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Emel’yanova, N. ""Soft power" as a Concept: a Critical Analysis." Journal of International Analytics, no. 3 (September 28, 2018): 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2018-0-3-7-24.
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The focus of the article is on current discussions on the heuristic significance of the "soft power" concept, examines the socio-political and philosophical foundations of the phenomenon, and states the de-Americanization of the soft power discourse and the related changes in the behavior of the new "soft power" actors.The theoretical basis of the article is the conceptual interpretation of the concept of "power" proposed by Joseph Nye as an alternative to Realistic and Neo-Realistic models of power relations in modern world politics. Nye singled out coercion, influence and attractiveness as equivalent dimensions of force.The research methodology is based on formal-logical and content-logical methods.The research procedure first of all is built around the typology of criticism of "soft power" as a concept and the prospects for its overcoming.In the analysis of the results, it is noted that Nye in the concept of "soft power" had verified the accents of modern socio-philosophical and political-philosophical approaches in relation to the power-discourse of international relations. It is predicted that the theoretical comprehension of the "soft power" will develop, as its use by states will continue. First, it concerns "rising forces" (such as China and India).In conclusion, it is emphasized that the ability of the state to compete globally in three areas (economic growth, military technological development and value-cultural impact) allows us to talk about it in terms of full power, which is impossible without resorting to the complex phenomenon of "soft power", questions of national identity in a new way and to the non-material grounds of the state.
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Boldyrev, Vitalii. "Poly-participant and multidimensional world: On the way to a new theory of international relations." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations 13, no. 4 (2020): 507–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu06.2020.406.
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In the early 21st century several conditions favorable for a new theory of international relations have been formed in Russia. New trends in interstate relations have clearly been displayed and Russian foreign policy needs to update its theoretical and conceptual foundations. A new philosophical basis has been formed as Russian IR theory is in crisis. To overcome the crisis, the framework of a new IR theory is suggested. It rests on existing theories and concepts that satisfy the principles of post-non-classical philosophy of science, the concept of Russian foreign policy, the fact that contemporary world events cannot be explained using the previously created concepts, and interdisciplinarity which does not lead to the erosion of the language of science in regard to IR.These sources made it possible to identify a number of fundamental provisions for the new IR theory: the interpretation of chaos as an order with unknown laws, recognition of each state as a self-sufficient participant in international relations, multivariativity of foreign policies, and the understanding of the world as a non-polar system. On their basis, a framework was developed for the theory of a poly-participant and multidimensional world where the main elements are states (participants) and non-state actors. According to the theory, the world has several dimensions: space, dynamical time, structural time, a set of subsystems (functional spheres), level, and control. Balance is ensured by the balance of foreign policies and reactions to them, which are determined by the interests of states, the influence and power of states in certain regions or functional fields. This sets the curvature of the world, which makes it change constantly. In the event of imbalance or a weakening of control, a vacuum appears and it provokes the development of uncontrolled processes. Such a complex structure of the modern world allows us to characterize it as a network that defines contemporary international relations as relational.
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Pirosa, Rosaria. "Majoritarian Epistemology on Religious Symbols. A Religiously-Based Stereotyping Technique to “Package Others’ Religious Rights”." Age of Human Rights Journal, no. 16 (June 14, 2021): 278–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.17561/tahrj.v16.6085.
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The paper will focus on a particular form of stereotyping technique which aims to narrow religious rights for non-Christian believers, moving from an exclusively Judeo-Christian epistemology on religious symbols that, no by chance, defines them as “ostensive”. According to this perspective, freedom of religion is eminently a heartfelt attitude, therefore the term “ostensiveness” is intended to emphasize not mandatory behaviors, which are conceived as a redundant way to live faith. Starting from its philosophical assumptions, the article deals with the stereotyping tools related to religion, functional to conceal the social complexity and to deny legal protection, through a legal and political concept like state neutrality. The piece seeks to show how the concept of religious right, when it cannot be declined as a majoritarian right, is rife with plural levels of intersecting stereotyping, concerning other categories of diversity like gender and ‘ethnicity’. This approach flatters each dimension and does not take into account coexisting identities within the same person, ignoring that intersectionality highlights the necessity of assessing religious diversity as fundamentally socially located. This stereotyping attitude can be traced back to the complex relationship between law and religion that provides a direct way to assess crucial issues like belonging, identity, community and authority. Law, as a cultural and non-neutral construct, regards religion as a valuable fact and worthy of legal protection since it is attributable to an individual phenomenon and as quintessentially private matter. Therefore, to assess identity or belonging in the fault lines of the interaction of law and religion means find an opportunity to legitimize targeting law related to religious diversity making it seems like a way to deal with religious ‘differences’ that cannot be assimilated. In this respect, we discuss about the radical secularist claims through a case-study, namely the “affaire Québécois” within the Canadian system, not only in a geographical sense, but in the theoretical field mapped out by religious pluralism as the focal point of the multiculturalist approach, on one hand, and the secularist revival, on the other hand.
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Zakharova, Maria, and Vladimir Przhilenskiy. "Anti-Rawls or the Russian Way of Eurasian Integration." Russian Law Journal 7, no. 3 (August 17, 2019): 12–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17589/2309-8678-2019-7-3-12-37.
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This article examines Eurasian integration in the context of the ideas which accompany it and make possible the implementation of its practices, especially law-making and law-enforcement practices. The central theme of the article is the competition among values and social technologies claiming to play an integrating role. The starting point of this analysis is the theory of justice by John Rawls presented in the form of many interpretations thereof by legal theorists, as well as experts in the field of political and moral philosophy. It is examined based on assessments made from the standpoint of the politico-legal and socio-historical development of the West, as well as on attempts to look at this theoretical concept from a different cultural and civilizational point of view. Detailed consideration is given to the ideas and images of justice formed within the philosophical symbiosis of Confucianism and Legalism and providing a value-based legal identity of the Chinese civilization. The article shows that the ideas and values of the Rawlsian theory of justice are rooted in the political and legal history of European civilization and the dependence thereof on the philosophical and theoretical language of European enlighteners and even on the Indo-European national language family. As the main alternative to the neoliberal theory of justice, the article studies the philosophical and theoretical and politico-legal heritage of the Eurasianists. The theory of Eurasian law advanced by representatives of this movement is analyzed in depth. This type of legal relations, based on obligations, is considered as a special type of law capable of uniting heterogeneous entities without requiring their full unification or depriving them of their civilizational and value-based peculiarities. The authors analyze the real experience of economic and politico-legal integration, both within the framework of international organizations and at the level of inter-governmental [inter-country] cooperation. An assessment is made of the justifiability of the claims of Eurasianist philosophy regarding its ability to successfully provide integration processes in this part of the world.
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Tsygantsova, S. I. "International Legal Protection of Animals: Problems and Prospects." Moscow Journal of International Law, no. 2 (July 9, 2021): 122–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/0869-0049-2021-2-122-132.
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INTRODUCTION. The purpose of this work is to identify the main problems of modern international legal protection of animals and the theoretical justification of the need to change their legal status (regime). The main task of the research is to study modern concepts that have already become the basis of international legal acts for the protection of various categories of animals, as well as ideas that have sufficient potential to lay the foundation for a more conscious attitude to other biological species. Furthermore, the research highlights significant shortcomings of the global legal policy on animal protection, which hinder the achievement of the main goals of international cooperation in this area. The research also suggests new approaches that can solve both ethical and environmental problems of human-animal relationships in the very near future. In addition, this scientific work provides various philosophical and legal arguments that confirm the need to assign a special legal status to animals.MATERIALS AND METHODS. The research examines the doctrinal positions of mainly foreign researchers and legal experts dealing with the problems of international legal protection of animals. This study uses the norms of some international legal agreements of a global and regional nature, as well as the provisions of recommendation documents. The research used general theoretical (analysis, synthesis, comparison, induction, deduction, abstraction, generalization, idealization, analogy, modeling, concretization, logical, systematic and comparative approaches) and special legal methods (historical-legal, formal-legal and the method of legal forecasting).RESEARCH RESULTS. Based on the results of the study, the author identifies the main problems of international legal regulation of relations on the conservation of biodiversity in the framework of the implementation of the concepts of environmental protection and sustainable development. In addition, the study highlights the most important achievements and significant gaps in the EU's legal policy on animal welfare. Through the synthesis and generalization of the main provisions of the concept of well-being and the concept of animal rights, this scientific work forms an idea of the most successful model of international legal protection of animals. Based on the obtained result, the study predicts the inevitable change in their legal status (regime) and the revision of the existing anthropocentric paradigm of modern legal science.DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS. The vast majority of existing international legal agreements on the protection and use of animals protect the secondary interests of modern consumer society, where animals have a rank based on their usefulness, without taking into account their immanent value. If the trends of recent decades continue, the environmental goals set by international environmental law will remain unattainable. In order to solve a layer of ethical and environmental problems, it is necessary to abandon the anthropocentric approach, which permeates the entire system of international law, in favor of a more perfect organization of human relations with nature (for example, in favor of anthropocosmocentrism, cosmocentrism, biocentrism, etc.). In addition, the identification of animals with property does not correspond to modern ideas about them as sentient beings. It is unacceptable to treat them as «things» within the framework of national legal systems and international law. Regardless of whether they will have legal capacity or will lead a new, specific category of persons, animals must have a certain set of international legal guarantees.
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Kowalska, Wioletta Małgorzata. "BETWEEN THE LOCAL, NATIONAL AND GLOBAL: THE PROBLEM OF “REGIONAL IDENTITIES”." CREATIVITY STUDIES 3, no. 2 (December 31, 2010): 161–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/limes.2010.16.
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The main objective of the paper is to examine the concepts of region and regional identity in order to point out their political, social and theoretical/philosophical opportunity, and also their highly problematic character, especially in the current Eastern European context. The author tries to determine the contents of the concept of region from phenomenological perspective and shows that it is hardly possibly because, in practice, “region” refers more to arbitrary political and administrative criteria than to what can be experienced as a common “surrounding world”. The examples of regions analyzed in the paper are those of the infra‐state Polish region Podlasie and of the supra‐state Euregion Neman. In conclusion, the author claims that the opposition cultural/political, or experienced/constructed, should be mediated by European legal and moral rules. It is also claimed that only awareness of difficulties connected with the project of regions can allow their construction in a realistic, not arbitrary and not utopian way. Tarp lokalumo, nacionalumo ir globalumo: regioninių tapatumų problema Santrauka Pagrindinis straipsnio tikslas – išnagrinėti regiono ir regioninio tapatumo sampratas, siekiant ne tik išsiaiškinti jų politinę, socialinę ir teorinę bei filosofinę esmę, bet ir išties problemišką pobūdį, ypač dabartiniame Rytų Europos kontekste. Autorė siekia apibrėžti regiono sampratos turinį iš fenomenologinės perspektyvos ir parodo, kad tai vargu ar įmanoma, nes praktiniu požiūriu regionas labiau nurodo politinius ir administracinius kriterijus, o ne tai, kas gali būti vertinama kaip supantis pasaulis. Straipsnyje analizuojami du regionai – lenkų infranacionalinis Palenkės regionas ir supranacionalinis Nemuno euroregionas. Tvirtinama, kad kultūros bei politikos ir patirties bei supratimo prieštaravimus turi derinti Europos įstatymai ir moralės normos. Autorė teigia, kad tik kylančių sunkumų dėl regionų tyrimo įsisąmoninimas leidžia jų realų, o ne arbitralinį ar utopinį konstravimą.
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Lamb, Robert. "Pragmatism, practices, and human rights." Review of International Studies 45, no. 04 (March 26, 2019): 550–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210519000111.
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AbstractThis article is an intervention in recent debates about conceptual and normative theorisations of human rights, which have been increasingly characterised by a divide between ‘moral’ and ‘practice-based’/’political’ understandings. My aim is to articulate an alternative, pragmatist understanding of human rights, one that is importantly distinct from the practice-based account with which it might be thought affiliated. In the first part of the article, I reveal the fundamental flaw in the practice-based account of human rights: I argue that it is undermined by the ontological thesis at its heart, which naturalises and reifies political arrangements and institutions that are radically contingent. In the second part, I identify, and outline the attractiveness of, a pragmatist normative account of human rights. In contrast to the practice-based approach, this pragmatist account construes human rights in ideational terms. The pragmatist understanding accepts both the contingency of our practices and the cultural limits to moral justification, while nevertheless retaining a commitment to the enterprise of normative philosophical conversation. I argue, in contrast to prevailing interpretations, that the international theory advanced by John Rawls exemplifies a pragmatist account of human rights and points a way forward for theoretically fruitful but appropriately circumscribed analysis of the concept.
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Berlach, Natalija, Oleksandr Kulyk, and Sergii Losych. "ILLEGALLY-OBTAINED INCOME AS A STRUCTURAL COMPONENT OF SHADOW PROCESSES IN THE ECONOMY." Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 4, no. 5 (February 11, 2019): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2018-4-5-26-30.
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The study of shadowing processes in the economy is an integral part of the methodological knowledge, aimed at forming the security environment of the world community, its development on the way to overcoming crisis situations in the economy, politics, and society. This being said, it is difficult to overestimate the role of the state in determining appropriate approaches to assessing the results of such activities, justifying the selection of certain current methods of influencing public relations in the economic field in order to ensure their functioning within the legal framework. Drawing empirical conclusions and recommendations in this article are aimed at substantiating the links between the result of economic activity and economic activity as such, which determines the characteristics of welfare and well-being of a person, his/her enrichment. Thus, the formation of a cognitive social link between human welfare, emotional factors, and the economic crisis situation in the state has a common denominator, which makes it possible to assess the level of economic development of the country as a whole, to identify processes of shadowing of the economy, provided that illegally-obtained income is determined in its structure. Coming up with “regulatory filters” that allow synthesizing the object (illegally-obtained income), at which measures for detecting and transforming it into the legal economic field are aimed, it is possible to achieve a real result in counteracting the shadowing of national economies. Certain measures currently being taken at the level of national legal systems in this area should be compatible with those adopted by the European Union and, at least, as stringent as other measures applied at the international level. The specified determines the necessity to search for optimal ways of defining the concept of illegally obtained income, its place and role as a structural component of shadow processes in the economy. Methodology. The solution to the set goal is realized using the cognitive potential of the system of philosophical, general scientific and special methods. Analysis and synthesis allowed identifying the signs of illegal income, the shadowing of the economy, counteracting the shadow economy, and forming the last concept. Methods of grammatical review and interpretation of legal norms contributed to identifying gaps and other shortcomings of legislation on problems of ensuring counteraction to the legalization (laundering) of illegally-obtained income, developing proposals for its improvement, in particular, regarding the specifics of defining the meaning of the concept of “illegally obtained income” in domestic legal framework, the relationship of this concept with other economic and legal concepts. The comparative legal method allowed determining the development directions for domestic normative acts in order to bring them in line with the generally accepted European standards.
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Lowenthal, David. "‘European Identity’: An Emerging Concept." Australian Journal of Politics & History 46, no. 3 (September 2000): 314–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8497.00099.
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Schmidt, Brain C. "The historiography of academic international relations." Review of International Studies 20, no. 4 (October 1994): 349–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500118169.
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Throughout the 1980s and continuing into the 1990s the academic discipline of international relations has witnessed a prolonged period of intense intellectual ferment about the contemporary identity of the field. The significance of this academic controversy is evidenced by the designation that it most fundamentally represents the discipline's third ‘Great Debate’. The importance of the third debate to a field characteristically immune from meta-theoretical self-reflection has been aptly acknowledged by those who recognize the changed nature of philosophical and theoretical inquiry in the post-positivist age. The variety of contending classifications that have been put forth to elucidate the overall character of the third debate is but another indication of the considerable importance that scholars have attached to the outcome of this dispute as we approach the next millennium.
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Bevir, Mark, and Asaf Kedar. "Concept Formation in Political Science: An Anti-Naturalist Critique of Qualitative Methodology." Perspectives on Politics 6, no. 3 (August 18, 2008): 503–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592708081255.
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This article offers an anti-naturalist philosophical critique of the naturalist tendencies within qualitative concept formation as developed most prominently by Giovanni Sartori and David Collier. We begin by articulating the philosophical distinction between naturalism and anti-naturalism. Whereas naturalism assumes that the study of human life is not essentially different from the study of natural phenomena, anti-naturalism highlights the meaningful and contingent nature of social life, the situatedness of the scholar, and so the dialogical nature of social science. These two contrasting philosophical approaches inspire, in turn, different strategies of concept formation. Naturalism encourages concept formation that involves reification, essentialism, and an instrumentalist view of language. Anti-naturalism, conversely, challenges reified concepts for eliding the place of meanings, essentialist concepts for eliding the place of contingency, and linguistic instrumentalism for eliding the situatedness of the scholar and the dialogical nature of social science. Based on this philosophical framework, we subject qualitative concept formation to a philosophical critique. We show how the conceptual strategies developed by Sartori and Collier embody a reification, essentialism, and instrumentalist view of language associated with naturalism. Although Collier's work on concept formation is much more flexible and nuanced than Sartori's, it too remains attached to a discredited naturalism.
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Rasekh, Mohammad, and S. M. R. Ayati. "The Concept of Death: A Religio-philosophical Analysis." Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations 18, no. 3 (July 2007): 377–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09596410701396121.
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Makarychev, Andrey S. "Russia's Search for International Identity Through the Sovereign Democracy Concept." International Spectator 43, no. 2 (May 21, 2008): 49–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932720802057125.
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O'Reilly, Dermot. "Social Inclusion: A Philosophical Anthropology." Politics 25, no. 2 (May 2005): 80–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.2005.00232.x.
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In this article the theoretical conflations associated with the concept of social exclusion are disaggregated into a number of competing versions in terms of their social scientific and normative bases. The types of policy, analysis and critique that are engendered by these conceptions of exclusion are examined for their underlying social scientific methodology. The disjunction between positive, interpretative and critical approaches to social exclusion can only satisfactorily be broached by a methodology utilising a critical realist framework. This framework requires the integration of a theorised dialectical linkage between inclusion and exclusion. The necessary conceptual prerequisites are outlined for modelling inclusion and exclusion in a substantive, contextually sensitive manner that enables critical assessment.
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Lundgren, Svante. "A Philosophical Retrospective: facts, values, and Jewish identity." Journal of Modern Jewish Studies 12, no. 3 (November 2013): 584–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14725886.2013.862922.
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Deets, Stephen. "Constitutionalism and Identity in Eastern Europe: Uncovering Philosophical Fragments." Nationalities Papers 33, no. 4 (December 2005): 489–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990500353956.
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Despite the euphoria surrounding the 1989 revolutions, over the past 15 years voices have warned that resurgent nationalism may bring “democracy in dark times” (Isaacs, 1998; Tismaneanu, 1998; Ramet, 1997). Reflecting this fear, a stream of articles has asserted that nationalism in the East is different from the more civic nationalism of the West (Vujacic, 1996; Bunce, 2001; Schöpflin, 2003). If true, these sentiments should be reflected in the constitutions, documents that define the polity and the foundational values of the state in addition to creating the basic institutional order. Debates over religious references in the European Union constitution and the focus on constitutional change by Albanian forces in Macedonia in 2000 serve as reminders of the centrality of constitutions in contention over identity. However, as all constitutions in East Central Europe and the Balkans set out a democratic structure informed by a tangle of national and liberal ideas, they cannot be neatly divided between those which are nationalist and those which are civic, between those which respect minority rights and those which do not. In fact, what is striking about the constitutions is how they combine ideas of liberal individualism, strong democracy, and pluralism.
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Ashbee, Edward. "Immigration, National Identity, and Conservatism in the United States." Politics 18, no. 2 (May 1998): 73–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00063.
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American conservatives are divided about the future of legal immigration. Whereas some assert that the US should remain a ‘nation of immigrants’, others insist that immigration levels should be reduced to a bare minimum. The divisions owe much to ddifferent conceptions of American national identity. Whereas some represent the US as a ‘universal nation’ open to all those who subscribe to particular political and philosophical principles, growing numbers within the conservative movement put forward visions of an American nation structured around a distinct ethno-culture. The rifts are deeply rooted, and have consequences for the future of both American conservatism and the Republican Party.
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Khan, Uzma, Huili Wang, and Ishraq Ali. "A Sustainable Community of Shared Future for Mankind: Origin, Evolution and Philosophical Foundation." Sustainability 13, no. 16 (August 20, 2021): 9352. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13169352.
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The Community of Shared Future for Mankind (CSFM) concept is a comprehensive Chinese proposal for a better future of mankind. In this article, we provide a comprehensive analysis of this concept by focusing on its origin, evolution and philosophical foundation. We show that the concept originated during the presidency of Hu Jintao, who initially used it for the domestic affairs of China. However, the usage of the concept was later extended from domestic to international affairs. Though Hu Jintao conceived the CSFM concept, it is president Xi Jinping who became its greatest advocate. We explore the CSFM concept’s development and evolution into one of the most influential, diverse and dominant concepts of international relations under president Xi. We argue that although CSFM concept is seen as a 21st century Chinese idea, the roots of the concept can be traced back to much earlier time in history. The concept is based on three major philosophical thoughts: Marxism, Confucianism and the philosophy of Mencius. We show that the CSFM concept is greatly influenced by Marx’s ideas such as the transformation of the world, the free association of producers, historical materialism and dialectics. We also point to a number of Confucian principles that are adopted by the CSFM concept. The CSFM concept not only adopts Confucian principles but also extends their scope from the individual level to international relations. Similarly, we also highlight that the CSFM concept is influenced by Mencius’ concepts such as universal brotherhood, responsibility towards the betterment of the world, humane governance, free trade, equal sharing of wealth and the conservation of natural resources.
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Berenskötter, Felix, and Nicola Nymalm. "States of ambivalence: Recovering the concept of ‘the Stranger’ in International Relations." Review of International Studies 47, no. 1 (November 6, 2020): 19–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210520000376.
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AbstractThis article revisits and revives the concept of ‘the Stranger’ in theorising international relations by discussing how this figure appears and what role it plays in the politics of (collective) identity. It shows that this concept is central to poststructuralist logic discussing the political production of discourses of danger and to scholarship on ontological security but remains subdued in their analytical narratives. Making the concept of the Stranger explicit is important, we argue, because it directs attention to ambivalence as a source of anxiety and grasps the unsettling experiences that political strategies of conquest or conversion, including practices of securitisation, respond to. Against this backdrop, the article provides a nuanced reading of the Stanger as a form of otherness that captures ambiguity as a threat to modern conceptions of identity, and outlines three scenarios of how it may be encountered in interstate relations: the phenomenon of ‘rising powers’ from the perspective of the hegemon, the dissolution of enmity (overcoming an antagonistic relationship), and the dissolution of friendship (close allies drifting apart). Aware that recovering the concept is not simply an academic exercise but may feed into how the term is used in political discourse and how practitioners deal with ‘strange encounters’, we conclude by pointing to alternative readings of the Stranger/strangeness and the value of doing so.
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Behr, Hartmut. "Towards a political concept of reversibility in international relations: Bridging political philosophy and policy studies." European Journal of International Relations 25, no. 4 (March 28, 2019): 1212–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066119836469.
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While contingency and negation are relatively well-established notions in the theoretical analysis of international relations, their practical implications remain under-conceptualised. In order to discuss the question of how to act under conditions of contingency and negation, this article, in a first step, triangulates both with Aristotelian noesis. Such triangulation suggests that the consequences of political action cannot be predicted and always have inadvertent consequences due to the contingent and historically and intellectually negated and refutable (even self-refutable) character of politics. It therefore appears as irresponsible to enact policies with interminable consequences. Rather, responsible political action — which is responsible precisely as, and only if, it accounts for contingency and negation — must hence act only in such a way that its consequences are reversible. In a second step, policy theory is critically reviewed in light of reversibility and its underlying philosophical principles, trying to bridge political philosophy and policy studies for a mutually enriched analysis of politics. Such a bridging exercise not only brings enhanced normative reflection into policy studies, but also, in reverse, hints at the crucial aspect of the non-linear unfolding of action consequences, which is, in addition to questions for a future research agenda, discussed in the concluding section. These discussions are understood as a twofold, yet interlinked, contribution: first, to develop a concept of reversibility as a practical response to the philosophical notions of contingency and negation; and, second, to bridge two different paradigms, encouraging the synergy of scholarly expertise for the management of contemporary international and global problems.
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Noesselt, Nele. "Revisiting the Debate on Constructing a Theory of International Relations with Chinese Characteristics." China Quarterly 222 (April 27, 2015): 430–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741015000387.
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AbstractAfter decades of policy learning and adoption of “Western” theories of international politics, the Chinese academic community has (re-)turned to the construction of a “Chinese” theory framework. This article examines the recent academic debates on theory with “Chinese characteristics” and sheds light on their historical and philosophical foundations. It argues that the search for a “Chinese” paradigm of international relations theory is part of China's quest for national identity and global status. As can be concluded from the analysis of these debates, “Chinese” theories of international politics are expected to fulfil two general functions – to safeguard China's national interests and to legitimize the one-party system.
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Schroeder, Marcin J. "Analogy in Terms of Identity, Equivalence, Similarity, and Their Cryptomorphs." Philosophies 4, no. 2 (June 12, 2019): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/philosophies4020032.
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Analogy belongs to the class of concepts notorious for a variety of definitions generating continuing disputes about their preferred understanding. Analogy is typically defined by or at least associated with similarity, but as long as similarity remains undefined this association does not eliminate ambiguity. In this paper, analogy is considered synonymous with a slightly generalized mathematical concept of similarity which under the name of tolerance relation has been the subject of extensive studies over several decades. In this approach, analogy can be mathematically formalized in terms of the sequence of binary relations of increased generality, from the identity, equivalence, tolerance, to weak tolerance relations. Each of these relations has cryptomorphic presentations relevant to the study of analogy. The formalism requires only two assumptions which are satisfied in all of the earlier attempts to formulate adequate definitions which met expectations of the intuitive use of the word analogy in general contexts. The mathematical formalism presented here permits theoretical analysis of analogy in the contrasting comparison with abstraction, showing its higher level of complexity, providing a precise methodology for its study and informing philosophical reflection. Also, arguments are presented for the legitimate expectation that better understanding of analogy can help mathematics in establishing a unified and universal concept of a structure.
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ROSENBERG, JUSTIN. "The ‘philosophical premises’ of uneven and combined development." Review of International Studies 39, no. 3 (December 11, 2012): 569–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210512000381.
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AbstractRecent debates over Leon Trotsky's idea of ‘uneven and combined development’ (U&CD) have focused on its potential in the field of International Relations, but they have not established the source of this potential. Does it derive from the philosophical premises of dialectics? The present article argues that the idea of U&CD in fact involves an innovation as fundamental for Marxist dialectics as for other branches of social theory. And it also argues that in formulating this innovation, Trotsky provided a general solution to some of the most basic problems in social and international thought. The argument is set out in three parts. The first part reconstructs Trotsky's own account of dialectical premises and their implications for social explanation. The second shows how the concept of U&CD departs from this, in ways that presuppose the tacit addition of a further ontological premise. Finally, part three analyses the locus classicus of the concept – the opening chapter of Trotsky's History of the Russian Revolution – showing how it is this additional premise which underpins the central achievement of the idea: its incorporation of ‘the international’ into a theory of history.
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Von Busekist, Astrid. "Uses and Misuses of the Concept of Identity." Security Dialogue 35, no. 1 (March 2004): 81–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010604042537.
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Stuenkel, Oliver. "Identity and the concept of the West: the case of Brazil and India." Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional 54, no. 1 (2011): 178–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0034-73292011000100011.
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This study aims to provide insights about how Brazil and India view and relate to the concept of the West, and how this affects their identity and foreign policy. Both countries' notions about the West are the subject of lively domestic discussion both in academia and the media, reflecting the struggle these countries find themselves in to define their identity as they rise. I argue that the concept of the West serves, in both Brazil and India, as a crucial concept to articulate their own identity-by a complex combination of criticizing, distancing itself from, or attempting to emulate the West.
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Zorzi, Graedon. "Liberalism and Locke's Philosophical Anthropology." Review of Politics 81, no. 2 (2019): 183–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670518001183.
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AbstractPerhaps in part because of an issue related to chronology of publications, the connections between Locke's liberalism and philosophical anthropology are underappreciated. This essay addresses that issue and re-examines Locke's account of the person, treating it as an interpretive key to Locke's political thought. Locke'spersonis, contra the standard readings, a relational concept that refers to beings capable of law in terms of their accountability to law; descendants of Adam are equal as persons in that they hold identical rights (or prerogatives) and duties under the divine law. This philosophical anthropology leads to a principle—eschatological accountability delimits legitimate moral and political authority, so authority over a person is necessarily limited by that person's accountability to God—that helps to clarify certain misunderstandings of the status of moral authority within Lockean liberalism and to explain how Locke set the terms of subsequent debates about the limits of political authority.
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KROIS, JOHN MICHAEL. "‘A passion can only be overcome by a stronger passion’: Philosophical Anthropology before and after Ernst Cassirer." European Review 13, no. 4 (October 2005): 557–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798705000803.
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‘Philosophical anthropology’ was initiated in the late 1920s as an alternative to abstract philosophical definitions of human nature (‘animal rationale’) and to the exclusively empirical, physical study of anthropology. Philosophical anthropology focused upon what it meant to be a human being. Its founders concentrated upon the situated existence of human beings and their ability to think beyond and to deny even what was actually vitally important to them. For Cassirer, these efforts remained too abstract because they failed to take the breadth of human cultural activity into account. The decisive feature of human life is neither reason nor language. These are derivative from symbolism, not the other way around. Human beings are best described as ‘animal symbolicum’. The error of earlier anthropological conceptions was not that they venerated reason, but that they ignored the body and so separated reason from emotion. The concept of symbolism, as Cassirer conceived it, overcame this dualism. His philosophical anthropology has been vindicated today in many areas of empirical research, but replacing the concept of ‘reason’ with that of ‘symbolism’ was no minor revision to the Western philosophical tradition, and the amplification and application of this new outlook has barely begun.
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Schmiegelow, Henrik, and Michèle Schmiegelow. "How Japan affects the international system." International Organization 44, no. 4 (1990): 553–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300035402.
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To cope with more than incremental change in the international system, the neorealist concept of structure and the neoliberal concept of process must be complemented by a third analytically distinguished element: the concept of action. All three concepts can be used on the systemic level of analysis of international relations theory. Their obvious differentiation is the degree of systemic consolidation, with structure at the highest, action at the lowest, and process at unstable intermediate degrees. Without analyzing prevailing models of action of important units of the international system, it is impossible to predict the possible range of outcomes of processes and structural changes in the international system.This article offers Japan's “strategic pragmatism” as a model of action. The model, representing a functional cut across contending economic doctrines, combines relative fiscal conservatism with “progressive” provision of credit, dynamic capitalism with public policy activism, and critical rationalism with philosophical pragmatism. Japan's strategic pragmatism has not only enabled its government and enterprises to cope with uncertainty and change in their domestic and international environment but has also increased global welfare and changed the balance of strategic components of power in the international system. The spread of this model of action both within and beyond Japan's control points to a paradigm change in economic and international relations theory—that is, to the most pervasive form of systemic consolidation.
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Parvin, Phil. "Integration and Identity in an International Context: Problems and Ambiguities in the New Politics of Multiculturalism." Political Studies Review 7, no. 3 (September 2009): 351–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-9302.2009.00187.x.
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Debates about multiculturalism, minority rights, and identity dominated Anglo-American political theory during the majority of the 1990s, and continue to raise important questions concerning the nature of citizenship, community, and the responsibilities of liberal states. They were popular, too, among policy makers, politicians, and journalists: many academics and practitioners were, for a time, united in their support for multiculturalism. Just as the philosophical literature at that time became more ‘multiculturalist’, so many European states increasingly adopted multiculturalist policies as a way of including historically marginalised groups into mainstream liberal culture or, in some cases, as a way of protecting minority groups from unfair pressures from the majority culture. However, as time has gone on, the multiculturalist turn in liberal political theory, and among many European governments, has waned. In the wake of terrorist atrocities around the world, growing concerns about the erosion of civic and national identity, and fears that cultural recognition can permit illiberal practices, many academics and practitioners have sought to distance themselves from the idea that it is a role of the state to afford special treatment to cultural minorities, and have sought once again to emphasise those common bonds which unite citizens of liberal democratic states, rather than those cultural identities which may serve to divide them. This article evaluates some of the recent philosophical literature on multiculturalism against the changing political landscape in Britain and Europe and suggests that the multiculturalist position remains weakened by a number of crucial ambiguities.
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Aleprete Jr., Michael. "Competing Visions of the International System: Role-identity Incommensurability and U.S.-Russian Relations." Russian History 38, no. 1 (2011): 125–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633111x549632.
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AbstractU.S. and Russian foreign policy elites view the international system in fundamentally different ways. The predominant view held by American elites is that the United States is a unipolar power with unique leadership responsibilities. Russian elites view the international system to be a multipolar arrangement, one in which a group of great powers, including the Russian Federation, possess roughly equal international responsibilities and prerogatives. This essay reviews the key doctrinal statements produced by the Russian and U.S. governments since 1991 that outline the assumptions underlying each state's foreign policy, and discusses how these doctrines developed from each sides' experiences in the post-Cold War era. Particular attention is given to the United States' National Security Strategy, which is published every four years, and to the Russian Foreign Policy Concept, which has been published at the beginning of each Russian presidency. The essay also addresses the consequences this role-identity incommensurability will likely have on the prospects for future cooperation between the two states.
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Dixon, John, Kerry Carrier, and Rhys Dogan. "On Investigating the ‘Underclass’: Contending Philosophical Perspectives." Social Policy and Society 4, no. 1 (January 2005): 21–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746404002155.
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The concept of ‘underclass’ evokes a multiplicity of attitudes and beliefs about its meaning, existence, causation and, therefore, its resolution. This paper draws upon the philosophy of the social sciences to explicate the contending philosophical perspectives on the ‘underclass's’ causation and resolution by reference to a taxonomy of methodologies, so enabling the articulation of each methodology's analytical strengths and weaknesses when used to investigate the ‘underclass’. The conclusion drawn is that policy analysts must be critically reflective before they seek to describe, explain, understand, judge and address ‘underclass’-related problems and issues by drawing upon any theories and methods grounded in anyone of these contending methodological families.
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SUGANAMI, HIDEMI. "On Wendt's philosophy: a critique." Review of International Studies 28, no. 1 (January 2002): 23–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210502000232.
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This article subjects to a close philosophical scrutiny the internal logic of Wendt's extensive argument regarding his work's location in the field—in particular, how it relates to, and differs from, the American ‘rationalist’ orthodoxy in IR, comprising neorealism and neoliberalism. I argue that his empirical hypotheses regarding collective identity formation are plausible in their own right, but that his complex philosophical argumentation, by means of which he tries to locate his work within the American scientific orthodoxy, but away from its individualist core, is unconvincing.
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Dück, Elena. "The international model citizen and the Syrian war: Canadian identity from a civilian power perspective." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 74, no. 3 (September 2019): 387–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702019875965.
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Canadian foreign policy analysis has traditionally drawn heavily on the middle power concept. This paper proposes to look at Canadian foreign policy from a new angle: Using the concept of ontological security, it shows how “civilian power” elements such as multilateralism, institution building, and the rule of law, are connected to Canada’s identity and foreign policy development. The article systematically compares public statements and speeches by government officials regarding the Syrian war. The comparison is conducted against the backdrop of the governments’ foreign policy actions. On a theoretical level, the paper contributes to the discussion on Canadian identity and ontological security. Furthermore, it offers a comparison of the Syria policies of the Harper and the Trudeau governments, adding to the literature on differences and continuities between Conservative and Liberal Canadian foreign policy, as well as on empirical analyses of Canadian foreign policy and the Syrian war.
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Hunter, Shona. "A Critical Analysis of Approaches to the Concept of Social Identity in Social Policy." Critical Social Policy 23, no. 3 (August 2003): 322–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02610183030233002.
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Shishlova, E. E. "Sociocultural Competence as a Quality Indicator in the Professional Training of Specialists." Vysshee Obrazovanie v Rossii = Higher Education in Russia 29, no. 5 (June 4, 2020): 95–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.31992/0869-3617-2020-29-5-95-102.
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The concept of “Sociocultural competence” is introduced in relation to the professional training of a graduate of a modern university (bachelor), the relevance of such an extension of the conceptual apparatus of pedagogy and practice in the context of contemporary sociocultural trends is substantiated. The problem of universal significance of sociocultural competence, its relevance for all areas of training of a modern specialist is determined. Sociocultural competence is seen as an integrative, over-professional, personality trait that ensures the success of professional activities in an intercultural and international environment in conditions of the globalizing world. “Sociocultural competence” is interpreted by the author as a broader concept than professional competence which cannot be reduced to linguistic competence formed in the process of students’ language preparation for intercultural communication. The objectives of the article are: to identify the structural components of the sociocultural competence of a specialist, to study the level of its development among first-year students (using the example of a university of international profile). An analysis of the structure of sociocultural competence is carried out taking into account the philosophical and psychological aspects of the concept of sociocultural modernization of education. The level of development of sociocultural competence of students is determined using a questionnaire specially developed by the author. The article substantiates the propriety of considering sociocultural competence as an indicator of the quality of professional training of a graduate.
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Mezzich, Juan E., James Appleyard, Michel Botbol, Tesfa Ghebrehiwet, Joanna Groves, Ihsan M. Salloum, and Sandra Van Dulmen. "International Journey and the Development of Person Centered Medicine." International Journal of Person Centered Medicine 4, no. 4 (May 20, 2015): 211–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5750/ijpcm.v4i4.497.
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Building on historical precedents, both ancient and contemporary, the concept of Person Centered Medicine as a theoretical proposal and a practical approach has been explored since the earliest Geneva Conferences on Person Centered Medicine. At the same time, it can be said from personal and group reflection and insights that Person Centered Medicine is also an experience, an attitude, and a process.Experience is a crucial aspect of everybody’s life. Experience and trajectory is also a fundamental domain of any institution’s identity and life. This denotes the value of appraising, recognizing, and delineating institutional journeys such as that underlying the development of Person Centered Medicine.The meaning of such institutional journey may be illuminated by the consideration of Odysseus’ journey to Ithaca in Homer’s Iliad. The delineation of the itinerary and vicissitudes in the process of constructing Person Centered Medicine might contribute to the clarification and understanding of what is Person Centered Medicine as much as a philosophical analysis of its principles and arguments.
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Voevoda, E. V. "Training specialists in international relations: rethinking the new paradigm." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(34) (February 28, 2014): 296–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-1-34-296-301.
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The article considers new tasks of universities and faculties training students of international relations. The author analyzes the essence of the concept "paradigm" in education because paradigm serves as the basis of the educational process in universities. The content of professional education depends on the aims of professional education of specialists in international relations. The process of globalization, global changes, challenges and threats bring about the necessity to study specific features of international cooperation in ecology, psychology of conflict, psychology of leadership, etc. In the age of globalization, national economies are converging while national cultures are diverging. Representatives of different nations realize the importance of preserving cultural identity. It is of vital importance to instil tolerance in future specialists in international relations and prepare them for cross-cultural communication. At the same time, it is necessary that they should not only enjoy individual freedom and national cultural identity, but realize their own responsibility to the state. In the modern world, the axiological and educational functions of professional training are growing. At the same time, it is crucial to let the students build a number of professionally relevant competences that will make it possible for them to effectively perform their professional functions. It is the competence-based approach that makes the basis of Federal state education standards, including education standards for faculties of international relations. Another direction that needs developing is training and retraining lecturers for universities specializing in international relations. Foreign language training of lecturers in basic subjects will make it possible for the, to give lectures in foreign languages, particularly in English, which, in its turn, will help to make Russia's universities more competitive.
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Wenman, Mark Anthony. "What is Politics? The Approach of Radical Pluralism." Politics 23, no. 1 (February 2003): 57–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00180.
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In this article I evaluate the conceptions of politics and of ‘the political’ characteristic of ‘radical pluralism’. I argue that in order to comprehend the radically pluralist conception of politics it is necessary to grasp the post-structuralist critique of the philosophical principle of identity. The concern with the interface between politics and ethics – which is typical of the radical pluralist approach – is also explored. Throughout the article contrast is made with the conventional pluralism of American political science. I conclude with a consideration of the importance of radical pluralism, with reference to the difficulties this may present for the methods and suppositions of political science traditionally understood.
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Rebello Cardoso Jr, Helio. "Peirce’s resonances on Deleuze’s concept of sign: Triadic relations, habit and relation as semiotic features." Semiotica 2018, no. 224 (September 25, 2018): 165–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sem-2016-0212.
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AbstractThis article inspects Peirce’s resonances on Deleuze’s semiotic. Whereas most of the literature agrees that Deleuze adapts Peirce’s semiotic to serve his Bergsonian-based theory of sign, this article claims that the relationship of Deleuze with Peirce’s writings is more foliated than it may appear at first. The development of this hypothesis invites to trace back Deleuze’s works before his very acquaintance with Peirce in the 1980s. Therefore, one of Peirce’s classical issues – the role that relations and habits play for the triadic conception of sign – is considered with Deleuze’s early studies, in which he developed this same issue as to approach Hume (habit and relation, 1953) and Proust (triadic sign, 1964). This background echoes years later in Deleuze’s incursion to Peirce’s semiotic in the 1980s ninety-two classes and two books on cinema. In fact, Deleuze’s own triadic conception of sign and his acknowledged pragmatist inclination prove to be closer to Peirce’s pragmatism than the scholarly literature tends to think or argue. The aim of this article is not, however, to build an overwhelming philosophical identity between Deleuze and Peirce, it sets up instead a steadier basis from where to understand their differences. Deleuze’s ignored five-year long lectures on cinema shows to be exegetically revealing with respect to his debts towards Peirce.
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Chandam, Johnson Singh. "India’s Interplay with Liberal International Order: Potentials and Constraints." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 77, no. 3 (July 29, 2021): 329–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09749284211027165.
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India’s limited partnership with the liberal international order (LIO) of the post-Second World War period had seen a substantial transformation after the end of the Cold War through its economic integration with the world economy. At this critical time of liberal internationalism triggered by the relative decline of American hegemony, rise of the non-Western powers and the tendency of populism in the West, India’s role in the emerging order has been a fundamental imperative. The rationale for its comprehensive partnership with the liberal order rests on four main considerations: the looming threat to the liberal order and India’s role; consistency of India’s political principles with that of the liberal order; the concern for national interest, identity and global role; and finally, the absence of any viable alternative order. In spite of these promising values and necessities, India’s deeper integration has been constrained by three major factors. The first reason relates to the very concept of the LIO, which is slightly Western-oriented. The second reason corresponds to India’s core identity and its governing view with regards to the world—of non-alignment, sovereign autonomy, non-interference and civilisational identity. Finally, its maximum assimilation within the liberal order continues to be hindered by ‘domestic setbacks’.
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Thomas, Daniel C. "Beyond identity: Membership norms and regional organization." European Journal of International Relations 23, no. 1 (July 24, 2016): 217–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066116634175.
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What is a region and how can we best understand a state’s eligibility for membership in a regional political community? Scholars have sought to answer these questions in terms of geographic proximity and social-psychological identity, but neither concept can accommodate the contestation and change that characterize the social construction of regions. Instead, this article argues that the limits of regions are defined within regional organizations by member states’ governments plus supranational actors deliberating over a common definition of the characteristics that members and potential members are expected to share. The concept of membership norms thus offers powerful insights into how regional communities define who is eligible for membership, how these definitions change over time and the incentives they create for those seeking to promote or block an applicant state. The evolution of the European Union’s membership norms since the 1950s illustrates this argument.
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Wagner, Karin. "Hugo Kauder's unexpressed philosophical concept: Schelling's transcendence, Nietzsche's visions and Buber's Israel." Journal of Modern Jewish Studies 15, no. 3 (March 4, 2016): 366–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14725886.2016.1144283.
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Bao, Barack Lujia. "Confucianism and Philosophy of a Shared-Future Global Community in an Inter-civilisational World Order: Comparative Analysis of Their Relationships and Prospects." Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Studies 3, no. 8 (August 30, 2021): 01–09. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/jhsss.2021.3.8.1.
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The Western-initiating international relations theoretical framework plays a fairly dominant role in analysing and initiating the prospects and scenarios of international order. However, with the peaceful rise of China, whose civlisation sustains almost 5000 years, China is playing a more proactive role in inter-civilisational international order; thus, in-depth explorations into Confucianism as the core element of Han Chinese Civilisation have been resurgent on the world stage, and it is indispensable for relevant scholars, intellectuals and strategists to closely evaluate unexploited implications and demystify the sustainability and intrinsic dynamism of Confucianism-themed Han Chinese Civilisation, and its implicit ties with a comparable philosophical concept of a global community of shared future. Through historical-studies approaches and comparative methodologies, the primary purpose of this paper seeks to crucially investigate a potential relationship between Confucianism and the philosophical concept of a global community of shared future ranging from the perspectives of historical origin, context, substance and so forth. It can be argued that the philosophical standpoint of a community of shared future for humankind bears historical significance and merits that Confucian thoughts somehow generate. This paper of research findings meanwhile predicts that China’s inter-civlisational international engagement as part of China’s soft-power strategy will proceed beyond classical state-based theoretic framework and the Confucian thoughts of the prevalence of public spirit and harmony without homogeneity will grow as an alternative guiding international norm in better services of rebuilding normative, inter-civilisational international order that a global community demands.
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Alejo, Albert E. "Strategic identity." Thesis Eleven 145, no. 1 (April 2018): 38–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513618763839.
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This article introduces the concept of ‘strategic identity’ as a bridge between the indigenous peoples’ struggle for self-determination and their search for solidarity in the context of globalization, with a focus on the Lumads, or indigenous peoples in southern Philippines. The paper begins with an encounter with a global actor affecting a local community. We realize the impact of powerful, well-networked forces that challenge even the operation of the state. Without trivializing the threats associated with this model of globalization, we also insist that a realistic and hopeful approach may emerge if we acknowledge the many ‘selves’ in the indigenous peoples’ self-determination. At the heart of this proposal is a matrix that unpacks the complex ways that local, national, sectoral, and global actors can engage in conflict or solidarity with these strategic identity assertions. Solidarity work, then, becomes diversified and strategized in response to the evolving multiple indigenous identities that modernity paradoxically both endangers and engenders.
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Hoogwaerts, Leanne. "Museums, exchanges, and their contribution to Joseph Nye’s concept of ‘soft power’." Museum and Society 14, no. 2 (June 9, 2017): 313–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.29311/mas.v14i2.645.
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This paper discusses the role that museums and art institutions have in recent years played in international relations, and their contribution to the concept of soft power, coined by Joseph Nye; referring to a country’s ability to persuade rather than coerce through elements of ‘hard’ power such as the threat of a strong military (Nye 2004). Using as examples the exchanges of the Cyrus Cylinder between Iran and the British Museum, and the loan of Picasso’s Buste de Femme (1943) from the Dutch Van Abbemuseum to the International Academy of Art Palestine, the paper argues that through their role as ‘national expressions of identity’ and ‘memory institutions’, museums and art institutions are able to make a positive contribution to international relations by engendering mutual respect and understanding in ways that other forms of dialogue may be unable to. As soft power is an area that still requires significant research, this paper aims to contribute observations and case studies that may affirm its influence.Key Words: cultural diplomacy, museums, soft power, international relations, cultural exchange
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Wendelken, David. "Contemporary Conservatism, Human Nature, and Identity: The Philosophy of Roger Scruton." Politics 16, no. 1 (February 1996): 17–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.1996.tb00142.x.
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In this article I examine the role that the concept of human nature plays within the conservative philosophy of Roger Scruton. I argue that it is of fundamental importance for his approach to conservatism, as well as showing the influence on his views of Hegel and Wittgenstein. However, such an approach can cause many problems for the conservative, and I argue that Scruton's use of a theory of human nature to justify particular social arrangements makes his approach resemble the methods of e.g socialism and liberalism, precisely those theories he wishes to attack for being based on abstract theories of human nature.
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Kolmaš, Michal. "Reconstructing hierarchy as the key international relations concept and its implications for the study of Japanese national identity." Japanese Journal of Political Science 19, no. 3 (July 16, 2018): 507–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109918000154.
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AbstractFor the last few decades, the discipline of international relations has been littered with anarchy. Since Waltz'sTheory of International Politics, it has been assumed that states are formally equal sovereign unitary actors operating in an anarchic world system and that their identities and interests are defined by the very existence of anarchy. This article shatters this conception. It offers a ‘hierarchical worldview’ in order to illustrate that the very concepts of state, sovereignty, and anarchy are discursive creations inherently tied to the practice of hierarchy. I use a case study of Japanese national identity to illustrate this practice. The narratives of Japan as an autonomous and sovereign state were inextricably linked to Japan's hierarchical relationship toward Asia and the West (pre-war) and the USA (post-war). Japan's sovereignty and autonomy were then formulated within the practice of hierarchy.
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Korostelina, Karina V. "Mapping national identity narratives in Ukraine." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 2 (March 2013): 293–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.747498.
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Since 1991, the absence of the concept of a Ukrainian nation and national identity has led to a controversial, often ambivalent process of identity formation. The aim of this paper is to analyze and map the widely shared concepts about national identity that exist in Ukrainian society after 20 years of independence. Analysis of 43 interviews with Ukrainian political and intellectual elites reveals five different shared narratives: (1) dual identity; (2) being pro-Soviet; (3) a fight for Ukrainian identity; (4) a recognition of Ukrainian identity; and (5) a multicultural-civic concept. Each narrative is characterized by three main features: a coherent structure with strong internal logic and justification of its legitimacy; connection to a specific conception of power and morality; and an opposition to other narratives. All these features lead to the perception of society as a zero-sum game where one narrative must prevail over all others. At the same time, all these features ensure that there can be neither an overwhelming victory of one narrative over others nor a satisfying compromise between them. The results shed light on the complex process of narrative construction of identity and power in newly independent states.
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Khan, M. A. Muqtedar. "Constructing Identity in “Glocal” Politics." American Journal of Islam and Society 15, no. 3 (October 1, 1998): 81–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v15i3.2174.
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This paper seeks to understand the impact of current global politicaland socioeconomic conditions on the construction of identity. I advancean argument based on a two-step logic. First, I challenge the characterizationof current socioeconomic conditions as one of globalization bymarshaling arguments and evidence that strongly suggest that along withglobalization, there are simultaneous processes of localization proliferatingin the world today. I contend that current conditions are indicative ofthings far exceeding the scope of globalization and that they can bedescribed more accurately as ccglocalization.~H’2a ving established thisclaim, I show how the processes of glocalization affect the constructionof Muslim identity.Why do I explore the relationship between glocalization and identityconstruction? Because it is significant. Those conversant with current theoreticaldebates within the discipline of international relations’ are awarethat identity has emerged as a significant explanatory construct in internationalrelations theory in the post-Cold War era.4 In this article, I discussthe emergence of identity as an important concept in world politics.The contemporary field of international relations is defined by threephilosophically distinct research programs? rationalists: constructivists,’and interpretivists.’ The moot issue is essentially a search for the mostimportant variable that can help explain or understand the behavior ofinternational actors and subsequently explain the nature of world politicsin order to minimize war and maximize peace.Rationalists contend that actors are basically rational actors who seekthe maximization of their interests, interests being understood primarilyin material terms and often calculated by utility functions maximizinggiven preferences? Interpretivists include postmodernists, critical theorists,and feminists, all of whom argue that basically the extant worldpolitical praxis or discourses “constitute” international agents and therebydetermine their actions, even as they reproduce world politics by ...
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KUSTERMANS, JORG. "On the ethical significance of social practices." Global Constitutionalism 9, no. 1 (March 2020): 199–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2045381719000406.
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Abstract:In Practice Theory and International Relations, Silviya Lechner and Mervyn Frost make a useful distinction between ‘praxis’ and ‘practices’ and correctly insist on the importance of describing the identity of distinct practices. They also make the important point that practices have ethical value for their participants. There is much to like about Lechner and Frost’s argument, including its solid philosophical grounding. However, from the perspective of a social scientist, there are some points of concern as well. First, while they champion ‘description’, they settle for ‘naming’ practices. Proper description requires more attention to detail than what the authors offer in the book. Second, the authors appear to discriminate between social practices in spatial terms rather than in functional terms. As a consequence, they end up with a description of the practices of international relations, where the different practices are all animated by the same value of freedom. As such, Lechner and Frost offer a reductionist interpretation of the ethical significance of international practices. Third, the authors push their anti-foundationalism too far. When one interprets the (ethical) significance of social practices, it is useful to bring on board philosophical–anthropological models, even if only because it opens up one’s interpretive horizons.