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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Ibn Taymiyyah'
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al-Matroudi, Abdul Hakim I. "The role of Ibn Taymiyyah in the Hanbali School of Law." Thesis, University of Leeds, 1999. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/590/.
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The study of Ibn Taymiyyah's life and knowledge has attracted the attention of researchers. Yet, the role of this scholar in the klanbali school of law has not been adequately researched and examined. Accordingly, this thesis seeks to study in depth some aspects of this role. The thesis is divided into seven chapters. The first chapter is divided into two sections: the first section studies and discusses several points related to Ibn klanbal after whom the klanbali school was named and especially the question of whether he can be considered as a jurist or just a traditionist (muhaddith). The second section is devoted to the study of certain aspects of Ibn Taymiyyah, focusing on the most important of his works in the field of jurisprudence and its general principles. The second chapter is a comparison between the basic sources of law of both Abmad and Ibn Taymiyyah, a conclusion of which helps in deciding the rank of the latter's status in knowledge. The third and fourth chapters deal with Ibn Taymiyyah's role in clarifying and correcting certain issues in the principles of the tianbali school of Law, and ljanbali jurisprudence respectively. The role of this scholar in influencing Hanbali jurists is the subject of the fifth chapter, where a detailed study and analysis of books of tabaqat and tarajum, as well as treatises compiled by the scholars under study is carried out. The sixth chapter discusses and studies Ibn Taymiyyah's position towards the triple divorce as a case study of the problematical fatawa of Ibn Taymiyyah which have been confronted with great opposition by Hanbali scholars and surprisingly has left an influence on the school's position regarding this legal issue. Although the subject of this thesis is a study of the role of a scholar who lived in the seventh-eighth/thirteenth-fourteenth centuries on the I-Janbali school of law, this is, however, a subject of interest to today's scholars and the Muslim public, this being due to the fact that Ibn Taymiyyah is one of the scholars who has greatly influenced the klanbali school of law which is an existing school of law in various parts of the Islamic world. In addition, the various corrections and clarifications made by Ibn Taymiyyah to the Hanbali school of law in both its jurisprudence and general principles, may be applied to other schools of law, within which similar problems can be found.
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Zargar, Cameron. "The Hanbali and Wahhabi Schools of Thought as Observed Through the Case of Ziyarah." The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1398829915.
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Bin, Rushdi Bin. "The Quranic method of man's relationship with God with special reference to the thought of Ahmad Ibn Taymiyyah (1263 - 1328 C.E.)." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.497574.
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Salih, U. M. "The political thought of Ibn Taymiyya." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.280575.
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Lamotte, Virginie. "Ibn Taymiyya's theory of knowledge." Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=22601.
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This thesis highlights a new interpretation of the writings of Ibn Taymiyya. Previous scholarship has stressed the legalistic, social or religious aspect, often at the expense of the philosophical content of Ibn Taymiyya's works. The explanatory insight of a study on the theory of knowledge, hitherto neglected, is evidenced by its capability to demonstrate the convergence of elementary, religious, intuitive and rational principles. The theory illustrates the concerns of a synthetic mind whose attempt was to broaden and not restrict the domain of knowledge vis-a-vis the Divine. Knowledge is not man's privilege and is available to all of creation. All created entities have the capacity to know their Creator. This thesis attempts to shed light on the mechanisms of the acquisition of knowledge about the Divine in their modes of availability to the creatures and to man. Tensions of the human predicament thus participate in the logical framework of the discussion. The attempt is to define the domain of knowledge, its components, and its parameters in the quest for a perfect acquisition of knowledge.
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Hoover, Jon. "Ibn Taymiyya's theodicy of perpetual optimism /." Leiden : Brill, 2007. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb41104973f.
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Kaya, Emrah. "Epistemology and theology of Ibn al-ʿArabī and Ibn Taymiyya : a comparative study." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2016. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/33659/.
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This thesis explores the epistemology and theology of a Sufi theorist Ibn al-ʿArabī (d. 1240) and one of the most controversial Muslim scholars Ibn Taymiyya (d. 1328) comparatively. Although scholars have long emphasized the differences between these two influential and significant figures, the purpose of this thesis is to focus on their potential similarities. The present work at the outset shows that both Ibn al-ʿArabī and Ibn Taymiyya regard revelation, the human intellect, and inspiration – unveiling (ilhām – kashf) to be the main epistemological means for acquiring religious knowledge. However, they differ over the relative value of these means or tools. Both Ibn al-ʿArabī and Ibn Taymiyya place revelation at the top of the hierarchy, but after that Ibn al-ʿArabī places inspiration – unveiling ahead of reason while Ibn Taymiyya reverses the order. The other main subject elaborated in this thesis is the theological issue of the divine names and attributes. This subject is connected to many other theological problems, and both Ibn al-ʿArabī and Ibn Taymiyya pay considerable attention to it. Just as many similar approaches, ideas, and interpretations may be seen concerning their epistemological stances, it is possible to see similarities in their theological positions although there are crucial distinctions as well. The unique way of finding out this similarity is to keep in mind the existence of the duality found in the thought and expression of Ibn al-ʿArabī. Briefly, the main finding of the thesis is that Ibn al-ʿArabī and Ibn Taymiyya are more similar in their epistemologies and theologies than many scholars have thought. They are benefitting from the same epistemological means while putting them in different order. Also, they share similar theological points concerning the divine names and attributes, creation, the divine will, and the incomparability of God while expressing them through different conceptions and styles.
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Syafruddin, Didin. "The principles of Ibn Taymiyya's Qurʾanic interpretation." Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=26334.
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Convinced that "true" Islam had become distorted at the hand of the ahl al-bida' (the innovators) such as the philosophers, the mutakallimun, the sufis and the Shi'ites, Ibn Taymiyya (d. 1328) not only refutes their fundamental views but also their Qur'anic hermeneutics, especially their ta'wil, through which "un-Islamic" views were imposed on the words of the Qur'an. This concern leads him to write his Muqaddima fi Usul al-Tafsir (An Introduction to Principles of Qur'anic Interpretation) which this thesis focuses on. In his principles, Ibn Taymiyya lays strong emphasis on the tafsir bi al-ma'thur and the authority of the salaf (the Companions of the Prophet and their Followers), adducing many new arguments in support of this position. He believes that the Qur'an had been explained in its entirety by the Prophet to his Companions, and the latter passed this understanding on to the tabi'un. This view leads him to rationalize claiming that the salaf's sayings always can be explained, and to oppose the use of reason in determining the meaning of the scripture. Ibn Taymiyya did not leave behind a complete commentary on the Qur'an. However, his principles of tafsir not only show much originality, they have also been very influential. In fact, his influence in this respect is not limited to medieval thinkers like Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya, Ibn Kathir, al-Zarkashi and al-Suyuti but extends to modern writers as well.
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Olesen, Niels Henrik. "La question des lieux de pélerinage secondaires chez Ibn Taymiyya." Paris 4, 1989. http://www.theses.fr/1989PA040066.
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En partant de l'analyse d'un certain nombre de textes arabes du sayh al-islam Taqi al-Din Ahmad b. Taymiyya al-Hanbali (661 h 1263 728 h 1328), nous avons donné un compte rendu systématique de la doctrine de cet auteur sur la question des lieux de pèlerinage secondaires. Ibn Taymiyya traite avant tout la question du "pèlerinage fait dans l'intention de visiter les tombes des prophètes et des saints". A l'encontre de beaucoup de "savants tardifs" contemporains, il distingue le pèlerinage de la visite qui est le culte pratique sur les tombes. En se référant aux prescriptions révélées du prophète et à la pratique des anciens appartenant aux "trois meilleures générations" de l'islam. Il démontre qu'à part quelques exceptions, le pèlerinage secondaire est une innovation en islam. Seul le pèlerinage fait au Masjid al-Ḥarâm, au Masjid al-Aqsa et au Masjid al-Nabawy a été prescrit avec celui que l'on peut faire aux postes frontières afin de combattre les ennemis de l'islam "pour la cause de dieu". La visite des tombes est cependant recommandée si elle n'est pas précédée d'un pèlerinage et à la condition que seuls des rites prescrits soient pratiques lors de la visite, c'est-à-dire la salutation du mort et les prières en sa faveur. Ibn taymiyya critique le culte populaire pratique sur les. .Having analyzed a number of Arabic texts by sayh al-Islam Taqi ad-Din Ahmad b. Taymiyya al-Hanbali (661 h 1263 - 728 h 1328)we have given a systematic account of the doctrine of the author in the question of the secondary places of pilgrimage. Ibn Taymiyyah is first and foremost dealing with the question of "pilgrimage with the intention of visiting tombs of prophets and saints". He distinguishes contrary to many contemporary "later doctors" the pilgrimage from the visit, that is the cult at the tombs. Referring to the divine prescriptions of the prophet and the usage of the fathers in "the three best generations" in Islam he shows, that apart from a few exceptions the secondary pilgrimage is an innovation in Islam. Only the pilgrimage to al-Masjid al-Haram, al-Masjid al-Aqsa and Masjid an-Nabawi has been prescribed together with the pilgrimage to the border areas in order to fight the enemies of Islam for god's cake. It is however recommended to visit the tombs when not preceded by a journey of pilgrimage and on the condition that only prescribed rites are accomplished during the visit, that is greeting the dead and prayer for his benefits. .
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Aboulmajd, Abdeljalil. "Ibn Taymiyya et le mouvement Salafiyya en Orient et au Maghreb." Montpellier 3, 1988. http://www.theses.fr/1988MON30036.
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Ibn taymiyya fut theologien et jurisconsulte hanbalite (ne a harran en 1263, mort a damas en 1328). Ibn taymiyya s'est rendu celebre par ses fatawas et par ses cours d'exegese coranique auquel assistaient les grands ulama de damas. Le mouvement salafiyya est le mouvement de reforme religieux qui a ete fortement influence par ibn taymiyyaIbn taymiyya was theologian and jurisconsult hanbalite (born in harran in 1263, died in damascus 1328). Ibn taymiyya was made famous by his fatawas and by his koranic courses which were attended by the ulama of damascus. The salafiyya mouvement is a religious reform mouvement that was strongly influenced by ibn taymiyya
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Olesen, Niels Henrik. "Culte des saints et pèlerinages chez Ibn Taymiyya : 661 (1263)-728 (1328) /." Paris : P. Geuthner, 1991. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb362100807.
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Chodkiewicz, Cyrille. "Les premières polémiques autour d'Ibn 'Arabī : Ibn Taymiyya (661-728/1263-1328)." Paris 4, 1985. http://www.theses.fr/1985PA040102.
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Ajhar, ʻAbd al-Ḥakīm. "The metaphysics of the idea of God in ibn Taymiyya's thought /." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36863.
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This dissertation deals with Ibn Taymiyya's theory of the unity of God and of creation, or, as Muslim philosophers have posited the question, the relation between the oneness of God and the diversity that has come out of it. Indeed, Ibn Taymiyya (d. 728/1328) responded to the same ontological question that earlier Muslim philosophers were concerned to answer. Although Ibn Taymiyya was a theologian, he did not encounter quite the same questions as the early kalam theologian whose concern it was to prove the existence of God. The dissertation discusses the forms this question took.The introduction reviews Ibn Taymiyya's life, works and historical circumstances. The first chapter deals with Ibn Taymiyya's concept of God which is that of a real and actual being. God, for him, is not abstract in the way some Muslim theologians, philosophers and mystics had affirmed.
The second chapter discusses two great Muslim thinkers: al-Ghazali, who attempted to reconcile kalam with Ibn Sina's philosophy, and Ibn Rushd, who criticized both al-Ghazali and Ibn Sina and established a new philosophical approach to the notion of God and the process of creation. In this chapter we touch on the later development of both kalam and philosophy in Islam and show how Ibn Taymiyya, while pursuing the same goal as al-Ghazali in reconciling kalam and philosophy, drew benefit from these developments.
The third chapter goes to the core of Ibn Taymiyya's theory of diversity issuing from the oneness of God. This chapter shows the bold notions that Ibn Taymiyya believed represent the only possible answers to the question of creation: the essence of God as a substrate of generation; the eternity of the world; and God's attributes as species and genera, actualized in our concrete world.
The conclusion illustrates the differences between Ibn Taymiyya and other Muslim philosophers and theologians, as well as his adoption of certain of their ideas.
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Ahmed, Mustafa Abdul-Basit. "Impact of the historical settings of Ibn Taymiyah on his program of reform /." The Ohio State University, 1997. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487942739806171.
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Sharif, Mohd Farid bin Mohd. "Concept of jihād and baghy in Islamic law : with special reference to Ibn Taymiyya." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/8231.
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This thesis is about Ibn Taymiyya's thinking on jihād and baghy. It aims to make an important contribution to the study of early Islamic political thought. It considers how the terms jihād and baghy have developed and been expanded from the structure established by the Qur'an and hadith. It also examines the relationship between jihād and baghy in Islamic law and reveals the pivotal role of the imām in politics. The main focus of this study is Ibn Taymiyya's thinking on jihād and the fatwās that resulted from it, using hitherto overlooked printed materials. It also seeks to explain why Ibn Taymiyya upheld jihād against the Mongols, the Franks and the heretic Shī'a. The thesis is divided into four chapters and structured as follows. The first chapter deals with the life of Ibn Taymiyya. This chapter moves beyond conventional biography to relate the story of Ibn Taymiyya's life to the main events that occurred during the Mongols' incursion. The second chapter identifies what Meccan and Medinan Qur'anic texts say about jihād, and examines whether jihād is a mechanism of self defense or an act of aggression; it also explains the relationship between jihād and the establishment of dār al-Islām, dār al-ḥarb and dār al-'ahd. The third chapter considers Ibn Taymiyya's view on jihād. The fourth chapter analyses Ibn Taymiyya's view on baghy, and aims to arrive at a clearer picture of the relationship between Ibn Taymiyya's concepts of jihād and baghy.
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Maihula, Jabir. "Ibn Taymiyya's concept of jihad and its appropriation by the contemporary jihadists." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2018. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/50896/.
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Ahmad ibn Taymiyya (d.1328), is one of the most quoted medieval scholars by contemporary jihadists from the 1980s to the present time. Jihadists from ʿAbd Salām Faraj (d. 1981) to the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) cite Ibn Taymiyya frequently in justifying their doctrines. These doctrines include excommunicating contemporary Muslim rulers and their allies and calling for jihad against them, classifying the Muslim countries as a domain of war and obligating emigration from them, suicide attacks in the name of jihad, and others. This thesis studies the relationship between Ibn Taymiyya’s concept of jihad and how it is appropriated by the contemporary jihadists. The thesis is divided into two parts. Part one studies selected works of Ibn Taymiyya on jihad to outline his concept of jihad while part two studies selected works of the contemporary jihadists to outline how Ibn Taymiyya’s concept of jihad is appropriated by them. The thesis argues that while some contemporary jihadi doctrines could be justified from Ibn Taymiyya’s concept of jihad, most of the doctrines cannot be justified from Ibn Taymiyya if his works on jihad are approached holistically. The thesis identifies the jihadi doctrines that can be justified from Ibn Taymiyya and those that cannot be. The thesis also identifies some sources that the jihadists use besides Ibn Taymiyya in justifying their doctrines.
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Shaleh, Ahmad Syukri. "Ibn Taymiyya's concept of istiḥsān : an understanding of legal reasoning in Islamic jurisprudence." Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=23241.
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This thesis studies the theory of istihsan, an aspect of Islamic legal reasoning, as a method for ascertaining the legal norm in cases where qiyas dictates an overly strict ruling. The study primarily focuses on the concept presented by Ibn Taymiyya (d. 728/1328), a prominent Muslim theologian, philosopher, sufi and outstanding jurist. Placed in the context of later development, Ibn Taymiyya's theory proposes both a criticism and reformulation of the Hanafi school's perception of istihsan. Having observed previous formulations, Ibn Taymiyya sees this theory as being understood as an arbitrary contradiction to qiyas. Although attempts to redefine the theory, through rigorous definition and well-calculated application were conducted by later Hanafi jurists, criticism from other schoools continued unabated. To this effect, Ibn Taymiyya's contribution emerges as an alternative solution. In order to fully understand istihsan, Ibn Taymiyya contends that one must determine particularization of the cause (takhsid s al-'illa). By doing this, istihsan and qiyas can be easily distinguished. He, thus, perceives istihsan as takhsid s al-'illa. Unlike the Hanafis, Ibn Taymiyya does not juxtapose istihsan against qiyas sahid h. He argues that if there is a contradiction, it must be proved by a decisive descrepancy (farq mu'aththir) provided by the law giver. Furthermore, when qiyas produces an unsatisfactory legal norm, takhsid s al-'illa represents a viable alternative. Above all, Ibn Taymiyya contends that istihsan must be supported by the revealed texts, consensus or necessity.
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Hoover, Jon R. "An Islamic Theodicy : Ibn Taymiyya on the wise purpose of God, Human Agency, and problems of Evil and justice." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.497483.
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Zouggar, Nadjet. "Le prophétisme dans la polémique antiphilosophique en islam sunnite à travers l'œuvre de Taqi al-Din Ahmad Ibn Taymiyya (m, 1328)." Toulouse 2, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008TOU20043.
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Le prophétisme est fondamental dans la religion islamique. Sur le plan doctrinal, dans la théologie spéculative, cette institution fut élaborée au travers de discussions avec les négateurs de la mission de Muhammad. Parmi ceux-là, les philosophes de l’Islam ont élaboré des prophétologies en continuité avec la philosophie politique et la noétique de leurs prédécesseurs Grecs. Sans nier ouvertement le fait prophétique, leurs conceptions allaient à l’encontre du dogme de l’islam. Puisque le prophète, selon eux, n’est utile que pour s’adresser à la multitude ignorante, alors que les philosophes disposent d’autres moyens pour atteindre le bonheur et n’ont donc nul besoin de se conformer à son message. Cette conception a suscité de vives réactions chez les théologiens. Dans cette thèse, nous mettons au jour cette polémique à travers l’œuvre du théologien hanbalite Taqî al-Dîn Ahmad Ibn Taymiyya (m. 1328) qui est connu pour son autorité dans les courants islamistes contemporains. Nous voulons montrer que la critique des prophétologies des philosophes est un topos littéraire chez Ibn TaymiyyaProphetism is a fundamental issue in Islamic religion. In speculative theology, this institution was elaborated through debates with the negators of Muhammad’s mission. Among them, Islamic philosophers had elaborated their prophetology in continuity with their Greek ancestor’s political philosophy and noetics. Even thought they did not deny obviously prophetism, their conceptions were not in accordance with the Islamic dogma. As the prophet, according to them, is only useful to talk to the ignorant multitude, whereas philosophers have other paths to obtain happiness, hence, they are not in need to follow the prophet’s message. This conception has provoked very fierce reaction among the theologians. In this thesis, we draw the light upon this polemics through the hanbali theologian Taqî al-Dîn Ahmad Ibn Taymiyya’s (d. 1328) writings. This theologian is known for being an authority in contemporary Islamic streams. Our aim is to show that the critic of philosopher’s prophetology is fundamental in Ibn Taymiyya’s writings
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Khogali-Wahbi, Affaf. "Hadith and Sufism in Damascus, 627/1230-728/1328 : IbncArabi (d.638/1240), Al-Nawawi (d.676/1277) and Ibn Taymiyya (d.728/1328)." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 1994. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/hadith-and-sufism-in-damascus-62712307281328--ibncarabi-d6381240-alnawawi-d6761277-and-ibn-taymiyya-d7281328(0dd4eca4-313d-4d08-92a0-3ef38cb201e6).html.
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Weisslinger, Marion. "Le Hanbalisme entre rationalités juridiques et considérations théologiques (XIème-XIVème siècle) : le principe d'intérêt général (maslaha)." Thesis, Lyon, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020LYSEN079.
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Tout en retraçant la genèse de la réflexion sur les fondements du droit (uṣūl al-fiqh) dans le Ḥanbalisme, les différentes parties de la thèse analysent les étapes de la théorisation du principe de l’intérêt général (Maṣlaḥa) au sein de cette école juridique, et la profondeur intellectuelle des auteurs emblématiques de cette doctrine entre les XIe et XIVe siècles (al-Farrā’, Ibn ‛Aqīl, Ibn Qudāma, Ibn Taymiyya, Ibn al-Qayyim al-Ǧawziyya et al-Ṭūfī). Le travail dévoile les tensions qui animent leurs textes et montre comment se sont forgées au sein de l’école des distinctions fondamentales entre le droit religieux et les rites (‘ibādāt) d’un côté, et les transactions sociales, économique et politiques (mu‛āmalāt) d’un autre côté. La thèse contribue ainsi à nuancer fortement l’a priori négatif qui est cultivé à propos de cette école, réputée rigoriste et récupérée aujourd’hui par des courants ultra-orthodoxes comme le salafisme. Il montre notamment comment s’est développé au fil des étapes de sa fondation et dans le sillage des discussions avec ses adversaires doctrinaux, de nombreuses idées originales sur les normes juridiques, ouvrant ainsi la voie à des formes de sécularité au niveau de la fondation des règles sociales et politiques. Les différentes analyses soulignent également l’effort de ces juristes pour réconcilier les exigences du réel et de la contingence avec l’idéal moral qui découle directement de leur vision théologique, et qui accorde une place centrale à l’intérêt général et à la justiceBy recounting origins of thinking on the principles of Islamic jurisprudence (uṣūl al-fiqh) in Ḥanbalism, this thesis aims at analyzing successive steps which led iconic authors between the eleventh and the fourteenth century – such as al-Farrā’, Ibn ‛Aqīl, Ibn Qudāma, Ibn Taymiyya, Ibn al-Qayyim al-Ǧawziyya and al-Ṭūfī – to place the principle of general interest within their theory and demonstrate their intellectual depth. This work reveals the tension among the ḥanbali texts between, on the one hand, religious law and rules of worship, and, on the other hand, social, economic and political transactions. This leads us to reconsider negative preconceptions about this school, often categorized as rigorist and at the roots of which emerged current ultra-orthodox groups such as Salafists. We then propose to explain how controversies with rival doctrines enabled new original ideas on legal norms to arise. It paved the way for some forms of secularization concerning foundations of social or political rules. Our analyses also suggest that jurists attempts to reconciliate reality requirements with the contingency of a moral ideal. This latter ensues directly from their theological viewpoint which attribute a determining role to general interest and justice
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El-Tobgui, Carl Sharif. "Reason, revelation & the reconstitution of rationality: Taqī al-Dīn Ibn Taymiyya's (d. 728/1328) «Dar' Ta 'ārud al- 'Aql wa-l-Naql» or "The refutation of the contradiction of reason and revelation"." Thesis, McGill University, 2013. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=116885.
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This thesis explores the broad outlines of Ibn Taymiyya's attempt to resolve the "conflict" between reason and revelation in late medieval Islam in his 10-volume, 4,000-page magnum opus, Dar’ ta‘arud al-‘aql wa-l-naql, or The Refutation of the Contradiction of Reason and Revelation, by breaking down and systematically reconstituting the basic categories in terms of which the debate was framed. The perceived conflict between revelation and reason centered on the interpretation of a number of Divine Attributes, considered rationally indefensible by the philosophers and the Mu‘tazila because their affirmation would involve an unacceptable assimilation (tashbih) of God to created beings. This stance culminated in the Ash‘arite theologian Fakhr al-Din al-Razi's "Universal Law" (qanun kulli), which stated that whenever a conflict between revelation and reason arises, the dictates of reason must be given priority and revelation interpreted metaphorically through ta’wil. Ibn Taymiyya counters these claims with a comprehensive response, attacking the logical integrity of the Universal Law but also articulating a textually self-sufficient hermeneutic and devising a radical reformulation of the philosophers' ontology, particularly their realist theory of universals which has resulted in a chronic confusion between what exists logically in the mind and what exists ontologically in external reality. This in turn allows him to elaborate a new epistemology based on three principal avenues for gaining knowledge, namely, "hiss," or sense perception; "khabar," or the transmission of reports (particularly revelation); and "‘aql," or rational knowledge (both innate and inferred). These sources of knowledge are corroborated by the mechanism of tawatur and under-girded by an expanded notion of the fitra. The disparate elements of Ibn Tay-miyya's theory of language, his ontology, and his epistemology eventually converge into a synthesis meant to accommodate a robust and rationally defensible affirmationism vis-à-vis the Divine Attributes while yet avoiding the tashbih generally presumed by the later tradition to be inevitably entailed thereby.Cette thèse se voue à une exploration des grandes lignes du projet d'Ibn Taymiyya dans son chef-d'œuvre en dix volumes et 4 000 pages, le Dar’ ta‘arud} al-‘aql wa-l-naql, ou La réfutation de la contradiction entre la raison et la révélation. Cette œuvre a pour but de résoudre une fois pour toutes le « conflit » entre la raison et la révélation dans l'Islam médiéval tardif au moyen d'une déconstruction et d'une reconstruction systématiques des catégories structurelles du débat. Le prétendu conflit entre la révélation et la raison portait surtout sur l'interprétation de certains des attributs divins jugés irrationnels par les philosophes et les Mu’tazilites, qui y voyaient une assimilation inadmissible de Dieu aux choses créées (tashbih). Cette prise de position culmine dans l'élaboration de la « loi universelle » (qanun kulli) par le théologien ash‘arite Fakhr al-Din al-Razi. Cette « loi » oblige à privilégier les préceptes et les conclusions de la raison en tout cas de conflit entre celle-ci et la révélation coranique, dont les versets s'en retrouvent réduits, par le biais du ta’wil, à une lecture métaphorique. La riposte d'Ibn Taymiyya se révèle exhaustive et globale. Elle a pour effet non seulement de vicier l'intégrité logique de la Loi universelle, mais elle donne lieu également à l'élaboration d'une herméneutique ancrée sur le texte même de la révélation tout en permettant une refonte radicale de l'ontologie des philosophes, surtout de leur théorie réaliste des concepts universels qui avait abouti à une confusion chronique entre ce qui tient à l'existence mentale logique et ce qui relève de la réalité ontologique externe. Cette approche permet à notre auteur de mettre au point une nouvelle épistémologie empirique qui met en valeur trois voies principales d'acquisition de la connaissance, à savoir, le « hiss », ou la perception sensorielle; le « khabar », ou la transmission de récits (surtout en guise de révélation); et le « ‘aql », ou la connaissance rationnelle (autant innée qu'inférentielle). Ces sources de la connaissance sont corroborées à leur tour par le mécanisme du tawatur et sous-tendues par une conception étendue de la fitra. Les divers éléments mis en avant par Ibn Taymiyya en matière de linguistique, d'ontologie et d'épistémologie s'entremêlent pour s'élever à une synthèse permettant d'adhérer à un affirmationisme stricte et rationellement défendable à l'égard des attributs divins tout en évitant le tashbih qui, dans la perspective générale de la tradition ultérieure, devait inévitablement en découler.
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Chelvan, Richard D. "What has Damascus to do with Paris? A Comparative Analysis of Ibn Taymiyya and Gregory of Rimini: A Fourteenth Century and Late Medieval Rejection of the Use of Aristotelian Logic in the Legitimization of Divine Revelation in the Christian and Islamic Traditions." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2009. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc12095/.
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This thesis is a comparative analysis of Ibn Taymiyya of Damascus and Gregory of Rimini within their respective religious and philosophical traditions. Ibn Taymiyya and Gregory of Rimini rejected the use of Aristotelian logic in the valorization of divine revelation in Islam and Christianity respectively. The translation movements, in Baghdad and then in Toledo, ensured the transmission of Greek scientific and philosophical works to both the Islamic world during the 'Abbasid Caliphate and the Catholic Christian European milieu beginning in the eleventh century. By the fourteenth century both the Islamic and the Catholic European religious traditions had a long history of assimilating Aristotle's Organon. Ibn Taymiyya and Gregory of Rimini rejected the notion, adopted by the kalam and scholastic traditions respectively, that logical demonstration could be used to validate religious doctrine as taught in the Qur'an and the Bible. Ibn Taymiyya rejected demonstration completely but Gregory accepted its qualified use.
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Basanese, Laurent. "L'amour de Dieu dans les limites de la simple raison : foi et raison dans la pensée d'Ibn Taymiyya à la lumière de la théologie spirituelle d'Elie de Nisibe." Paris, EPHE, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010EPHE5013.
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Il est souvent affirmé que le christianisme et l’islam se rejoignent sur le plan de la spiritualité, surtout lorsque leurs dogmes respectifs sont mis en veilleuse. Mais lorsque des Chrétiens et des Musulmans évoquent « l’amour de Dieu » comme terrain d’expérience commune, de quoi parle-t-on ? Et de quel Dieu s’agit-il ? Nous soutenons que la « foi seule » ne suffit pas à qualifier la relation d’amour à laquelle le croyant prétend souvent : l’usage et la fonction de la raison œuvrant en son sein sont beaucoup plus déterminants. Par l’étude critique, l’édition et la traduction inédite d’ouvrages d’Élie, évêque syro-oriental de Nisibe au XIe / Ve siècle, et d’Ibn Taymiyya, docteur hanbalite au XIVe / VIIe siècle, nous entrons au cœur de ces deux systèmes de pensée, suite à la mise au point des connaissances scientifiques les concernant, et l’établissement du lien historique qui les relie : Élie de Nisibe est, en effet, le responsable indirect de la fameuse et longue « Réponse valide à ceux qui ont altéré la religion du Messie » d’Ibn Taymiyya, sans cesse republiée depuis 1905 / 1332 en langue arabe. Après une ébauche de réponses à la Réponse, nous montrons, d’une part, que « l’amour » auquel nos deux dignitaires religieux font référence ne se présente pas sous une figure identique et que, d’autre part, leurs affirmations respectives de la non-contradiction entre foi et raison sont loin d’avoir les mêmes implications. La manière dont un croyant rend compte de son credo et met à l’épreuve sa cohérence dans sa vie personnelle, communautaire et politique, manifeste en effet, au plus haut point, ce qu’il entend par « amour » et indique, par-là même, le visage de son DieuIt is often said that Christianity and Islam are similar from the point of view of spirituality, especially when their respective dogmas are put in brackets. But when Christians and Muslims refer to "the love of God" as a field of common experience, what exactly is being referred to? And what God is being dealt with? We are of the opinion that "faith alone" is insufficient to describe the relationship of love the believer often claims: the use and function of reason working inside such a relationship are far more relevant. Through the critical study, edition and first published French translation of works of Elias, Eastern Syriac Bishop of Nisibis in the 11th/5th century, and Ibn Taymiyya, Hanbali Doctor in the 14th/7th century, we penetrate the heart of these two systems of thought, once we have clarified our scientific knowledge of such two religious leaders and established their historical link: in fact, Elias of Nisibis can be held as indirectly responsible for Ibn Taymiyya's famous, lengthy “Valid Response to Those who Have Corrupted the Religion of the Messiah”, which has constantly been republished in Arabic since 1905/1332. After sketching out some responses to the Response, we show, on the one hand, that the "love" these two authors are refering to does not bear an identical figure and, on the other hand, that their respective assertions of non-contradiction between faith and reason are far from having the same implications. How a believer accounts for his creed and tests its consistency with his personal, community, and political life, indeed ultimately highlights what he means by "love", and thereby points to the face of his God
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Gobran, Yakota. "L'autorité aš‘arite au Ve/XIe siècle. Attributs divins et statut du Coran au cœur des débats contre les mu‘tazilites et les ḥanbalites dits anthropomorphistes." Thesis, Paris, INALCO, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019INAL0019.
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Depuis plus d'un demi-siècle, l'idée dominante dans le monde de la recherche sur l'Islam médiéval, consiste à regarder la résurgence de l'autorité califale abbaside sunnite, opérée à Bagdad au Ve/XIe siècle en réaction à l'ingérence bouwayhide shiite, comme une victoire du ḥanbalisme. Cette école, purement traditionaliste selon l'orientaliste G. Makdisi, aurait triomphé en parallèle d'un bannissement sans appel du muʿtazilisme, certes, mais aussi de l'ašʿarisme, pourtant sunnite. Auraient été mis en cause, pense-t-on, le maniement par ses adeptes du kalām (usage de procédés rationalistes), mais surtout leur doctrine relative au statut du Coran (créé ou incréé). La présente thèse consiste en l'étude de la place réelle de l'acteur ašʿarite, de son degré d'intégration dans le paysage politique et religieux de l'époque et de ses orientations théologiques au sujet des attributs divins en général. Les conclusions qui se sont imposées réfutent désormais l'idée acceptée jusqu'alors et attestent du prestige et du succès de l'école ašʿarite auprès du pouvoir abbaside ainsi que son adhésion aux fondamentaux adoptés par ce même pouvoir au sujet des attributs divins et du Coran en tant que Parole divine. Par la même occasion, elles démontrent que l'école ḥanbalite de cette époque était loin de constituer un bloc homogène: de sérieuses divergences théologiques déchiraient ses partisans au sujet des attributs divins. Pour comble, au sein de cette école, une doctrine insolite au sujet du Coran, dont les germes furent pourtant dénoncés du vivant de l'imām Aḥmad Ibn Ḥanbal, était en pleine phase de théorisation, clandestinement selon toute vraisemblanceAmong the prevailing views of the research community in the field of Medieval Islam, for more than half a century, was to consider the resurgence of the sunni caliphate authority, which occurred in Bagdad during the 5th/11th century responsively to the intrusion of the buwayhid shia, as a victory for ḥanbalism. This School, purely traditionalist according to G. Makdisi, would have triumphed along with a parallel banishment of the muʿtazilism, but also of another sunni trend : the ašʿarism, for its use of the kalām (rationalism), and its view about the nature of the Koran. We here draw up a portrait of the real place of the ašʿarism, of its religious and political integration, and of its doxa, and this finally will lead us to discover the success of this school next to the abbasid authority, with which common views about the Koran were in fact shared. Our work furtherly highlights serious points of difference undermining the alleged unity of the ḥanbali school and, to make matters worse, reveals within the ḥanbali community a singular and presumably clandestine doctrine about the Koran, which was nevertheless spoken out against by imām Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal himself
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Fathally, Jabeur. "Les principes du droit international musulman et la protection des populations civiles en cas de conflits armés : de la binarité guerrière au Droit de Genève. Histoire d’une convergence." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/20696.
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La protection des populations civiles en cas de conflits armés, internationaux ou internes est au centre des préoccupations du droit international humanitaire contemporain. C’est un sujet digne d’intérêt et d’études plus approfondies. Dès lors, la recherche ici entreprise concernant l’apport du droit musulman à l’universalité des règles humanitaires protégeant les personnes civiles ainsi que des spécificités de ces règles, surtout en termes de leurs compatibilités avec celles développées par le droit international humanitaire contemporain ne pourraient que répondre à cet objectif. En effet, cette thèse, née du constat selon lequel les pays musulmans ont rapidement adhéré aux différents instruments du droit international humanitaire, tentera de démontrer pourquoi et comment se manifeste une telle convergence, voire homologie, entre les règles du droit musulman protégeant les personnes civiles en cas de conflits armés et celles développées par le droit international humanitaire contemporain. La confrontation-association entre ces deux systèmes - qui tiendra compte du contexte historique et de l’environnement dans lequel s’est développé le droit musulman- nous autorise, en effet, à défendre l’idée selon laquelle le droit musulman et le droit international humanitaire contemporain partagent les mêmes valeurs fondamentales en ce qui concerne la protection des populations civiles dans les conflits armés. Cette démarche nous permet également d’affirmer que la convergence entre les deux systèmes est en grande partie tributaire, tout d’abord, de l’originalité de la conception humanitaire du droit musulman. Cette convergence est ensuite, tributaire de la volonté qui a animé les concepteurs du droit international humanitaire de rechercher les dénominateurs communs entre les civilisations et d’élaborer des règles acceptables pour tous. Elle est, enfin et essentiellement, tributaire de l’effort de relecture et d’interprétation de l’institution du jihad, qu’ont entamé les jurisconsultes et les penseurs musulmans surtout depuis le XIXe siècle dans le but de limiter le jihad à sa vocation d’origine, soit la vocation défensive.
Notre thèse n’abordera pas le sujet sous ses seuls aspects théoriques. Elle tentera, aussi, de comprendre et de jauger l’application de ce droit en se référant aux guerres menées par le prophète et ses compagnons durant les premiers siècles de l’Islam et de voir les implications de ce droit, ainsi que celles du droit international humanitaire contemporain, dans les conflits armés qui ont secoué le monde musulman, notamment ceux qui se déroulent actuellement en Irak, en Afghanistan, au Darfour soudanais et en Somalie.
Cette thèse comporte trois parties. La partie introductive traitera du cadre général du droit international musulman. La deuxième partie sera consacrée à la détermination et à l’étude des facteurs qui ont permis la convergence entre les règles humanitaires du droit musulman et celles construites par le droit international humanitaire contemporain. La dernière partie de notre thèse consistera dans l’analyse des différents types de garanties et de protection que le droit musulman et le droit international humanitaire offrent aux populations civiles. En d’autres termes, cette partie sera le témoin de cette convergence et de cette parenté.
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Draper, Thomas J. "Ibn Taymiyyah : the struggles of a mujtahid under the Bahri Mamluk sultans." 2013. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1709519.
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This study examined the context of the Medieval Islamic qadi Ibn Taymiyyah in 14th century Bahri Mamluk Syria and Egypt and his incarcerations and death in prison by order of Sultan Nasser al-Muhammad Qalawun for ijtihad. This study demonstrated Ibn Taymiyyah practiced ijtihad, held the rank of mujtahid, and incurred the wrath of the Sultan. The evidence indicates that Taymiyyah’s independent reasoning held specific social, legal, and political threats to Qalawun, the Bahri Mamluk Sultan, during his third reign. The significant role Taymiyyah’s ijtihad played in the Sultan’s imprisonment calls for a review of previous scholarship emphasizing the role of jealousy by the religious elite and affection for Taymiyyah by the Sultan as significant factors in his conflicts.Department of History
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Ally, Shabir. "The Culmination of Tradition-based Tafsīr: The Qurʼān Exegesis al-Durr al-manthūr of al-Suyūṭī (d. 911/1505)." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/35061.
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This is a study of Jalāl al-Dīn al-Suyūṭī’s al-Durr al-manthūr fi-l-tafsīr bi-l-ma’thur (The scattered pearls of tradition-based exegesis), hereinafter al-Durr. In the present study, the distinctiveness of al-Durr becomes evident in comparison with the tafsīrs of al-Ṭabarī (d. 310/923) and Ibn Kathīr (d. 774/1373). Al-Suyūṭī surpassed these exegetes by relying entirely on ḥadīth (tradition). Al-Suyūṭī rarely offers a comment of his own. Thus, in terms of its formal features, al-Durr is the culmination of tradition-based exegesis (tafsīr bi-l-ma’thūr).
This study also shows that al-Suyūṭī intended in al-Durr to subtly challenge the tradition-based hermeneutics of Ibn Taymīyah (d. 728/1328). According to Ibn Taymīyah, the true, unified, interpretation of the Qurʼān must be sought in the Qurʼān itself, in the traditions of Muḥammad, and in the exegeses of the earliest Muslims. Moreover, Ibn Taymīyah strongly denounced opinion-based exegesis (tafsīr bi-l-ra’y).
By means of the traditions in al-Durr, al-Suyūṭī supports several of his views in contradistinction to those of Ibn Taymīyah. Al-Suyūṭī’s traditions support the following views. First, opinion-based exegesis is a valid supplement to tradition-based exegesis. Second, the early Muslim community was not quite unified. Third, the earliest Qur’ānic exegetes did not offer a unified exegesis of the Qur’ān. Fourth, Qur’ānic exegesis is necessarily polyvalent since Muslims accept a number of readings of the Qur’ān, and variant readings give rise to various interpretations.
Al-Suyūṭī collected his traditions from a wide variety of sources some of which are now lost. Two major exegetes, al-Shawkānī (d. 1250/1834) and al-Ālūsī (d. 1270/1854), copied some of these traditions from al-Durr into their Qur’ān commentaries. In this way, al-Suyūṭī has succeeded in shedding new light on rare, neglected, and previously scattered traditions.