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Journal articles on the topic 'Hymnist'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 5 February 2022

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1

Garcíía, John F. "Symbolic Action in the Homeric Hymns: The Theme of Recognition." Classical Antiquity 21, no. 1 (April 1, 2002): 5–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2002.21.1.5.

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The Homeric Hymns are commonly taken to be religious poems in some general sense but they are often said to contrast with cult hymns in that the latter have a definite ritual function, whereas "literary" hymns do not. This paper argues that despite the difficulty in establishing a precise occasion of performance for the Homeric Hymns, we are nevertheless in a position to identify their ritual function: by intoning a Hymn of this kind, the singer achieves the presence of a god before participants in a public festival. The key mechanism by which the hymnist does this is the evocation of a god via the elaboration of a typical unit of traditional hymnic discourse, what I call the "theme of recognition (before revelation)." The pragmatic operation of narrative such as this is similar to the device known in the study of magical texts as the historiola, or short narrative that serves as a verbal model for a desired outcome in the patient's world. This kind of operation is called, in this paper, "symbolic action," a term borrowed from the rhetorician Kenneth Burke. The theme of recognition is traced in the fabric of the expansive Hymns (II-V, VII), and the paper further argues that an important generic marker in the Hymns, the greeting of the god (χχααííρρεϵ), discloses their pragmatic function, the hymnist's skillful deliverance of the god before his hearers.

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2

Dieleman, Karen. "Elizabeth Barrett Browning's Religious Poetics: Congregationalist Models of Hymnist and Preacher." Victorian Poetry 45, no. 2 (2007): 135–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/vp.2007.0023.

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3

Vollenweider, Samuel. "Hymnus, Enkomion oder Psalm? Schattengefechte in der neutestamentlichen Wissenschaft." New Testament Studies 56, no. 2 (March 4, 2010): 208–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688509990269.

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For much of the twentieth century scholars tried to reconstruct various cultic hymns beneath the surface of NT texts. With the rise of rhetorical criticism the focus of research has shifted to the properties of epideictic rhetoric. Exegetes, therefore, often tend to contrast ‘encomia’ with ‘hymns’ or ‘psalms’. To avoid any shadow boxing one has to consider whichdescriptive languagewould fit best the texts. A brief examination of ancient hymnic traditions and their treatment in rhetoric demonstrates that while encomia interact strongly with hymns each genre has its own characteristics; hymns, whether in poetry or prose, consist especially of praiseofdivinities and are addressedtodivinities. Futureformgeschichtlicheanalysis has to distinguish carefully between ‘hymn’ (in a narrow sense), ‘hymnic praise’ and ‘encomion’ (which does not refer particularly to divine beings). In early Christian literature, as far as it relates to the textual surface, we find beside hymns to God only a few hymns directed to Christ. Nevertheless Christ's divine status is praised with rich hymnic rhetorical devices. This amazing tension corresponds exactly with what we call ‘Christological monotheism’.

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4

Meyer, E. "'n Godsleer van Openbaring soos vervat in die himnes." Verbum et Ecclesia 18, no. 2 (July 4, 1997): 305–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v18i2.565.

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A Theology of Revelations as imbedded in the hymns. This anicle is based on a twofold hypothesis, namely that the author of Revelation not only wrote the hymns in this book,' he also used them specifically to express his theology. The narrator utilises the hymnes to lay words in the mouths of the characters in order to establish a complete theology as well as christology. These hymns can even be used today to offer mankind real hope by calling one and all to the centre and true reason for our existence: Worship God!

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5

Jeffcoat Schedtler, Justin. "Praising Christ the King." Novum Testamentum 60, no. 2 (March 13, 2018): 162–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685365-12341591.

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Abstract Royal connotations are recognized throughout the book of Revelation, including chapter 5 where the Lamb is depicted upon the heavenly throne (5:6) receiving acts of obeisance and hymnic acclamations from the heavenly retinue (5:8-14). However, the extent to which the hymns themselves manifest royal ideology and discourse has been neglected. In what follows, the author explores various elements of the hymns in light of widespread patterns of kingship discourse in the ancient Mediterranean world, including especially the fact that the Lamb is praised alongside God and in terms otherwise used for God. The author then demonstrates that the hymnic claim that the Lamb has assumed the power to rule on account of his bloody death on the cross (5:9) constitutes an inversion of a popular motif that kings assumed power through violent military conquest.

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6

Nocoń, Arkadiusz. "Poeta poranka i wieczoru. Hymny św. Ambrożego w Liturgii godzin." Vox Patrum 57 (June 15, 2012): 437–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4144.

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Following the example of the Lord, who frequently sang hymns with his disciples, and encouraged to sing by St Paul, the early Christians praised God in music and song. The first Latin hymns were composed by Hilary of Poitiers. Their metrical complexity and content discouraged their liturgical use by the Church. Thus, St. Ambrose of Milan is considered the first „official” Latin hymnodist. He composed several hymns, still used in the Liturgy of the Hours, which were musicated by himself. These hymns come from the particular circumstances of the Arian controversy and derive, in the main, from the necessity of encouraging „orthodox” Christians in their defence of the Basilica Porziana in Milan. They were designed to guide their prayer at different times of the day. The Author’s text-critical analysis of two of these hymns – Aeterne rerum conditor, sung at dawn (in gallicinium) and Deus, creator omnium, sung at dusk as the lamps were lit (ad horam incensi) – well testifies to the literary and pastoral genius of the Bishop of Milan as he transforms the complex theological reflection of his time into poetry and music, while not only retaining the integrity of the depth of that reflection but also enhancing its aesthetic profile by drawing on a repertoire of images based on the parallelism of cosmic reality and human reality. St Ambrose’s corpus of hymns, together with his prose works, was admired both by his contemporaries and by successive generations. They promoted the flowering of a merciful Christocentricity which, according to the experts, is the most original and attractive feature of his poetry. As is clearly seen in the hymns received into the Divine Office, Ambrose’s singular ability effectively to stimulate the soul to prayer through a powerful and insuperable lyrical inspiration, is capable literally of transforming the daily hours into songs of praise, and explains Petrarch’s habit of rising during the night to sing hymns to the Lord.

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7

La Bua, Giuseppe. "Laus deorum e strutture inniche nei Panegirici latini di etá imperiale." Rhetorica 27, no. 2 (2009): 142–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2009.27.2.142.

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Abstract Latin prose Panegyrics are a fourth-century product of Gallic rhetorical schools; they celebrate the emperor's virtues by widely employing structures and topoi commonly associated with epideictic theory and practice. This paper explores the presence of hymnic features within the corpus of the Latin Panegyrics. The following passages are investigated: 1) the celebration of Diocletian and Maximian as Iovius and Herculius in Panegyrics 10(2).1–6 and 11(3).3; 2) the praise of the Tiber and the hymn to the supreme God in the Panegyric dedicated to Constantine 12(9).18; 26; 3) the hymn to Greece in the Panegyric to Julian 3(11).8. The analysis shows how the panegyrists re-worked the laudatory material by adapting the style and topoi of hymns to gods to praise of the emperor.

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8

Skeie, Eyvind. "Folkelig formidler med hymnisk kraft." Kirke og Kultur 112, no. 02 (May 24, 2007): 152–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/issn1504-3002-2007-02-05.

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9

Vöhler, Martin. "Exploration Statt Inspiration." Zeitschrift für Ästhetik und Allgemeine Kunstwissenschaft Band 51. Heft 1 51, no. 1 (2006): 77–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.28937/1000107612.

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Hymnische Dichtung bedarf der Inspiration. Hölderlin differenziert in seiner Feiertagshymne verschiedene Geschichtssituationen (Nacht, Dämmerung, Feiertag), Grade (Mangel, Gunst, Überwältigung) und Darstellungsweisen der Begeisterung. In die poetologische Reflexion werden auch Mittlerfiguren (Semele, Dionysos, Christus) und Vorbilder (Pindar, Klopstock) einbezogen. Das Gedicht wendet sich von der eschatologischen Inspiration ab und entwirft im Eingangsgleichnis den Gestus der Exploration, dem die Gesänge des Spätwerks folgen. Für diese ist es von grundlegender Bedeutung. Hymnic poetry needs inspiration. In the ›Feiertagshymne‹, Hölderlin differentiates several historical stages (night, dawn, holiday), degrees (deficiency, favour, rapture) and representations of inspiration or enthusiasm. The poetological reflexion includes mediating figures (Semele, Dionysos, Christus) and models (Pindar, Klopstock). While the poem turns away from eschatological inspiration it projects, by the simile at the beginning, a gesture of exploration which is followed up later by Hölderlin’s last hymns. For those this poem is of fundamental significance.

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10

Heath, Malcolm. "Greek Literature." Greece and Rome 63, no. 2 (September 16, 2016): 251–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383516000127.

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Let us begin, as is proper, with the gods rich in praise – or, more precisely, with The Gods Rich in Praise, one of three strikingly good monographs based on doctoral theses that will appear in this set of reviews. Christopher Metcalf examines the relations between early Greek poetry and the ancient Near East, focusing primarily on hymnic poetry. This type of poetry has multiple advantages: there is ample primary material, it displays formal conservatism, and there are demonstrable lines of translation and adaptation linking Sumerian, Akkadian, and Hittite texts. The Near Eastern material is presented in the first three chapters; four chapters examine early Greek poetry. Two formal aspects are selected for analysis (hymnic openings and negative predication), and two particular passages: the birth of Aphrodite in Theogony 195–206, and the mention of a dream interpreter in Iliad 1.62–4. In this last case, Metcalf acknowledges the possibility of transmission, while emphasizing the process of ‘continuous adaptation and reinterpretation’ (225) that lie behind the Homeric re-contextualization. In general, though, his detailed analyses tend to undermine the ‘argument by accumulation’ by which West and others have tried to demonstrate profound and extensive Eastern influence on early Greek poetry. Metcalf finds no evidence for formal influence: ‘in the case of hymns, Near Eastern influence on early Greek poetry was punctual (i.e. restricted to particular points) at the most, but certainly not pervasive’ (3). His carefully argued case deserves serious attention.

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11

Reodica, Julia. ""hymNext Project"." New Literary History 38, no. 3 (2007): 414–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nlh.2007.0044.

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12

Jurasz, Izabela. "Hymnes contre les hérésies. Hymnes contre Julien; Hymnes contre les hérésies." Chôra 17 (2019): 321–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/chora20191718.

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13

Murphy, Stephen, Michel Marulle, and Jacques Chomarat. "Hymnes naturels." Sixteenth Century Journal 28, no. 1 (1997): 236. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2543263.

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14

Nowak, Adolf. "Mahlers Hymnus." Schütz-Jahrbuch 4 (August 18, 2017): 92–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.13141/sjb.v1983666.

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15

Paech, Katharina Larissa. "„Hymnus novus“." Musicological Annual 56, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 45–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/mz.56.1.45-58.

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In der Wiener Franziskanerprovinz gibt es Handschriften aus der 1. Hälfte des 18. Jahrhunderts, welche die Verwendung von Figuraliter-Hymnen im barocken Stil für das Stundengebet bezeugen. Im Text werden zunächst diese Melodien und deren Verbreitung beschrieben. Danach richtet sich das Augenmerk auf die Generalbassbegleitungen der zeitgenössischen Orgelbücher.

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16

Block, Adrienne Fried, and Gene Claghorn. "Women Composers and Hymnists: A Concise Biographical Dictionary." American Music 4, no. 2 (1986): 225. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3051991.

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17

Studwell, William E. "Hymns:." Music Reference Services Quarterly 1, no. 2 (June 14, 1993): 77–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j116v01n02_06.

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18

D’Intino, Silvia. "Hymnes védiques dialogués." École pratique des hautes études. Section des sciences religieuses, no. 120 (October 1, 2013): 27–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/asr.1149.

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19

Hascher-Burger, Ulrike. "Music and Meditation: Songs in Johannes Mauburnus's Rosetum exercitiorum spiritualium." Church History and Religious Culture 88, no. 3 (2008): 347–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187124108x426538.

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AbstractThe Rosetum exercitiorum spiritualium et sacrarum meditationum of Johannes Mauburnus is considered the most extensive and influential treatise on meditation in the circles of the late Devotio Moderna. It was printed in five editions from the late fifteenth to the early seventeenth century. Besides instructions for numerous meditations of varying length, this treatise contains seven religious songs which were intended to stir up the emotions and facilitate the correct disposition for meditation. These songs were created as contrafacts, meaning that the newly composed texts were sung to well-known melodies of liturgical hymns and religious songs. In song rubrics, Mauburnus gives precise instructions about their function as an aid to summoning the motivation for the great number of spiritual exercises that had to be accomplished by the adherents of the Devotio Moderna every day. A unique feature of the Rosetum is the combination of a concrete meditation with a corresponding written song. These songs have not yet been examined systematically. The texts were edited by Guido Maria Dreves in Analecta hymnica on the basis of the edition printed in Paris in 1510. The melodies have not yet been reconstructed. In this article, the seven contrafacts are studied for the first time from the point of view of their structure and function, and their melodies are reconstructed on the basis of liturgical sources associated with the Devotio Moderna.

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20

TUCĂ, Nicuşor. "KENOTIC THEOLOGY IN THE EASTERN CHURCH HYMNS." Icoana Credintei 7, no. 14 (June 6, 2021): 13–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.26520/icoana.2021.14.7.13-19.

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The hypostatic or personal union (enosis ipostatiki) is the wreath and the bond between man and God. The consequences of the hypostatic union form the object of most of the hymns from the cultic treasure of the Eastern Church. The theandric person of our Saviour Jesus Christ is intrinsically present under one form or the other in all the hymns of our Church. Kenosis represents one of the consequences of the hypostatic union and a profound expression of God’s supreme love for mankind. The Orthodox teaching - both in dogma and in divine service - is against a radical kenosis that would nullify the sense of Jesus’ Embodiment as overflowing of the divine energies in the world and in mankind.

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21

Vinel, Françoise. "Éphrem de Nisibe, Hymnes contre les hérésies. Hymnes contre Julien. T. 1 : Hymnes contre les hérésies I-XXIX | T. 2 : Hymnes contre les hérésies X." Revue des sciences religieuses, no. 92/4 (October 1, 2018): 568–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/rsr.5862.

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22

Li, Kwen-Yin. "Conflict and Dialectic of Faiths in Felix Mendelssohn’s Responsorium et Hymnus." Kwartalnik Młodych Muzykologów UJ, no. 37 english issue (2018): 101–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/23537094kmmuj.18.023.9167.

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23

Viljoen, F. V. "Die betekenis en funksie van die himnes in Openbaring 12-22." Verbum et Ecclesia 23, no. 2 (August 7, 2002): 558–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v23i2.1224.

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The meaning and function of the hymns in Revelation 12-22 The hymns in Revelation 12-22 function as type of commentary, as they interpret the narrative events of the kernel plot. Being separated spatially and in some instances temporally, the hymns offer interpretations on the events and emphasise the basic themes of God’s accomplishment of salvation and judgement through Jesus Christ in the narrative. The final set of hymns in 19:1-8 recall the prior themes recounted through the hymns to form a musical climax. The hymns function as both prolepsis and analepsis in the narrative time, to the creation of the cosmos by God on the one hand, and the final victory of God on the other. As satellelites, the hymns maintain contact with the readers. The hymns function in an assuring sense throughout, constantly reminding of the final victory, one in which the implied reader plays an active role. A better understanding of the use of hymns in Revelation could enrich the use of songs in our liturgy today.

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24

Wyller, Egil A. "Albrecht Dürers Cherubinischer Hymnus." Perspektiven der Philosophie 19 (1993): 377–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/pdp19931918.

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25

Bernardina, Sergio Dalla. "Hymnes à la vie ?" Terrain, no. 60 (March 4, 2013): 56–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/terrain.15076.

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26

Strolonga, Polyxeni. "From Choral to Monodic Hymns: Some Evidence from theHomeric Hymns." Trends in Classics 12, no. 1 (June 25, 2020): 16–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/tc-2020-0003.

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AbstractThis paper investigates internal evidence from the Homeric Hymns in order to trace the development from choral to monodic hymns. A study of the words humneo and humnos and the analysis of the embedded choral theogonic songs in the corpus of the Homeric Hymns show that women’s choral songs about gods are always identified as hymns, while the monodic theogonies, which are described in this corpus, are not identified as such. This division between choral and monodic hymns, reflected to some extent in the diction, is reconciled in the Homeric Hymn to Apollo, in which the poet, representing a different genre, addresses and praises the Delian Maidens – the choral singers par excellence. As the Homeric Hymns evolve from cultic, choral hymns, they turn the local praise of gods into panhellenic encomia. Such transition is also alluded to in other sources, in which hymns are disseminated and adapted by male performers, as a result of a female chorus’ instruction.

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27

Furley, William D. "Praise and persuasion in Greek hymns." Journal of Hellenic Studies 115 (November 1995): 29–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631642.

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Largely because the processes of transmission have been unkind, the religious hymns sung by the Greeks during worship of a god on a public or private occasion have received less than their due attention from modern scholars. Our sources frequently mention in passing that hymns were sung on the way to Eleusis, for example, or at the well Kallichoron on arrival at Eleusis, or by the deputations to Delos for the Delia, but they usually fail to record the texts or contents of these hymns. Until the fourth century BC temple authorities did not normally have the texts of cult songs inscribed; and the works themselves were by a diversity of authors, some well-known, some obscure, making the collection of their ‘hymns’ a difficult task for the Alexandrian compilers. Some such hymns were traditional—Olen's at Delos, for example — handed down orally from generation to generation; others were taught to a chorus for a specific occasion and then forgotten. Nor do the surviving corpora of ‘hymns’ — I refer to the Homeric Hymns, Callimachus' six hymns, and the Orphic Hymns—go very far to satisfy our curiosity as to the nature of this ubiquitous hieratic poetry. The Homeric Hymns would seem to have been preludes (προοίμια) to the recitation of epic poetry; they are in the same metre and style as epic, and the singer usually announces that he is about to commence another poem on finishing the hymn. Their content may give us authentic material about a god and his attendant myths, but the context of their performance seems distinct from worship proper. The Homeric Hymns provided the basic model for Callimachus' hymns although it is clear that he adapted the model to permit innovations such as the mimetic mode of hymns 2, 5 and 6, which present an eye-witness account of religious ritual. Some find Callimachus' hymns lacking in true religious feeling; few seriously maintain that they were intended, or could have been used, for performance in cult.

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28

Richardson, Paul A. "Book Review: Women Composers and Hymnists: A Concise Biographical Dictionary." Review & Expositor 84, no. 2 (May 1987): 349–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003463738708400239.

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29

Boynton, Susan, Joseph Szoverffy, Carl-Allan Moberg, and Ann-Marie Nilsson. "Latin Hymns." Notes 50, no. 1 (September 1993): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/898700.

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30

Devlin, Nicola. "LATIN HYMNS." Classical Review 52, no. 1 (March 2002): 84–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/52.1.84.

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31

Chappell, Mike. "HOMERIC HYMNS." Classical Review 48, no. 2 (October 1998): 260–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x98220014.

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32

Pöhlmann, Egert. "Ambrosian Hymns." Greek and Roman Musical Studies 5, no. 1 (February 23, 2017): 104–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22129758-12341292.

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After the abortive attempts of the bishop Hilarius of Poitiers, Ambrosius, bishop of Milan, created with the metrum Ambrosianum the starting point for Latin Hymnody by using a familiar pagan meter, the iambic dimeter, as the basic line. Combining four such lines into a stanza he followed the type of the four-line stanzas of Horace. With eight such stanzas he found a model for Christian hymnody for centuries. The text of four of the innumerable Ambrosian hymns is attested for Ambrosius by Augustine. As the ancient notation fell into disuse in the 6th century ad, the melodies of the Ambrosian hymns were transmitted orally until the 10th century. They appear in the medieval manuscripts with neumatic or alphabetic notation, but without rhythmical values and adorned by rich melismata, which mirror the predilections of each monastic community. Five of them are attributed to Ambrosius, from which this inquiry has to begin.

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33

Mineva, Evelina. "Эвелина Минева Процесс конструирования и композиции переводных славянских служб." Fontes Slaviae Orthodoxae 2, no. 2 (February 12, 2020): 93–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/fso.5098.

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The conclusions in the present paper are based on the material of Byzantine hymns for St Parasceve, which have been translated into Slavonic. To construct a whole service for a saint the translators chose hymns from two main categories: hymns with a more general content, which can migrate from one service to another regardless of the feast (e.g. “theotokia”) and hymns for a certain saint. Depending on their education and talent as well as on the available ‘repertoire’ of Byzantine hymns, the translators modified the original so that they can adapt it for the certain feast (e.g. hymns for St Parasceve of Rome were adapted for St Parasceve of Epibatae).

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34

Celma Valero, María Pilar. "Hymnica: la plenitud poética de Luis Antonio de Villena." Ogigia. Revista Electrónica de Estudios Hispánicos, no. 24 (July 30, 2018): 57–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.24197/ogigia.24.2018.57-68.

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Hymnica, tercer libro publicado por Luis Antonio de Villena, supone ya su plenitud poética porque en esta obra se conjugan elementos que antes estaban en desequilibrio. Existe una perfecta armonía entre vida y literatura; entre pensamiento y sentimiento, entre realidad e imaginación; entre exaltación vital y conciencia de finitud. La amenaza del tiempo y de la muerte es conjurada por la poesía. De esta forma, Hymnica revela una estética muy personal, pero también una concepción vital y una ética subyacentes a todo el libro.

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35

Harder, M. Annette. "Insubstantial Voices: Some Observations on the Hymns of Callimachus." Classical Quarterly 42, no. 2 (December 1992): 384–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800016013.

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The hymns of Callimachus are generally divided into two groups: the ‘mimetic’ hymns (2, 5 and 6), which seem to be enactments of ritual scenes, and the ‘nonmimetic’ hymns (1,3 and 4), which seem to follow the pattern of the Homeric hymns. Occasionally this distinction has been challenged, for instance by pointing to an' element of mimesis inH. 1, but on the whole the division into two groups has been 1 adhered to rather rigidly. A drawback of this distinction is that it seems to prevent further insight into an important aspect of Callimachus' poetic technique. I think that there is in fact a subtle play with various aspects of diegesis and mimesis which pervades the whole collection of hymns and gives it a certain unity, because it draws attention to the way in which narratives or descriptions are presented in the hymns. Although the emphasis on mimesis or diegesis may vary, none of the hymns can be regarded as diegetic in all its aspects and there is a great deal of fluctuation between, the two modes of presentation both within the collection and within the individual hymns.

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36

Harries, Byron. "Causation And The Authority Of The Poet In Ovid's Fasti." Classical Quarterly 39, no. 1 (May 1989): 164–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800040568.

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The two central themes of Fasti are twice (1.1, 4.11) linked in this way. The association, which at once gives the poem the appearance of having a literary ancestry in the aetiological tradition, might have seemed inevitable: any verse narrative account of a festival is very likely to contain an αἲтιоν of it. Callimachus' hymns illustrate this assertion, and there are clearly defined hymnic elements in Fasti to bear out the comparison, for example the listing of Venus' ⋯αεтαί and Πρáξεις at 4.91ff. and the instructions to the devotees of Pales at 4.731–48. 4 To state the obvious fact that the poem combines Roman antiquities with Alexandrian aetiology, a blending of which more straightforward examples are to be found in the fourth book of Propertius, is only a prelude to establishing what Ovid really achieves in Fasti. Traditional elements are, as I hope to show, cunningly exploited to create ‘counter–effects’ and to subject the material to the constantly varying and wide–ranging influences of the poet's literary background. Though the notion of causa is central to Fasti, the poem is much more than an amalgam of such influences as the aetiological prose works of Varro and (possibly) Verrius Flaccus with the aetiological poetics of Propertius 4.5 These sources combined to provide material for the foundation of the finished structure, which was to be the creative manipulation of these antiquarian and literary stimuli directed at providing a vehicle for the regular themes of the Ovidian persona.

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Moody, Linda A. "Religio-Political Insights of 19th Century Women Hymnists and Lyric Poets." Janus Head 2, no. 1 (1999): 73–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jh19992119.

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Phillips, Christopher N. "Cotton Mather Brings Isaac Watts's Hymns to America; or, How to Perform a Hymn without Singing It." New England Quarterly 85, no. 2 (June 2012): 203–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/tneq_a_00183.

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This essay reconstructs Cotton Mather's efforts to introduce Isaac Watts's hymns into New England print culture using sermon pamphlets and family prayer guides. These forms framed hymns as read rather than sung texts, but they also enabled the performance of hymns as expressions of personal faith during the Great Awakening.

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Smolak, Kurt. "Kryptochristianismen' in spätantiker paganer Hymnik?" Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 44, no. 2-4 (December 2004): 341–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aant.44.2004.2-4.15.

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Pigeon, Geneviève. "Book Review: Hymnes ecclesiastiques (1578)." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 46, no. 3 (September 2017): 463–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0008429817704116.

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Poirier, Paul-Hubert. "ROMANOS LE MÉLODE, Hymnes. Tome V : Nouveau Testament (XLVI-L), et Hymnes de circonstances." Laval théologique et philosophique 41, no. 1 (1985): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/400155ar.

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Bering Solten, Therese. "Når troen får øjne. En studie i Grundtvigs salmer." Grundtvig-Studier 65, no. 1 (May 29, 2015): 177–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/grs.v65i1.20952.

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Når troen får øjne. En studie i Grundtvigs salmerTherese Bering SoltenWhen Faith Gets Eyes – a Study in Grundtvig’s HymnsThis article summarizes main points from Therese Bering Solten’s PhD thesis about how, through the use of hermeneutics and genre criticism, Grundtvig’s hymns can be read as poetic theology. The hymns work thematicallythrough the relationship between the visible and the invisible, conceptions residing in a continuum stretching between the concrete, sensory images and abstract, intelligible concepts. How hymns operate is determined by how faith is depicted in images and ideas. As part of an effort to understand faith cognition or vision, Solten interprets the hymns as descriptions of what or how the eyes of faith see. The author assumes that this effort is not exclusive to the content of hymns; it is a matter of how hymns affect readers (singers) and therefore how hymns can be described as texts. To establish a methodological basis, Solten refers to recent genre theory and literary theory and Paul Ricoeur’s philosophical hermeneutics. Poetic theology provides a lens for seeing that even though the hymn text’s matter and form are two separate aspects of the text, the hymn exists as an indivisible whole. Solten provides a series of analytical examples from the thesis to illustrate further how hymns function and how they should not be translated only to discover their embedded theology. The overall aim of hymn interpretation, however, is to demonstrate the ways in which the reading of these texts as poetry can provide theological insights.

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O'Leary, Peter, and Peter Cole. "Hymns & Qualms." Chicago Review 44, no. 2 (1998): 140. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25304288.

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MALICK, David G. "Modern Assyrian Hymns." ARAM Periodical 21 (December 31, 2009): 215–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/aram.21.0.2047094.

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Kimbrough, S. T. "Hymns are Theology." Theology Today 42, no. 1 (April 1985): 59–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004057368504200107.

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Osek, Ewa. "Hymny Proklosa: filozofia i kult." Vox Patrum 59 (January 25, 2013): 487–530. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4055.

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The present paper consists of the introduction to the Neoplatonic and Chaldean systems, the first Polish translation of seven extant Hymns by Proclus (AD 412- 485), and the commentaries on each of them. This essay is a polemic against the well-known book by R.M. Van den Berg entitled Proclus’ Hymns (Leiden 2001, Brill), which shows, above all, the Chaldean influences (cf. The Chaldean Oracles, ed. R. Majercik, Leiden 1989, Brill). I has argued that the philosopher used much more literary patterns than the Chaldean Oracles to illustrate the Neoplatonic „oecumenism” (an expression of P. Athanassiadi), i.e. syncretism of all the late-pagan religions. I has argued, further, that the philosopher’s cult-songs had been used in purifications and mystery rites of all the religions, but there is no evidence for the theurgy alone. I disagree with M. Van den Berg in the main thesis of his book that the gods to whom the hymns were adressed should be identified with the leader-gods of Proclus’ system. My argumentation leads to the conclusion that the gods of Proclus’ Hymns can be identified with the Great Demiurges (Hymns 2, 6, 7) and the Lesser Demiurges (Hymns 1, 3, 4, 5). The elaborate theological system constructed by Proclus and the location of gods from the Hymns in it are shown in the special diagram (table 1).

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Michelsen, William. "Grundtvigs salmer og hans liv." Grundtvig-Studier 43, no. 1 (January 1, 1992): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/grs.v43i1.16086.

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Ireland, Julia A. "Heidegger and the Critics." Heidegger Circle Proceedings 55 (2021): 188–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/heideggercircle20215513.

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This paper uses the unpublished correspondence between Heidegger and Eduard Lachmann to contextualize Heidegger’s 1939 talk “‘Wie wenn am Feiertage…,’” which has been the focus of an excoriating critical response to Heidegger’s Hölderlinrezeption. Contra the protestations of critics like Paul de Man, the paper shows that Heidegger was fully aware of the intricacies of the hymn’s final manuscript page, using the correspondence with Lachmann to offer a reading of Heidegger’s inclusion of the variant referring to Semele’s ashes. It argues that Heidegger’s characterization of Semele’s incineration as a “Gegenspiel,” or counter-play, orients the possibility of a reception “without danger” that collapses the event of the hymn’s language into the treatment of the poem as an objective text. The paper’s central claim is that “danger” orients the mortal finitude of the hymn’s reception, whose excess as text becomes readable only against the testimony of Semele’s ashes.

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Chakraborty, Kaustav. "Radical Grace: Hymning of ‘Womanhood’ in Therigatha." Feminist Theology 26, no. 2 (January 2018): 160–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0966735017738654.

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Focusing primarily on Therigatha,1 the poems by the first Buddhist women, and correlating them with the compositions of non-Buddhist women mystics like Meerabai, Lal Ded, Muktabai, Janabai and Akka Mahadevi, this article is a study of spirituality, femininity and poetic expressions in a comparative mode. The article aims to address two major issues: First, it attempts to understand how the women mystics asserted their authority as the conveyers of divine message in a society which was essentially patriarchal and suspicious about the credentials of feminine utterances. Second, the article seeks to delineate a certain womanizing of saintliness through the invoking of domesticity (role as wife and mother) and the use of metaphors related to the female body and desire by these select women mystics as the denouement of a radical stance of an ascetic ‘feminine spirituality’, aimed at discovering transcendence even by retaining the conscious deploying of the components, often viewed as mundane.

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Boynton, Susan. "Orality, Literacy, and the Early Notation of the Office Hymns." Journal of the American Musicological Society 56, no. 1 (2003): 99–168. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jams.2003.56.1.99.

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Abstract This article takes the early notation of the Office hymns as the framework for a new investigation of orality and literacy in musical notation. Of all chant genres, hymns remained an oral tradition the longest, and the notation of entire hymn repertories was apparently rare before 1100. As a repertory of melodies hardly written down before the eleventh century, the hymns offer an opportunity to study the initial recording of an oral tradition at a time when other chant genres were increasingly notated. The variety of approaches to notating both entire hymn repertories and individual hymns in the sources up to the early twelfth century signals the increasing reliance on writing, as well as the dynamic interaction between orality and literacy, that characterizes monastic textual production in the eleventh century. The article places the notation of hymns in the context of their important role in monastic education and proposes an analogy between hymnaries and monastic customaries.

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