Journal articles: 'ÌÞesed (The Hebrew word)'

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Lavidor, Michal, and Carol Whitney. "Word length effects in Hebrew." Cognitive Brain Research 24, no. 1 (June 2005): 127–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.cogbrainres.2005.01.002.

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Schwarzwald, Ora (Rodrigue). "Word Foreignness in Modern Hebrew." Hebrew Studies 39, no. 1 (1998): 115–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hbr.1998.0000.

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Ryzhik, Michael. "The Lexical Impact of Hebrew in the Judeo-Italian of Medieval and Renaissance Siddur Translations." Journal of Jewish Languages 8, no. 1-2 (November 27, 2020): 7–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134638-bja10003.

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Abstract General traits of the Hebrew components of Judeo-Italian Siddur translations are analyzed. The most interesting cases are those where the same Hebrew component is used differently in different contexts: (1) the same Hebrew word remains untranslated in the title and is translated by the Romance lexical unit in the text of the prayer (שבת/sabbeto; כהן/sacerdote); (2) the same Hebrew word in the divine (mystic) sense remains untranslated, while in the secular sense it is translated as the Italian word (צבאות/osti); (3) one Hebrew component lexical unit translates another Hebrew word (אִשִּׁים > קרבנות ;נשך > רבית ;חולק < טענה); (4) one form of the Hebrew word is translated by another form of the same word (עולמות > עולמים). The two latter categories are especially instructive in studying the Hebrew component of spoken and written Judeo-Italian.

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Fuller, David J. "Word Order in Biblical Hebrew Poetry." Journal of Biblical Text Research 44 (April 30, 2019): 216–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.28977/jbtr.2019.4.44.216.

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Goldberg, Yoav, and Michael Elhadad. "Word Segmentation, Unknown-word Resolution, and Morphological Agreement in a Hebrew Parsing System." Computational Linguistics 39, no. 1 (March 2013): 121–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/coli_a_00137.

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We present a constituency parsing system for Modern Hebrew. The system is based on the PCFG-LA parsing method of Petrov et al. 2006 , which is extended in various ways in order to accommodate the specificities of Hebrew as a morphologically rich language with a small treebank. We show that parsing performance can be enhanced by utilizing a language resource external to the treebank, specifically, a lexicon-based morphological analyzer. We present a computational model of interfacing the external lexicon and a treebank-based parser, also in the common case where the lexicon and the treebank follow different annotation schemes. We show that Hebrew word-segmentation and constituency-parsing can be performed jointly using CKY lattice parsing. Performing the tasks jointly is effective, and substantially outperforms a pipeline-based model. We suggest modeling grammatical agreement in a constituency-based parser as a filter mechanism that is orthogonal to the grammar, and present a concrete implementation of the method. Although the constituency parser does not make many agreement mistakes to begin with, the filter mechanism is effective in fixing the agreement mistakes that the parser does make. These contributions extend outside of the scope of Hebrew processing, and are of general applicability to the NLP community. Hebrew is a specific case of a morphologically rich language, and ideas presented in this work are useful also for processing other languages, including English. The lattice-based parsing methodology is useful in any case where the input is uncertain. Extending the lexical coverage of a treebank-derived parser using an external lexicon is relevant for any language with a small treebank.

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Segal, Osnat, Tamar Keren-Portnoy, and Marilyn Vihman. "Infant Recognition of Hebrew Vocalic Word Patterns." Infancy 20, no. 2 (December 16, 2014): 208–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/infa.12072.

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Norman, Tal, Tamar Degani, and Orna Peleg. "Transfer of L1 visual word recognition strategies during early stages of L2 learning: Evidence from Hebrew learners whose first language is either Semitic or Indo-European." Second Language Research 32, no. 1 (October 11, 2015): 109–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267658315608913.

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The present study examined visual word recognition processes in Hebrew (a Semitic language) among beginning learners whose first language (L1) was either Semitic (Arabic) or Indo-European (e.g. English). To examine if learners, like native Hebrew speakers, exhibit morphological sensitivity to root and word-pattern morphemes, learners made an off-line graded lexical decision task on unfamiliar letter strings. Critically, these letter strings were manipulated to include or exclude familiar Hebrew morphemes. The results demonstrate differential morphological sensitivity as a function of participants’ language background. In particular, Indo-European-L1 learners exhibited increased sensitivity to word-pattern familiarity, with little effect of root familiarity. In contrast, Semitic-L1 learners exhibited non-additive sensitivity to both morphemes. Specifically, letter strings with a familiar root and a familiar word-pattern were the most likely to be judged as real words by this L1-Semitic group, whereas strings with a familiar root in the absence of a familiar word-pattern were the most likely to lead to a non-word decision. These findings show that both groups of learners activate their morphological knowledge in Hebrew in order to process unfamiliar Hebrew words. Critically, the findings further demonstrate transfer of L1 word recognition processes during the initial stages of second language (L2) learning.

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Koriat, Asher, Seth N. Greenberg, and Yona Goldshmid. "The missing-letter effect in Hebrew: Word frequency or word function?" Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition 17, no. 1 (January 1991): 66–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/0278-7393.17.1.66.

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Hadari, Atar. "The Word of the Lord to Shylock." European Judaism 51, no. 2 (September 1, 2018): 83–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ej.2017.510213.

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Dror Abend-David’s Scorned My Nation in its comparative literary analysis of the German, Yiddish and Hebrew translations of The Merchant of Venice concludes that cultural context and political intentions changed dramatically between the two Hebrew translations in 1921 and 1972, limiting his textual analysis to the closing line of Shylock’s famous speech: ‘it shall go hard’. I examine two key words in that speech in the two translations to detect which biblical texts the translator called on, consciously or unconsciously, and gauge what the literary resources of the Hebrew language can make of Shylock and his complaint and whether the language portraying Shylock and his complaint did actually change over those fifty years.

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Hadari, Atar. "The Word of the Lord to Shylock." European Judaism 51, no. 2 (September 1, 2018): 83–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ej.2018.510213.

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Abstract Dror Abend-David’s Scorned My Nation in its comparative literary analysis of the German, Yiddish and Hebrew translations of The Merchant of Venice concludes that cultural context and political intentions changed dramatically between the two Hebrew translations in 1921 and 1972, limiting his textual analysis to the closing line of Shylock’s famous speech: ‘it shall go hard’. I examine two key words in that speech in the two translations to detect which biblical texts the translator called on, consciously or unconsciously, and gauge what the literary resources of the Hebrew language can make of Shylock and his complaint and whether the language portraying Shylock and his complaint did actually change over those fifty years.

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Ingraham, Loring J., Frances Chard, Marcia Wood, and Allan F. Mirsky. "An Hebrew Language Version of the Stroop Test." Perceptual and Motor Skills 67, no. 1 (August 1988): 187–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pms.1988.67.1.187.

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We present normative data from a Hebrew language version of the Stroop color-word test. In this sample of college-educated Israeli young adults, 18 women and 28 men with a mean age of 28.4 yr. completed a Hebrew language Stroop test. When compared with 1978 English language norms of Golden, Hebrew speakers were slower on color-word reading and color naming, similar on naming the color of incongruently colored names of colors, and showed less interference. Slowed color-word reading and color-naming may reflect the two-syllable length of the Hebrew names for one-syllable length English language colors; reduced interference may reflect the exclusion of vowels in much Hebrew printing and subjects' ability to provide competing, nonconflicting words while naming the color of words in which the hue and the lexical content do not match.

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Weinberg, Bella Hass. "Index structures in early Hebrew Biblical word lists." Indexer: The International Journal of Indexing: Volume 22, Issue 4 22, no. 4 (October 1, 2001): 178–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/indexer.2001.22.4.5.

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The earliest Hebrew Masoretic Bibles and word lists are analyzed from the perspective of index structure. Masoretic Bibles and word lists may have served as models for the first complete Biblical concordances, which were produced in France, in the Latin language, in the 13th century. The thematic Hebrew Biblical word lists compiled by the Masoretes several centuries earlier contain concordance-like structures - words arranged alphabetically, juxtaposed with the Biblical phrases in which they occur. The Hebrew lists lack numeric locators, but the locations of the phrases in the Bible would have been familiar to learned people. The indexing methods of the Masoretes are not known, but their products contain many structures commonly thought to date from the modern era of information systems, among them word frequency counts, distinction of homographs, positional indexing, truncation, adjacency, and permuted indexes. It is documented that Hebrew Bibles were consulted by the Latin concorders; since Masoretic Bibles had the most accurate text, they were probably the editions consulted. This suggests the likely influence of Masoretic lists on the Latin concorders.

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Netz, Hadar, and Ron Kuzar. "Word order and discourse functions in spoken Hebrew." Studies in Language 35, no. 1 (July 21, 2011): 41–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.35.1.02net.

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In this article we discuss the discourse functions of the alternative linearizations of Spoken Hebrew sentences, as reflected in the possessive sentence pattern. We begin by presenting the available variants of possessive sentences in Hebrew. Next, we address the issue of markedness in our discussion of the discourse functions of the different word orders. The discourse functions demonstrated are contrast, parallelism, side-sequencing, emotive and argumentative discourse. The study is based on corpora of naturally occurring speech. Previous studies of possessive sentences in Hebrew have focused mainly on grammatical issues. These studies have not addressed the field of discourse functions, nor have they used naturally occurring speech. The current study fills this gap.

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DEGANI, TAMAR, ANAT PRIOR, and WALAA HAJAJRA. "Cross-language semantic influences in different script bilinguals." Bilingualism: Language and Cognition 21, no. 4 (July 24, 2017): 782–804. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1366728917000311.

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The current study examined automatic activation and semantic influences from the non-target language of different-script bilinguals during visual word processing. Thirty-four Arabic–Hebrew bilinguals and 34 native Hebrew controls performed a semantic relatedness task on visually presented Hebrew word pairs. In one type of critical trials, cognate primes between Arabic and Hebrew preceded related Hebrew target words. In a second type, false-cognate primes preceded Hebrew targets related to the Arabic meaning (but not the Hebrew meaning) of the false-cognate. Although Hebrew orthography is a fully reliable cue of language membership, facilitation on cognate trials and interference on false-cognate trials were observed for Arabic–Hebrew bilinguals. The activation of the non-target language was sufficient to influence participants’ semantic decisions in the target language, demonstrating simultaneous activation of both languages even for different-script bilinguals in a single language context. To discuss the findings we refine existing models of bilingual processing to accommodate different-script bilinguals.

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Rubin, Aaron D. "The Form and Meaning of Hebrew ’ašrê." Vetus Testamentum 60, no. 3 (2010): 366–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853310x498962.

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AbstractThe poetic Hebrew word ’ašrê is difficult to parse, and is without a good Semitic etymology. By suggesting that the word is in fact a remnant of the elative pattern, we can explain its shape and syntactic function, and provide a solid Semitic etymology.

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Muchnik, Malka. "Changes in word order in two Hebrew translations of an Ibsen play." Target. International Journal of Translation Studies 15, no. 2 (December 31, 2003): 295–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/target.15.2.05muc.

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This study examines differences in word order between two translations of Ibsen’s play An enemy of the people into Hebrew. Both versions were translated by Rivka Meshulach, with approximately 25 years between them. In the first version word order conforms to the norms of Classical Hebrew. In the second version, however, the translator changed word order so that the language would be closer to contemporary spoken Hebrew. This is illustrated through examples related to various syntactic constituents, including subject–predicate, predicate complements, parentheme and address forms. The reasoning behind this tendency focuses on the change in the norms of written language. As opposed to the normative restrictions which were widely accepted in written Hebrew just a generation ago, the current trend is for features of contemporary spoken language to be used in literature and theater.

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Geary, Jonathan, and Adam Ussishkin. "Morphological priming without semantic relationship in Hebrew spoken word recognition." Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 4, no. 1 (March 15, 2019): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v4i1.4509.

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We report on an auditory masked priming study designed to test the contributions of semantics and morphology to spoken word recognition in Hebrew. Thirty-one native Hebrew speakers judged the lexicality of Hebrew words that were primed by words which either share their root morpheme and a transparent semantic relationship with the target (e.g. poreʦ פּורץ ‘burglar’ priming priʦa פּריצה ‘burglary’) or share their root morpheme but lack a transparent semantic relationship with the target (e.g. mifraʦ מפרץ ‘gulf’ priming priʦa פּריצה ‘burglary’). We found facilitatory priming by both types of morphological relatives, supporting that semantic overlap is not required for morphological priming in Hebrew spoken word recognition. Thus, our results extend the findings of Frost, Forster, & Deutsch’s (1997) Experiment 5 to the auditory modality, while avoiding confounds between root priming and Hebrew’s abjad orthography associated with the visual masked priming paradigm. Further, our results are inconsistent with models of word processing which treat morphological priming as reflecting form and semantic coactivation, and instead support an independent role for root morphology in Hebrew lexical processing.

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Peleg, Orna, Tamar Degani, Muna Raziq, and Nur Taha. "Cross-lingual phonological effects in different-script bilingual visual-word recognition." Second Language Research 36, no. 4 (February 19, 2019): 653–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267658319827052.

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To isolate cross-lingual phonological effects during visual-word recognition, Arabic–Hebrew bilinguals who are native speakers of Spoken Arabic (SA) and proficient readers of both Literary Arabic (LA) and Hebrew, were asked to perform a visual lexical-decision task (LDT) in either LA (Experiment 1) or Hebrew (Experiments 2 and 3). The critical stimuli were non-words in the target language that either sounded like real words in the non-target language (pseudo-homophones) or did not sound like real words. In Experiment 1, phonological effects were obtained from SA to LA (two forms of the same language), but not from Hebrew to LA (two different languages that do not share the same script). However, cross-lingual phonological effects were obtained when participants performed the LDT in their second language, Hebrew (Experiments 2 and 3). Interestingly, while the within-language effect (from SA to LA) was inhibitory, the between-language effect (from SA to Hebrew) was facilitatory. These findings are explained within the Bilingual Interactive Activation plus (BIA+) model which postulates a fully interconnected identification system that provides output to a task/decision system.

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Tubul-Lavy, Gila. "Intra-word inconsistency in apraxic Hebrew-speaking children." Clinical Linguistics & Phonetics 26, no. 6 (April 27, 2012): 502–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3109/02699206.2012.663050.

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KOBAYASHI, Yoshitaka. "Creating Hebrew Signs on a Japanese Word Processor." Bulletin of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan 31, no. 1 (1988): 173–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.5356/jorient.31.173.

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Holm, Tawny L., and Tal Goldfajn. "Word Order and Time in Biblical Hebrew Narrative." Language 76, no. 4 (December 2000): 954. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/417247.

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Dorn, L. O. "“Lo” and “Behold” - Translating the Hebrew Word Hinneh." Bible Translator 52, no. 2 (April 2001): 222–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026009430105200204.

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Asherov, Daniel, and Outi Bat-El. "Syllable structure and complex onsets in Modern Hebrew." Brill’s Journal of Afroasiatic Languages and Linguistics 11, no. 1 (June 12, 2019): 69–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18776930-01101007.

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Abstract Modern Hebrew allows for a diverse variety of syllable structures, allowing syllables with codas, onsetless syllables, and complex syllable margins. Syllables with a complex onset are found in word initial position, mostly in nouns, and syllables with a complex coda are less common. In this paper, we provide the distribution of syllable types in Modern Hebrew, noting differences between verbs and nouns, native words and loanwords, as well as differences among positions within the word. Special attention is given to word initial complex onsets, with details regarding the restrictions governing consonant combinations.

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EVIATAR, ZOHAR, HAITHAM TAHA, VIKKI COHEN, and MILA SCHWARTZ. "Word learning by young sequential bilinguals: Fast mapping in Arabic and Hebrew." Applied Psycholinguistics 39, no. 3 (February 21, 2018): 649–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0142716417000613.

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ABSTRACTWe tested children attending bilingual Hebrew–Arabic kindergartens on a fast mapping task. These early sequential bilinguals included those with Hebrew as their home language and those with Arabic as their home language. They were compared to monolingual Hebrew and Arabic speakers. The children saw pictures of unfamiliar objects and were taught pseudowords as the object names that followed typical Hebrew, typical Arabic, or neutral phonotactics. Memory, phonological, and morphological abilities were also measured. The bilingual groups performed similarly to each other, and better than the monolingual groups, who also performed similarly to each other. Memory and the interaction between language experience and metalinguistic abilities (phonological and morphological awareness) significantly accounted for variance on the fast mapping tasks. We predicted that bilinguals would be more sensitive to phonotactics than monolinguals. Instead, we found that Arabic speakers (bilinguals and monolinguals) performed better with Hebrew-like stimuli than with Arabic-like stimuli, and no effect of phonotactics for Hebrew speakers. This may reflect the diglossia in Arabic language acquisition. The results suggest that the process of fast mapping is sharpened by multilingual experience, and may be sensitive to sociolinguistic factors such as diglossia.

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SEGAL, OSNAT, BRACHA NIR-SAGIV, LIAT KISHON-RABIN, and DORIT RAVID. "Prosodic patterns in Hebrew child-directed speech." Journal of Child Language 36, no. 3 (November 13, 2008): 629–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030500090800915x.

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ABSTRACTThe study examines prosodic characteristics of Hebrew speech directed to children between 0 ; 9–3 ; 0 years, based on longitudinal samples of 228,946 tokens (8,075 types). The distribution of prosodic patterns – the number of syllables and stress patterns – is analyzed across three lexical categories, distinguishing not only between open- and closed-class items, but also between these two categories and a third, innovative, class, referred to as between-class items. Results indicate that Hebrew CDS consists mainly of mono- and bisyllabic words, with differences between lexical categories; and that the most common stress pattern is word-final, with parallel distributions found for all categories. Additional analyses showed that verbs take word-final stress, but nouns are both trochaic and iambic. Finally, a developmental analysis indicates a significant increase in the number of iambic words in CDS. These findings have clear implications regarding the use of prosody for word segmentation and assignment of lexical class in infancy.

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Fischer, Martin H., Samuel Shaki, and Alexander Cruise. "It Takes Just One Word to Quash a SNARC." Experimental Psychology 56, no. 5 (January 2009): 361–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/1618-3169.56.5.361.

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Our directional reading habit seems to contribute to the widely reported association of small numbers with left space and larger numbers with right space (the spatial-numerical association of response codes, SNARC, effect). But how can this association be so flexible when reading habits are not? To address this question, we asked bilingual Russian-Hebrew readers to classify numbers by parity and alternated the number format from trial to trial between written words and Arabic digits. The number words were randomly printed in either Cyrillic or Hebrew script, thus inducing left-to-right or right-to-left reading, respectively. Classification performance indicated that the digits were spatially mapped when they followed a Russian word but not when they followed a Hebrew word. An auditory control experiment revealed left-to-right SNARC effects with different strengths in both languages. These results suggest that the SNARC effect reflects recent spatial experiences, cross-modal associations, and long-standing directional habits but not an attribute of the number concepts themselves.

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Haykal, Aḥmad al-Shaḥḥāt. "‘Dhikr’ in Hebrew Translations of the Qur'an." Journal of Qur'anic Studies 12, no. 1-2 (October 2010): 281–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jqs.2010.0117.

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The term dhikr occurs frequently in the Qur'an and has various meanings in different contexts, including al-thanāʾ (‘praise’), al-sharaf (‘honour’), al-ʿayb (‘imperfection’), al-ʿiẓa (‘admonition’), al-ṣalawāt al-khams (‘the five prescribed prayers’), al-waḥy (‘revelation’), al-lawḥ al-maḥfūẓ (‘the preserved tablet’), al-Qurʾān, etc. Accordingly, dhikr has attracted the attention of Muslim scholars concerned with collecting and classifying Qur'anic words in al-wujūh wa'l-naẓāʾir works. This study will survey the ways in which translators of the Qur'an into Hebrew have dealt with the word dhikr, aiming to suggest alternatives as necessary, according to context, and focusing on two particular angles. First, we will undertake a critical survey of some of the Qur'anic contexts of dhikr in order to clarify the various meanings of the term based on tafāsīr, al-wujūh wa'l-naẓāʾir and asbab al-nuzul works, as well as Arabic lexicons, so as to eliminate ambiguities in understanding a particular Qur'anic usage. Secondly, we will provide the Hebrew equivalent of the word dhikr as it occurs in modern Hebrew translations and suggest some alterntive translations that agree with the significations of the word within the Qur'anic context.

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Matzal, Stefan C. "A Word Play in 2 Samuel 4." Vetus Testamentum 62, no. 3 (2012): 462–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853312x632366.

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Mann, Thomas W. "Not by Word Alone: Food in the Hebrew Bible." Interpretation: A Journal of Bible and Theology 67, no. 4 (September 9, 2013): 351–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020964313495515.

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Levene, D. "Word-Smithing: Some Metallurgical Terms in Hebrew and Aramaic." Aramaic Studies 2, no. 2 (July 1, 2004): 193–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/147783510400200203.

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Levene, Dan, and Beno Rothenberg. "Word-Smithing: Some Metallurgical Terms in Hebrew and Aramaic." Aramaic Studies 2, no. 2 (2004): 193–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/000000004781540353.

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Abstract The collaboration between Dr Dan Levene and Prof. Beno Rothenberg on a project that aims to identify references to metals and metalworking techniques in what are primarily Judaic sources has been a bringing together of two different approaches to studying the past: philology and archaeometallurgy. This paper highlights the way in which the lexicography of certain terms must inevitably rely on knowledge of the relevant technology and its history. To illustrate this point two terms are examined: 1. the word srp and the shifting meanings of some of its cognates across time; and 2. the word 'nk, that appears in Amos 7.7-8.

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Ornan, Uzzi, and Rachel Leket-Mor. "Phonemic Conversion as the Ideal Romanization Scheme for Hebrew: Implications for Hebrew Cataloging." Judaica Librarianship 19, no. 1 (April 26, 2016): 43–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.14263/2330-2976.1169.

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This paper examines a romanization scheme developed by linguist Uzzi Ornan that has not been considered for implementation in libraries. Phonemic conversion of Hebrew neither uses transliteration nor transcription strategies but reconstructs the theoretical structure of the original Hebrew word based on its phonemes. The article describes this scheme and its benefits, which include full coverage of all historical periods and script modes of Hebrew, and full reversibility, complete with an online interface that enables automatic conversion. The article compares the suggested phonemic conversion scheme with the ALA/LC Romanization of Hebrew and provides a history of previously attempted reversal schemes.

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Cation, Anne Frances. "Lost in Translation." Axis Mundi 2, no. 1 (October 6, 2017): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/axismundi70.

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While reading the Hebrew Bible, it is possible for modern readers to misunderstand the original Hebrew meanings of the English translations. Common words such as ‘heart’, ‘mind’, ‘soul’ (נפש) and ‘spirit’ (רוח) are often misinterpreted to have English connotations that were not used in the Hebrew Bible. For instance, the biblical Hebrew words (לבב ,לב and לבח), frequently translated as ‘heart’ had connotations that could be argued to correspond more accurately to the English definition of the word ‘mind.’ Conversely, the biblical Hebrew word (לב or לב), generally interpreted as ‘mind,’ is perhaps better understood in relation to the modern understanding of the heart as one's emotional centre. Also, as opposed to the non-physical modern notion of an immortal ‘soul’, biblical authors and their intended audiences understood it in relation to the physical. Furthermore, ‘spirit’ meant the energy and character of oneself and had divine connotations as associated with the breath or divine essence of YHWH. Therefore, in order to appropriately understand the Hebrew Bible, the fallibility of translation must be recognized.

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Khan, Geoffrey. "Remarks on syllable structure and metrical structure in Biblical Hebrew." Brill’s Journal of Afroasiatic Languages and Linguistics 12, no. 1 (June 18, 2020): 7–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18776930-01201005.

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Abstract In the Middle Ages Biblical Hebrew was transmitted in a variety of oral reading traditions, which became textualized in systems of vocalization signs. The two most important oral traditions were the Tiberian and the Babylonian, which were represented by different vocalization sign systems. These two oral traditions had their origins in ancient Palestine. Although closely related, they exhibit several differences. These include differences in syllable and metrical structure. This paper examines how the syllable and metrical structure of the two traditions reflected by the medieval vocalization sign systems should be reconstructed. The Tiberian tradition exhibits an ‘onset typology’ of syllabification, where word-internal /CCC/ clusters are syllabified /C.CC/ and word-initial clusters are syllabified within the onset /CC-/. The Babylonian tradition exhibits a right-to-left computation of syllables resulting in a ‘coda typology,’ whereby the second consonant of a word-internal sequence /CCC/ is syllabified as a coda, viz. /CC.C/, and word-initial clusters are syllabified C.C, with the first consonant extra-syllabic.

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Feldman, Laurie Beth, and Shlomo Bentin. "Morphological Analysis of Disrupted Morphemes: Evidence from Hebrew." Quarterly Journal of Experimental Psychology Section A 47, no. 2 (May 1994): 407–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14640749408401118.

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In concatenative languages such as English, the morphemes of a word are linked linearly so that words formed from the same base morpheme also resemble each other along orthographic dimensions. In Hebrew, by contrast, the morphemes of a word can be but are not generally concatenated. Instead, a pattern of vowels is infixed between the consonants of the root morpheme. Consequently, the shared portion of morphologically-related words in Hebrew is not always an orthographic unit. In a series of three experiments using the repetition priming task with visually presented Hebrew materials, primes that were formed from the same base morpheme and were morphologically-related to a target facilitated target recognition. Moreover, morphologically-related prime and target pairs that contained a disruption to the shared orthographic pattern showed the same pattern of facilitation as did nondisrupted pairs. That is, there was no effect over successive prime and target presentations, of disrupting the sequence of letters that constitutes the base morpheme or root. In addition, facilitation was similar across derivational, inflectional and identical primes. The conclusion of the present study is that morphological effects in word recognition are distinct from the effects of shared structure.

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Moshavi, Adina. "Is There a Negative Polarity Item ‮דבר‬‎ in DSS Hebrew?" Dead Sea Discoveries 27, no. 3 (October 12, 2020): 335–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685179-bja10016.

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Abstract A negative polarity item (NPI) is a word or expression that occurs grammatically in negative clauses and a variety of other types of clauses such as interrogatives and conditionals, but not in ordinary affirmative sentences. Examples from classical Biblical Hebrew include the pronoun ‮מאומה‬‎ “anything” and the semantically-bleached noun ‮דבר‬‎ “a thing,” which has been produced from the ordinary noun ‮דבר‬‎ “word, matter, action” by the process of grammaticalization. This paper examines the noun ‮דבר‬‎ in the non-biblical DSS with the purpose of determining whether it is used as there as an NPI, as in Biblical Hebrew, or as an ordinary semantically-bleached noun, as in Rabbinic Hebrew. The results show that the diachronic development of ‮דבר‬‎ in the DSS appears to be at an earlier stage than classical Biblical Hebrew, despite the later dating of the scrolls. This finding is explained as a special kind of pseudo-classicism.

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Tucker, W. Dennis. "Hortatory Discourse and Psalm 96." Vetus Testamentum 61, no. 1 (2011): 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853311x548578.

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AbstractDiscourse analysis has been applied to numerous narrative texts in the Hebrew Bible, yet its use with poetic texts remains infrequent. This study tests the thesis that hortatory discourse in poetic texts resembles and reflects the structures of hortatory discourse present within narrative material. Frequently the word order and construction of lines within Hebrew poetry have been attributed to poetic style, free variation, or rhetorical structure, among other suggestions, yet this analysis of Psalm 96 suggests that word order may be explained based on the discourse employed in the psalm.

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Jacobs, Neil G. "Syncope and foot structure in pre-Ashkenazic Hebrew." Diachronica 21, no. 2 (December 22, 2004): 307–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.21.2.03jac.

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This paper examines a set of problems concerning word stress in the substratal Merged Hebrew component in Yiddish. When compared with their historical cognates in Classical Hebrew, the Yiddish words show a stress pattern which appears to conform to the Germanic trochee. The change has frequently been seen as occurring within the history of Yiddish. The present paper demonstrates, however, that (for the relevant Hebrew-origin items) the change from a Hebrew iamb to a trochee necessarily occurred in a period after spoken Hebrew times and before the birth of Yiddish – thus, within one or more intervening Jewish vernaculars. This is demonstrated by consideration of pre-Ashkenazic Hebrew foot structure in light of two historically distinct processes of syncope.

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Feinsilver, Lillian Mermin. "A lot of chutzpah." English Today 9, no. 3 (July 1993): 43–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078400007124.

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Pugazhendhi, D. "Tamil, Greek, Hebrew and Sanskrit: Sandalwood ‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬(Σανταλόξυλο) and its Semantics in Classical Literatures." ATHENS JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY 8, no. 3 (July 30, 2021): 207–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajp.8-3-3.

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The Greek and Tamil people did sea trade from the pre-historic times. Sandalwood is seen only in Tamil land and surrounding places. It is also one of the items included in the trade. The Greek word ‘σανταλίνων’ is first mentioned in the ancient Greek works around the middle of the first century CE. The fact that the word is related to Tamil, but the etymologist did not acknowledge the same, rather they relate it to other languages. As far as its uses are concerned, it is not found in the ancient Greek literatures. One another type of wood ‘κέδρου’ cedar is also mentioned in the ancient Greek literature with the medicinal properties similar to ‘σανταλίνων’. In the same way the use of the Hebrew Biblical word ‘Almuggim -אַלְמֻגִּ֛ים’ which is the word used for sandalwood, also denotes teak wood. This shows that in these words, there are possibilities of some semantic changes such as semantic shift or broadening. Keywords: biblical word, Greek, Hebrew, Sandalwood, Tamil

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Bat-El, Outi. "Selecting the best of the worst: the grammar of Hebrew blends." Phonology 13, no. 3 (December 1996): 283–328. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675700002657.

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Blends, also called portmanteau words, are formed by fusing two words into one new word, where internal portions of the base words are often subtracted (one segmental string from the right part of the first word and another from the left part of the second word). For example, the English blend nixonomics has been formed by combining nixon and economics and subtracting the string neco. (For clarity of exposition, blends will be usually represented as nixo <n⋅eco> nomics, where the subtracted material is enclosed in angled brackets and the boundary between the base elements is indicated by ⋅).

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BAR-HAIM, ROY, KHALIL SIMA'AN, and YOAD WINTER. "Part-of-speech tagging of Modern Hebrew text." Natural Language Engineering 14, no. 2 (April 2008): 223–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s135132490700455x.

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AbstractWords in Semitic texts often consist of a concatenation ofword segments, each corresponding to a part-of-speech (POS) category. Semitic words may be ambiguous with regard to their segmentation as well as to the POS tags assigned to each segment. When designing POS taggers for Semitic languages, a major architectural decision concerns the choice of the atomic input tokens (terminal symbols). If the tokenization is at the word level, the output tags must be complex, and represent both the segmentation of the word and the POS tag assigned to each word segment. If the tokenization is at the segment level, the input itself must encode the different alternative segmentations of the words, while the output consists of standard POS tags. Comparing these two alternatives is not trivial, as the choice between them may have global effects on the grammatical model. Moreover, intermediate levels of tokenization between these two extremes are conceivable, and, as we aim to show, beneficial. To the best of our knowledge, the problem of tokenization for POS tagging of Semitic languages has not been addressed before in full generality. In this paper, we study this problem for the purpose of POS tagging of Modern Hebrew texts. After extensive error analysis of the two simple tokenization models, we propose a novel, linguistically motivated, intermediate tokenization model that gives better performance for Hebrew over the two initial architectures. Our study is based on the well-known hidden Markov models (HMMs). We start out from a manually devised morphological analyzer and a very small annotated corpus, and describe how to adapt an HMM-based POS tagger for both tokenization architectures. We present an effective technique for smoothing the lexical probabilities using an untagged corpus, and a novel transformation for casting the segment-level tagger in terms of a standard, word-level HMM implementation. The results obtained using our model are on par with the best published results on Modern Standard Arabic, despite the much smaller annotated corpus available for Modern Hebrew.

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Deutsch, Avital, and Tamar Malinovitch. "The role of the morpho-phonological word-pattern unit in single-word production in Hebrew." Journal of Memory and Language 87 (April 2016): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jml.2015.10.005.

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Ben-David, Boaz M., and Michal Icht. "Oral-diadochokinetic rates for Hebrew-speaking healthy ageing population: non-word versus real-word repetition." International Journal of Language & Communication Disorders 52, no. 3 (July 18, 2016): 301–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1460-6984.12272.

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Baranowski, Krzysztof J. "The Biblical Hebrew “Store Cities” and an Amarna Gloss." Vetus Testamentum 67, no. 4 (October 13, 2017): 519–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-12341287.

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Abstract The word מסכנות used in the phrase ערי מסכנות “store cities” is commonly considered a loanword from the Neo-Assyrian word maškattu, “account, deposit, storehouse.” The current loan hypothesis does not account for the difficulties of the Akkadian evidence and does not take into consideration a gloss in Amarna letter no. 306. This gloss shows that the Canaanite scribes of the Late Bronze Age were familiar with the Akkadian plural form maškanātu and used it with the meaning “granaries, storage areas.” This technical term was borrowed into a Canaanite dialect and was subsequently transmitted to Biblical Hebrew as מסכנות.

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Berent, Iris, Gary F. Marcus, Joseph Shimron, and Adamantios I. Gafos. "The scope of linguistic generalizations: evidence from Hebrew word formation." Cognition 83, no. 2 (March 2002): 113–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0010-0277(01)00167-6.

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Long, Gary. "The Word Hesed in the Hebrew Bible. Gordon R. Clark." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 58, no. 1 (January 1999): 67–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/468679.

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HaCohen-Kerner, Yaakov, Rakefet Dilmon, Shimon Friedlich, and Daniel Nissim Cohen. "Classifying True and False Hebrew Stories Using Word N-Grams." Cybernetics and Systems 47, no. 8 (October 21, 2016): 629–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01969722.2016.1232119.

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Deutsch, Avital, Hadas Velan, and Tamar Michaly. "Decomposition in a non-concatenated morphological structure involves more than just the roots: Evidence from fast priming." Quarterly Journal of Experimental Psychology 71, no. 1 (January 2018): 85–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17470218.2016.1250788.

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Complex words in Hebrew are composed of two non-concatenated morphemes: a consonantal root embedded in a nominal or verbal word-pattern morpho-phonological unit made up of vowels or vowels and consonants. Research on written-word recognition has revealed a robust effect of the roots and the verbal-patterns, but not of the nominal-patterns, on word recognition. These findings suggest that the Hebrew lexicon is organized and accessed via roots. We explored the hypothesis that the absence of a nominal-pattern effect reflects methodological limitations of the experimental paradigms used in previous studies. Specifically, the potential facilitative effect induced by a shared nominal-pattern was counteracted by an interference effect induced by the competition between the roots of two words derived from different roots but with the same nominal-pattern. In the current study, a fast-priming paradigm for sentence reading and a “delayed-letters” procedure were used to isolate the initial effect of nominal-patterns on lexical access. The results, based on eye-fixation latency, demonstrated a facilitatory effect induced by nominal-pattern primes relative to orthographic control primes when presented for 33 or 42 ms. The results are discussed in relation to the role of the word-pattern as an organizing principle of the Hebrew lexicon, together with the roots.

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Libben, Gary, Mira Goral, and R. Harald Baayen. "What does constituent priming mean in the investigation of compound processing?" Mental Lexicon 13, no. 2 (December 31, 2018): 269–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ml.00001.lib.

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Abstract Most dictionary definitions for the term compound word characterize it as a word that itself contains two or more words. Thus, a compound word such as goldfish is composed of the constituent words gold and fish. In this report, we present evidence that compound words such as goldfish might not contain the words gold and fish, but rather positionally bound compound constituents (e.g., gold- and -fish) that are distinct and often in competition with their whole word counterparts. This conceptualization has significant methodological consequences: it calls into question the assumption that, in a traditional visual constituent priming paradigm, the participant can be said to be presented with constituents as primes. We claim that they are not presented with constituents. Rather, they are presented with competing free-standing words. We present evidence for the processing of Hebrew compound words that supports this perspective by revealing that, counter-intuitively, prime constituent frequency has an attenuating effect on constituent priming. We relate our findings to previous findings in the study of German compound processing to show that the effect that we report is fundamentally morphological rather than positional or visual in nature. In contrast to German in which compounds are always head-final morphologically, Hebrew compounds are always head initial. In addition, whereas German compounds are written as single words, Hebrew compounds are always written with spaces between constituents. Thus, the commonality of patterning across German and Hebrew is independent of visual form and constituent ordering, revealing, as we claim, core features of the constituent priming paradigm and compound processing.

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Journal articles on the topic 'ÌÞesed (The Hebrew word)'

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