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Journal articles on the topic 'Icons Iconoclasm in literature'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Nordhagen, Per Jonas. "In Praise of Archaeology: Icons before Iconoclasm." Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik 60 (2010): 101–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/joeb60s101.

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2

Alexaki, Marirena. "Icons as punishers. Two narrations from the Vaticanus gr. 1587 manuscript (BHG 1390 f)." Byzantinische Zeitschrift 114, no. 1 (February 1, 2021): 35–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bz-2021-9003.

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Abstract The Iconoclastic controversies of the Byzantine Era have provided a rich literary tradition of miracle narrations regarding the various magical aspects of the icon. The second period of Iconoclasm however seems to have given rise to a lesser prominent motif of the earlier traditions, namely that of the icon-agent acting as active punisher against its transgressor. The current article explores the development of this motif after a concise survey of the history of icon-miracle narrations, their representative texts and their role in liturgical practice. The starting point of the study were two previously unedited byzantine texts from the manuscript Vaticanus gr. 1587, testifying unique stories of icons as punishers. Finally, these stories are also perfect examples of the rich historical information popular narrations can provide on a topographical and prosopographical level regarding the era within which they were produced.
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3

Walczak, Dorota. "The Icon and the Hatchet. The Motif of Aggression Against Icons in Russian Literature before the Revolution." Ikonotheka 27 (July 10, 2018): 93–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.2319.

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The present work focuses on the motif of aggression against icons introduced in the works by many Russian writers before the Revolution. Analysed material includes the works of Nikolai Gogol, Fyodor Dostoyevsky, Nikolai Leskov, Lev Tolstoy, Dmitri Merezhkovsky and Vsevolod Krestovsky. The main aim of the article is to define how the authors imagined an act of imagebreaking and to determine who played the role of an iconoclast and what the presented motivation of such actions were. It attempts to answer the question of why so many authors felt the need to incorporate the motif of aggression against icons in their works, what literary and propagandistic aims this motif served, what feelings it was meant to evoke in the readers and what image of the world it strove to create.
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4

Breedlove, Thomas. "A World Transgressed: Icon and Iconoclasm in Eugene Vodolazkin’s Laurus." Literature and Theology 34, no. 3 (May 9, 2020): 322–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/litthe/fraa008.

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Abstract The subject of this article is the iconic meeting of divine presence and divine absence. In the icon, divine presence is scandalous: the icon speaks of the impossibility of correspondence, the impossibility of making God present, and at the same time of the reality of divine presence. Nothing of or in the icon is commensurable to this divine presence; yet this poverty of the icon is its witness to the nature of a presence that transcends the paradox of compresence and exclusivity. This essay develops this account of divine presence in conversation with a reading of Eugene Vodolazkin’s novel Laurus and its depiction of holy foolery. Drawing parallels between divine presence in the icon and the scandalous and transgressive compresence of profane and sacred in the novel, the essay argues both for the iconic character of the novel and, consequently, for the novel’s illumination of the incarnational logic undergirding the icon itself.
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5

Elsner, John. "Image and ritual: reflections on the religious appreciation of classical art." Classical Quarterly 46, no. 2 (December 1996): 515–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/46.2.515.

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It is a cliché that most Greek art (indeed most ancient art) was religious in function. Yet our histories of Classical art, having acknowledged this truism, systematically ignore the religious nuances and associations of images while focusing on diverse arthistorical issues from style and form, or patronage and production, to mimesis and aesthetics. In general, the emphasis on naturalism in classical art and its reception has tended to present it as divorced from what is perceived as the overwhelmingly religious nature of post-Constantinian Christian art. The insulation of Greek and Roman art from theological and ritual concerns has been colluded in by most historians of medieval images. Take for instance Ernst Kitzinger's monographic article entitled ‘The Cult of Images in the Age before Iconoclasm’. Despite its title and despite Kitzinger's willingness to situate Christian emperor worship in an antique context, this classic paper contains nothing on the Classical ancestry of magical images, palladia and miracle-working icons in Christian art. There has been the odd valiant exception (especially in recent years), but in general it is fair to say that the religiousness of antiquity's religious art is skirted by the art historians and left to the experts on religion.
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6

Denny, Christopher. "Iconoclasm, Byzantine and Postmodern: Implications for Contemporary Theological Anthropology." Horizons 36, no. 2 (2009): 187–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0360966900006356.

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ABSTRACTMedieval Byzantine debates regarding icons included fine distinctions between image, prototype, and symbol as these terms related to personhood. Iconodules and iconoclasts differed regarding the ability of art to represent the person. Must artistic representations of a person, to be justified, be consubstantial with the person represented and thus circumscribed, as iconoclasts believed? Or is it sufficient to refer to artistic representations as being symbolic of their human subjects? Embracing the victorious iconodule distinction between a person and artistic representations of the person raises questions regarding the manner in which an image can reveal a human being. Post-structuralist philosophers Maurice Blanchot and Kevin Hart have inverted this problematic. They begin the interpretation of icons and personhood not from the traditional understanding of the honor or worship paid to Christian icons. Instead, they examine the icon's deconstruction of the viewer. What results is an iconodule defense of a post-Cartesian “anthropological iconoclasm.”
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7

Pine, Jason. "Icons and iconoclasm: Roberto Saviano's Gomorrah and La Denuncia." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 13, no. 3 (September 2008): 431–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13545710802218676.

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8

Cameron, Averil. "The Language of Images: the Rise of Icons and Christian Representation." Studies in Church History 28 (1992): 1–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400012365.

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One has to be brave to return to the subject of Byzantine Iconoclasm, a subject which, we may feel, has been done to death. But the division in Byzantine society which lasted off and on for over a century, from 726 to the ‘restoration of orthodoxy’ in 843, was so profound that any Byzantine historian must at some time try to grapple with it. This is especially so if one is trying to understand the immediately preceding period, from the Persian invasions of the early seventh century to the great sieges of Constantinople by the Arabs in 674-8 and 717. It is well recognized by historians that this was a time of fundamental social, economic, and administrative change, which coincided with, but was by no means wholly caused by, the loss of so much Byzantine territory to the Arabs. However, the connection, if any, of this process of change with the social and religious upheaval known as Iconoclasm still leaves much to be said; indeed, no simple connection is likely in itself to provide an adequate explanation. In this paper I want to explore further some of the background to the crisis, without attempting here to provide a general explanation for Iconoclasm itself. I shall not venture beyond the first phase of Iconoclasm, which ended with the Second Council of Nicaea in 787, and after which the argument is somewhat different. Indeed, I shall be focusing here not even on the period known as ‘first Iconoclasm’, but mainly on the preceding period, when the issues inherent in the controversy were already, and increasingly, making themselves felt. Though we shall inevitably be concerned with some of the arguments brought against icons by their opponents, it is the place of images themselves in the context of the pre-Iconoclastic period which will be the main issue. Finally, while I want to offer a different way of reading the rise of icons, I do not pretend that it is the only one, or even possibly the most important. I do suggest, though, that it can help us to make sense of some of the issues that were involved.
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9

Lee, Dorothy A. "Touching the Sacred Text: The Bible as Icon in Feminist Reading." Pacifica: Australasian Theological Studies 11, no. 3 (October 1998): 249–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1030570x9801100302.

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This article proposes that the understanding of icons within Eastern Orthodoxy provides a model for feminist hermeneu tics in developing a poetics of sacred reading. The two major periods of icon dispute within church history are briefly reviewed (the icon controversies of the eighth and ninth centuries and the Protestant Reformation) and iconoclasm and iconophilia are discussed as competing yet ultimately complementary dynamics in theology. Christian feminism can acknowledge the value of both in understanding the place of the Bible avoiding either fundamentalist or expulsive readings of the text Icon-veneration has an important place, alongside iconoclasm (as distinct from icono-phobia), in developing a feminist biblical poetics.
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10

Puric, Jovan,. "The dialogue of the iconoclasts with the iconophiles." Zograf, no. 34 (2010): 13–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zog1034013p.

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The study represents an analytical review of iconoclasm, a Christological heresy that appeared in Byzantium and lasted for two centuries. After the first section The possibilities of expressing Jesus Christ and the holy servants of God by means of icons, which describes the historical and theological background of the said problem, explanations are given of the kinds of "icons" and the different dimensions of the notion of an "icon" - the natural and hand-made icon, and subsequently, of the relationship of the image and the original, along with the dogmatic foundation of all hypotheses and claims. This two-part study, in addition to using the relevant sources, explains the relationship of the iconoclasts and the iconophiles, at that time in Byzantium and throughout history, right up to the present day
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11

Spicer, Andrew. "Iconoclasm." Renaissance Quarterly 70, no. 3 (2017): 1007–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/693887.

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12

Yesufu, Abdul R. "Icons and iconoclasm in modern East African poetry: The example of Jared Angira." Neohelicon 16, no. 1 (March 1989): 192–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02092745.

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13

King, G. R. D. "Islam, iconoclasm, and the declaration of doctrine." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 48, no. 2 (June 1985): 267–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00033346.

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The attitude of the early Islamic state towards figurative representations is often cited as a source contributing to the establishment of officially-supported iconoclasm within the Byzantine Empire in A.D. 726. Islam has generally adopted a position opposed to the representational in secular art, and the exclusion of all figurative motifs from Islamic religious art is clear from the first, yet this attitude is not necessarily to be regarded as intrinsically iconoclastic in the true sense of the word; indeed, outside Arabia itself, the only evidence of iconoclasm until the fall of the Umayyad Caliphate in 132/750 is confined to the well-known attack on images and statues carried out on the orders of Yazīd II. b. ‘Abd al-Malik (101–105/720–724). This much discussed outbreak of iconoclasm is well documented by Islamic and Christian sources, but the very fact that it is so specifically associated with Yazīd's Caliphate suggests that it was considered unusual at the time. Although Christian sources carefully record the difficulties of their communities under the Umayyads, the absence of references to image-breaking under Caliphs before Yazīd implies that his action was a rarity worthy of comment: under normal circumstances, it would seem the Muslims left the Christians to use icons and representations or not, as they wished.
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14

CHRYSOSTOMIDES, ANNA. "Creating a Theology of Icons in Umayyad Palestine: John of Damascus’ ‘Three Treatises on the Divine Images’." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 72, no. 1 (August 20, 2020): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002204692000007x.

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John of Damascus (c. 655–745) is a striking figure in church history as a defender of icon veneration and as a Church Father who maintained Byzantine Orthodoxy despite living under Muslim rule. His life amongst Muslims and his association with the Umayyad Melkite Christian community, the Christian Church which attempted to maintain an adherence to Byzantine Orthodoxy after the Arab conquest, is often associated with his defence of icons. However, most scholarship claims that his Three treatises on the divine images were written solely against Byzantine iconoclasm. This article provides a close reading of his Treatises focusing on themes which overlap with contemporary Jewish and Muslim debates on figurative images, arguing that John wrote his Treatises in an attempt to create a seminal Melkite theology on icons for both Byzantine and Umayyad Christians faced with iconoclastic arguments from all three Abrahamic faiths.
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15

Ewa Harabasz. "Icons." diacritics 37, no. 1 (2008): 81–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dia.0.0021.

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16

Bevington, David, and James R. Siemon. "Shakespearean Iconoclasm." Shakespeare Quarterly 37, no. 1 (1986): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2870204.

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17

Taussig, Michael. "Iconoclasm Dictionary." TDR/The Drama Review 56, no. 1 (March 2012): 10–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/dram_a_00141.

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This iconoclastic essay/talk/performance about iconoclasm was influenced by the “Critical Dictionary” in Bataille's Documents magazine and is illustrated with drawings made on a flight from Austin to New York City.
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18

Glassberg, David, and Albert Boime. "The Unveiling of the National Icons: A Plea for Patriotic Iconoclasm in a Nationalist Era." American Historical Review 104, no. 4 (October 1999): 1341. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2649671.

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19

Turner, David. "The Politics of Despair: The Plague of 746–747 and Iconoclasm in the Byzantine Empire." Annual of the British School at Athens 85 (November 1990): 419–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006824540001577x.

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This article concerns the plague of 746–747, which took the lives of many in the Byzantine empire, especially in Constantinople. After discussing the main sources (i.e. the patriarch Nikephoros, Theodore the Stoudite, and Theophanes), mention is made of the possible influences which the plague had on developments in the iconoclastic controversy during the reign of Constantine V (741–75). The persecution of iconophile monks as well as attacks against the Holy (e.g., churches, icons, holy relics etc.) is placed in a more general psychological context which is at least partly explained by the plague. Finally, a brief reference is made to the Life of Leo of Katania which may reflect iconoclastic opinion on the matters given above.
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20

Quitslund, Beth. "Idologographies: Versions of Miltonic Iconoclasm." Milton Quarterly 33, no. 1 (March 1999): 22–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1094-348x.1999.tb00881.x.

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21

Ross, Cecilia, and Gian-Paolo Biasin. "Italian Literary Icons." World Literature Today 59, no. 4 (1985): 581. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40141982.

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22

Fallaw, Ben. "Varieties of Mexican Revolutionary Anticlericalism: Radicalism, Iconoclasm, and Otherwise, 1914–1935." Americas 65, no. 4 (April 2009): 481–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.0.0106.

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Two days before Easter 1916, a teacher in the Mérida ferrocarrilleros’ school demolished a pine statue of Saint Joseph with an axe to show “it was simply a monkey on a stick (un tucho de palo)”; students then hacked up smaller icons before approving parents. During the Cristiada, General Eulogio Ortíz ate consecrated hosts with carnitas de puerco in a public market in Zacatecas. Constitutionalist military proconsuls in 1914-15, leftist regional caudillos of the 1920s, and federal educators and some provincial strongmen during the Maximato (1931-35) all believed anticlericalism would build a new nation; these three waves of attacks against the Catholic clergy proved to be decisive moments in revolutionary state formation. At no point, however, did revolutionaries agree on either means or ends. Radicals favored the destruction of the Church (if not organized religion entirely). Their reliance on iconoclasm—literal as well as metaphorical—also distinguished them. Some iconoclastic radicals hoped their attacks would help create a humanistic, post-Christian belief system. More moderate anticlericals advocated less destructive and more persuasive measures, including using education and the law to weaken and/or reform Catholicism. Some moderates promoted alternative creeds; others hoped to remake the Catholic Church in Mexico. Certainly iconoclasts and reformers did collaborate at times, but they also clashed, as in the rancorous debates over the “religious question” at the Querétaro Constitutional Convention and again when anticlerical Reds and moderate Whites battled during the early 1930s.
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23

Helgerson, Richard, and Kenneth Gross. "Spenserian Poetics: Idolatry, Iconoclasm, and Magic." Poetics Today 7, no. 2 (1986): 379. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1772777.

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24

Fiene, Donald M., Fr Vladimir Ivanov, and Mary Lenore Morse. "Russian Icons." Slavic and East European Journal 34, no. 4 (1990): 565. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/308226.

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25

Comay, Rebecca. "Defaced Statues: Idealism and Iconoclasm in Hegel's Aesthetics." October 149 (July 2014): 123–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/octo_a_00186.

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There is a wild iconoclasm that smashes statues, gouges out eyes, and uses the debris to build new, better, bigger monuments. There is a gentler iconoclasm that sees beauty in rubble, and finds in the spectacle of dereliction the consoling reassurance that life carries on. There is a more muted kind of iconoclasm that embalms and catalogues the pieces. In the museum, the things can be divested of their magic and put out of circulation while still being appreciated as fine art. A yet more furtive iconoclasm breaks the spell of this enjoyment by turning this pleasure to subtle profit. The museum becomes a warehouse of examples that can be scrutinized as a vehicle of philosophical truth.
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26

Rambelli, Fabio. "Icons and Iconoclasm in Japanese Buddhism: Kūkai and Dōgen on the Art of Enlightenment by Pamela D. Winfield." Journal of Japanese Studies 41, no. 2 (2015): 480–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jjs.2015.0045.

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27

Forte, Victor. "Icons and Iconoclasm in Japanese Buddhism: Kūkai and Dōgen on the Art of Enlightenment by Pamela D. Winfield." Philosophy East and West 65, no. 2 (2015): 647–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pew.2015.0036.

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28

Bertelsen, Lance. "Icons on Iwo." Journal of Popular Culture 22, no. 4 (March 1989): 79–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0022-3840.1989.2204_79.x.

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29

Gay, David. "Astrology and Iconoclasm in Milton's Paradise Regained." SEL Studies in English Literature 1500-1900 41, no. 1 (2001): 175–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sel.2001.0006.

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30

Kingsley-Smith, Jane. "Cupid, Idolatry, and Iconoclasm in Sidney's Arcadia." SEL Studies in English Literature 1500-1900 48, no. 1 (2007): 65–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sel.2008.0004.

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31

Gay, David. "Astrology and Iconoclasm in Milton's "Paradise Regained"." Studies in English Literature, 1500-1900 41, no. 1 (2001): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1556234.

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32

Scanlon, Geraldine M., Beth Miller, and Gilbert Azam. "Women in Hispanic Literature: Icons and Fallen Idols." Modern Language Review 81, no. 4 (October 1986): 1017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3729657.

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33

Welten, R. "Image and Oblivion: Emmanuel Levinas' Phenomenological Iconoclasm." Literature and Theology 19, no. 1 (March 1, 2005): 60–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/litthe/19.1.60.

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34

Van Heuckelom, Kris. "Witold Gombrowicz's Iconoclasm from a Visual Studies Perspective." Russian Literature 62, no. 4 (November 2007): 479–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ruslit.2007.10.010.

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35

Cascardi, Anthony. "Image and Iconoclasm in Don Quijote." Bulletin of Hispanic Studies 82, no. 5 (December 2005): 599–614. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/bhs.82.5.4.

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36

Osbey, Brenda Marie. "Setting Loose the Icons." Callaloo, no. 26 (1986): 112. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2931071.

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37

Osbey, Brenda Marie. "Setting Loose the Icons." Callaloo 24, no. 3 (2001): 861–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cal.2001.0196.

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38

Hanson, S. "Icons of Loss and Grace." Interdisciplinary Studies in Literature and Environment 8, no. 2 (July 1, 2001): 195–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isle/8.2.195.

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39

Mokhtarian, Jason. "Egyptian Cultural Icons in Midrash." Journal for the Study of Judaism 42, no. 3 (2011): 437. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006311x586638.

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40

Wilson Lundin, Rebecca. "Rhetorical Iconoclasm: The Heresy of Lollard Plain Style." Rhetoric Review 27, no. 2 (March 25, 2008): 131–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07350190801921743.

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41

Pippin, R. "The Forbidden Image: An Intellectual History of Iconoclasm." Common Knowledge 8, no. 2 (April 1, 2002): 417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0961754x-8-2-417.

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42

Sobania, Neal, and Raymond Silverman. "Icons of Devotion/Icons of Trade: Creativity and Entrepreneurship in Contemporary “Traditional” Ethiopian Painting." African Arts 42, no. 1 (March 2009): 26–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/afar.2009.42.1.26.

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43

Grant, P. "Iconoclasm and Poetry in the English Reformation: Down Went Dagon." Modern Language Quarterly 47, no. 3 (January 1, 1986): 316–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00267929-47-3-316.

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44

John E. Curran Jr. "Jacob and Esau and the Iconoclasm of Merit." SEL Studies in English Literature 1500-1900 49, no. 2 (2009): 285–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sel.0.0057.

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45

Goldman, Peter. "Living Words: Iconoclasm and Beyond in John Bunyan's Grace Abounding." New Literary History 33, no. 3 (2002): 461–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nlh.2002.0029.

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46

McNeely, J. T. "The Integrated Design of Dr Faustus: An Essay in Iconoclasm." Cahiers Élisabéthains: A Journal of English Renaissance Studies 41, no. 1 (April 1992): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/018476789204100104.

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47

Weiss, Allen S. "Radio Icons, Short Circuits, Deep Schisms." TDR (1988-) 40, no. 3 (1996): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1146541.

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48

Lay, Nge. "Reflections of Experiences of the Icons." TDR/The Drama Review 57, no. 2 (June 2013): 2–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/dram_a_00256.

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This Provocation comes from a series of several large-scale photographic works documenting scars-visible and also hidden-on the Burmese female body. In this image there is a reflection, an embedded meaning that is personal to the artist. It is the body of her aging mother, who nearly died giving birth to her. Within the folds of her skin are the scars of this wound, this memory. Nge Lay wishes to focus on her mother's sacrifices and her country's struggle against military rule and colonialism-what both have endured-via this female aging body.
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49

Alqadumi, Emad A. "The iconoclastic theatre: transgression in Christopher Marlowe’s Tamburlaine." EJOTMAS: Ekpoma Journal of Theatre and Media Arts 7, no. 1-2 (April 15, 2020): 281–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ejotmas.v7i1-2.18.

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This article examines Christopher Marlowe’s iconoclasm as a dramatist by probing transgressive features in his Tamburlaine the Great, parts I and II. By depicting instances of excessive violence, from the perspective of this study, Marlowe flouts everything his society cherishes. His Tamburlaine demystifies religious doctrines and cultural relations; it challenges the official view of the universe and customary theatrical conventions of Renaissance drama. It destabilizes the norms and values of the Elizabethans and brings about a crisis between the Elizabethan audience and their own culture. Furthermore, Marlowe’s experimentalism in Tamburlaine expands the imaginative representations to include areas never formerly visited, consequently creating an alternative reality for his audience and transforming the popular English theatre in an unprecedented manner. Keywords: Drama, Christopher Marlowe, Elizabethan theatre, Literature, Iconoclasm
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50

Moore, George. "Resistible Samson: Milton, Iconoclasm, and Nonhuman Agencies in Seventeenth-Century England." English Literary Renaissance 49, no. 3 (September 2019): 330–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/704508.

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