Sp3 bind to these E- and GC-boxes in HuTu-80 cells in vitro and in vivo, whereas only high levels of Sp3 is observed to bind the promoter in HepG2 cells. In addition, overexpression of Sp3 resulted in a dose-dependent repression of the Sp1-mediated transactivation. Collectively, these data suggest that the Sp1/Sp3 ratio is instrumental to controlling secretin gene expression in secretin-producing and non-secretin-producing cells. The functions of GC-box and Sp proteins prompted us to investigate the possible involvement of DNA methylation in regulating this gene. Consistent with this idea, we found a putative CpG island (−336 to 262 from ATG) that overlaps with the human secretin gene promoter. By methylation-specific PCR, all the CpG dinucleo-tides (26 of them) within the CpG island in HuTu-80 cells are unmethylated, whereas all these sites are methylated in PANC-1 and HepG2 cells. The expressions of secretin in PANC-1 and HepG2 cells were subsequently found to be significantly activated by a demethylation agent, 5′-Aza-2′ deoxycytidine. Taken together, our data indicate that the human secretin gene is controlled by the in vivo Sp1/Sp3 ratio and the methylation status of the promoter.

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Vasileva, Leysan, Gulnara Gaynanova, Darya Kuznetsova, Farida Valeeva, Anna Lyubina, Syumbelya Amerhanova, Alexandra Voloshina, et al. "Mitochondria-Targeted Lipid Nanoparticles Loaded with Rotenone as a New Approach for the Treatment of Oncological Diseases." Molecules 28, no. 20 (October 23, 2023): 7229. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/molecules28207229.

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This research is based on the concept that mitochondria are a promising target for anticancer therapy, including thatassociated with the use of oxidative phosphorylation blockers (mitochondrial poisons). Liposomes based on L-α-phosphatidylcholine (PC) and cholesterol (Chol) modified with cationic surfactants with triphenylphosphonium (TPPB-n, where n = 10, 12, 14, and 16) and imidazolium (IA-n(OH), where n = 10, 12, 14, and 16) head groups were obtained. The physicochemical characteristics of liposomes at different surfactant/lipid molar ratios were determined by dynamic/electrophoretic light scattering, transmission electron microscopy, and spectrophotometry. The hydrodynamic diameter of all the systems was within 120 nm with a polydispersity index of no more than 0.24 even after 2 months of storage. It was shown that cationization of liposomes leads to an increase in the internalization of nanocontainers in pancreatic carcinoma (PANC-1) and duodenal adenocarcinoma (HuTu 80) cells compared with unmodified liposomes. Also, using confocal microscopy, it was shown that liposomes modified with TPPB-14 and IA-14(OH) statistically better colocalize with the mitochondria of tumor cells compared with unmodified ones. At the next stage, the mitochondrial poison rotenone (ROT) was loaded into cationic liposomes. It was shown that the optimal loading concentration of ROT is 0.1 mg/mL. The Korsmeyer–Peppas and Higuchi kinetic models were used to describe the release mechanism of ROT from liposomes in vitro. A significant reduction in the IC50 value for the modified liposomes compared with free ROT was shown and, importantly, a higher degree of selectivity for the HuTu 80 cell line compared with the normal cells (SI value is 307 and 113 for PC/Chol/TPPB-14/ROT and PC/Chol/IA-14(OH)/ROT, respectively) occurred. It was shown that the treatment of HuTu 80 cells with ROT-loaded cationic liposomal formulations leads to a dose-dependent decrease in the mitochondrial membrane potential.

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Kuradusenge, Claudine. "Denied Victimhood and Contested Narratives: The Case of Hutu Diaspora." Genocide Studies and Prevention 10, no. 2 (October 2016): 59–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1911-9933.10.2.1352.

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Baisley, Elizabeth. "Genocide and constructions of Hutu and Tutsi in radio propaganda." Race & Class 55, no. 3 (January 2014): 38–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396813509194.

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Minde, Nicodemus. "To Negotiate or Not-to Negotiate with the FDLR Rebels? President Kikwete and Tanzania’s Foreign Policy towards Rwanda (2013–2015)." African Review 48, no. 1 (March 23, 2021): 52–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1821889x-12340030.

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Abstract This article challenges traditional approaches to inter-state relations and reinforces the actor-specific nature of foreign policy analysis. Using individual decision-making theory based on the personalities of key political actors, this article proposes a case study on the foreign policy decision outcome by Tanzania’s President Jakaya Kikwete, in response to the 2013 diplomatic row with Rwanda. Tanzania’s relations with Rwanda have historically been cordial. However, President Kikwete’s proposal for Rwanda to negotiate with the rebel group Forces Démocratiques pour la Libération du Rwanda (FDLR) at the African Union Summit in Addis Ababa in 2013 was not well received by Rwanda. The FDLR is a Hutu rebel outfit based in Eastern DRC, consisting of surviving Hutus who had fled into DRC, after the 1994 genocide. This article argues that in view of the diplomatic row that ensued, Kikwete’s response supports current theories on the role played by a key political actor’s personality in the foreign policy decision-making process.

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Mukamana, Donatilla, Anthony Collins, and William E. Rosa. "Genocide Rape Trauma: A Conceptual Framework for Understanding the Psychological Suffering of Rwandan Survivors." Research and Theory for Nursing Practice 32, no. 2 (June 2018): 125–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/1541-6577.32.2.125.

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In 1994, the Rwandan genocide claimed the lives of approximately 1 million Tutsi and moderate Hutu citizens. Systematic rape was a strategic component of the Hutu extremist plan to eradicate the Tutsi minority population. This involved collective and repeated sexual assaults with brutal violence, public humiliation, and torture. This article maps the ongoing psychological impact on Rwandan genocide rape survivors and identifies implications for international nursing practice. The research formalizes their narratives, identifying a number of interconnected elements that combine to produce myriad forms of chronic psychological suffering in the Rwandan context. This work in turn reveals the specific needs of these survivors that may be addressed by nursing. It allows nurses, as experts in managing the human responses to health and illness, to develop a more complete understanding of psychological suffering as it pertains to vulnerable populations during and in the wake of extreme social conflict. This clarifies the roles of nurse educators, clinicians, and policy advocates as key agents in providing genocide rape survivors with the resources and expertise needed to effectively manage their ongoing trauma.

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Valerian, Hizkia Fredo. "Perjumpaan dengan Yang Lain: Refleksi Filosofis terhadap Film “Hotel Rwanda” dari perspektif Etika menurut Emmanuel Levinas." Jurnal Ledalero 20, no. 1 (September 1, 2021): 143. http://dx.doi.org/10.31385/jl.v20i1.224.143-159.

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This article presents a philosophical reflection on the story of Hotel Rwanda’s film from the Ethic’s perspective of Emmanuel Levinas. Hotel Rwanda’s Film tells a story about the conflict between two of Rwanda’s native tribes, Hutu and Tutsi, that highlighting violence and genocide as the impact of the racial discrimination paradigm. By analyzing some events that were pictures from the film, I saw that two interesting ideas to reflect by Levinas’ Ethic perspective. First, about the dangerous tendency of totality by stigmatizing other people by ideas. And the second is the philosophical idea regards to the meaning of encountering the face of the other, as the basis of responsibility to the other man. In that way, Hotel Rwanda’s film can be presenting a relevant illustration for some core on Levinas’ thought that focusing on the ethical problem concerning justice and humanityKeywords: Hutu, Tutsi, Genocide, The Face, The other, Ethics.

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Breed, Ananda. "Performing the Nation: Theatre in Post-Genocide Rwanda." TDR/The Drama Review 52, no. 1 (March 2008): 32–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/dram.2008.52.1.32.

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While grassroots theatre brings together perpetrators and survivors of the Rwandan genocide, government-driven campaigns can manipulate theatre for reconciliation to serve its own nationalist agenda. The Mutabaruka company use their performances in Burundi to resurrect/construct the identity of a precolonial Rwanda; the Mashirika theatre focus on reconciling the Hutu, Tutsi, and Twa.

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Pilip, Kinga. "Prawnomiędzynarodowa odpowiedzialność za ludobójstwo na przykładzie Międzynarodowego Trybunału Karnego do spraw Rwandy." Facta Simonidis 8, no. 1 (December 31, 2015): 223–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.56583/fs.198.

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Artykuł opisuje wojnę domową o podłożu etnicznym w państwie środkowej Afryki – Rwandzie, która miała miejsce w 1994 roku. Przyczyną konfliktu i tragicznych wydarzeń była wrogość pomiędzy plemionami Hutu a Tutsi, które doprowadziły do największego ludobójstwa w dziejach powojennego świata. Celem opracowania jest przedstawienie roli jaką odegrały specjalnie powołane instytucje karne oraz organizacje humanitarne w przywróceniu pokoju na kontynencie afrykańskim.

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Reyntjens, Filip. "The Proof of the Pudding is in the Eating: the June 1993 Elections in Burundi." Journal of Modern African Studies 31, no. 4 (December 1993): 563–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00012246.

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Land-Locked Burundi in the Great Lakes area of East-Central Africa, while very small in size (slightly under 28,000 sq. kilometres, roughly the size of Belgium), is after neighbouring Rwanda the most densely populated country in the continent, with about six million inhabitants of whom it is commonly admitted that Hutu and Tutsi constitute about 85 and 15 per cent, respectively.

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Russell, Aidan. "OBEDIENCE AND SELECTIVE GENOCIDE IN BURUNDI." Africa 85, no. 3 (July 9, 2015): 437–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972015000273.

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ABSTRACTFollowing a localized Hutu uprising in 1972, the Tutsi-dominated state in Burundi embarked on a vast series of reprisals across the country, leaving between 100,000 and 300,000 dead. Prominent political leaders were liquidated, Hutu who were able or learning to read were arrested, and many who had achieved any marginal level of exceptionality in economic success or other social achievement were accused of treason and murdered. Described as a ‘selective genocide’, the means of this violence proved deeply informative of its nature and of the experience of those caught up in the bloodshed. In the northern province of Ngozi, selection was managed through roadblocks and lists of names, creating the inescapable image of a totalitarian and bureaucratic state order. These methods fuelled a strong reaction of obedience, both among the youth and other agents of the state who took part in the arrests, and among the victims, who are commonly described as reacting with ‘docility’ to the violence. A matter of ‘law-making violence’, the selective means of the genocide shaped the political and social order that emerged from it, the ‘implements’ of genocide substantially contributing to the recognition of discrete ethnic communities among the population at large.

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Bakunina, Irina, Tatiana Imbs, Galina Likhatskaya, Valeria Grigorchuk, Anastasya Zueva, Olesya Malyarenko, and Svetlana Ermakova. "Effect of Phlorotannins from Brown Algae Costaria costata on α-N-Acetylgalactosaminidase Produced by Duodenal Adenocarcinoma and Melanoma Cells." Marine Drugs 21, no. 1 (December 30, 2022): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/md21010033.

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The inhibitor of human α-N-acetylgalactosaminidase (α-NaGalase) was isolated from a water–ethanol extract of the brown algae Costaria costata. Currently, tumor α-NaGalase is considered to be a therapeutic target in the treatment of cancer. According to NMR spectroscopy and mass spectrometric analysis, it is a high-molecular-weight fraction of phlorethols with a degree of polymerization (DP) equaling 11–23 phloroglucinols (CcPh). It was shown that CcPh is a direct inhibitor of α-NaGalases isolated from HuTu 80 and SK-MEL-28 cells (IC50 0.14 ± 0.008 and 0.12 ± 0.004 mg/mL, respectively) and reduces the activity of this enzyme in HuTu 80 and SK-MEL-28 cells up to 50% at concentrations of 15.2 ± 9.5 and 5.7 ± 1.6 μg/mL, respectively. Molecular docking of the putative DP-15 oligophlorethol (P15OPh) and heptaphlorethol (PHPh) with human α-NaGalase (PDB ID 4DO4) showed that this compound forms a complex and interacts directly with the Asp 156 and Asp 217 catalytic residues of the enzyme in question. Thus, brown algae phlorethol CcPh is an effective marine-based natural inhibitor of the α-NaGalase of cancer cells and, therefore, has high therapeutic potential.

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Songolo, Aliko. "Marie Béatrice Umutesi's Truth: The Other Rwanda Genocide?" African Studies Review 48, no. 3 (December 2005): 107–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2006.0040.

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Une tragédie n'exclut pas l'autreet il n'existe aucune hiérarchie dans la souffrance.(One tragedy does not cancel out the other,and there is no hierarchy in suffering.)Calixthe Beyala (2005)There can be no reconciliation between Hutu and Tutsi withoutjustice, and no justice without truth. This proposition holds truefor all three states of former Belgian Africa.René Lemarchand (1998)The title of Marie Béatrice Umutesi's book, Fuir ou mourir au Zaïre: Le vécu d'une Réfugiée Rwandaise—or in its English version, Surviving the Slaughter: The Ordeal of a Rwandan Refugee in Zaïre—might prove confusing for some readers on at least two counts. Because the name Rwanda will forever be associated in our memory with the horror of the 1994 genocide, one might surmise that this is the story of a Tutsi survivor taking refuge in neighboring Zaire, as in previous massacres in 1959, 1963, and 1973. But then again, considering the disastrous wars that have raged in that country for the last decade, one might conclude that Umutesi's book tells the story of a Rwandan refugee caught in the crossfire between competing forces, Rwanda versus Uganda and their proxies within the former Zaire. Both assumptions would be only half true. The missing half in both inferences is that the ordeal of this refugee and her cohort originated in the Rwandan conflict that began in 1990 and culminated in the genocide four years later. Shrewdly orchestrated and largely perpetrated by the Tutsi-dominated regime that took power in Rwanda in the aftermath of the genocide, the slaughter of these Hutu refugees has been concealed behind a curtain of silence on the part of the international community. In the drama that unfolds in Umutesi's book, Zairian territory is the unwitting, albeit highly significant, theater of the cynically suppressed story of the disappearance of nearly a quarter million Hutu refugees from Rwanda at the hands of shadowy “rebels.”

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Ferreira, Patrícia Magalhães. "Identidades Étnicas e Violência: uma aproximação teórica ao caso Hutu-Tutsi." Cadernos de Estudos Africanos, no. 2 (June 1, 2002): 103–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/cea.1302.

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Ordóñez-Carabaño, Ángela, and María Prieto-Ursúa. "Forgiving a Genocide: Reconciliation Processes between Hutu and Tutsi in Rwanda." Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 52, no. 5 (June 2021): 427–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00220221211020438.

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The purpose of this research was to study the interviewees’ experience of their reconciliation process and the influence of the Amataba Workshops on their healing process. Semi-structured qualitative interviews were conducted with five pairs ( N = 10) of Tutsi survivors of the Rwandan genocide and their perpetrators, members of the Hutu majority; they had all participated in an intervention to promote reconciliation. The Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) method was chosen to study the transcripts. Analysis resulted in nine main relevant categories that should be taken into account while designing a reconciliation-oriented intervention, including truth, listening to each other, justice, repairing the damage, and collaboration on joint projects. The results of this research show how these processes can occur when reconciliation-oriented interventions are facilitated. For some interviewees, these workshops have become a crucial turning point and helped them set aside the hatred and pain.

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Purdekova, Andrea. "Book Review: Politics of Innocence: Hutu Identity, Conflict and Camp Life." Genocide Studies and Prevention 11, no. 3 (March 2018): 137–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1911-9933.11.3.1511.

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Washington Office on Africa. "Central Africa intervention must not reinforce Hutu extremists or Mobutu regime." Review of African Political Economy 23, no. 70 (December 1996): 576–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056249608704231.

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Deutsch, David, and Niza Yanay. "The politics of intimacy: Nazi and Hutu propaganda as case studies." Journal of Genocide Research 18, no. 1 (January 2, 2016): 21–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14623528.2016.1120461.

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Han, Yang-hwan. "A Search for a Rational Solution to Hutu Tutsi Ethnic Conflict." Korean Journal of International Relations 39, no. 1 (September 30, 1999): 395–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.14731/kjir.1999.09.39.1.395.

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Paradelle, Muriel. "Gacaca – een microlokaal rechtssysteem om te oordelen over een ‘macrosociale’ genocide." Les procès 138 (2024): 78–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/11x5z.

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Na de Rwandese genocide (1994) gingen de autoriteiten in Rwanda op zoek naar een nieuwe vertaling van oude, traditionele rechtspraktijken om de diepe kloof die tussen Hutu en Tutsi was ontstaan te dichten. Dat waren de gacaca rechtbanken. Hoe en in welke mate het lokale rechtssysteem, dat voor het eerst moest worden toegepast op een genocide van nationale omvang, daarin slaagde, is het onderwerp van dit artikel.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Hutu'

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