Log in

Relevant bibliographies by topics / Identity politics – Nigeria

Contents

Journal articles
Dissertations / Theses
Books
Book chapters
Conference papers
Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Identity politics – Nigeria'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles

Select a source type:

Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Identity politics – Nigeria.'

Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.

You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.

Journal articles on the topic "Identity politics – Nigeria"

1

Isaac, Yemisi Olawale. "Religion and Identity Politics in Nigeria." NETSOL: New Trends in Social and Liberal Sciences 5, no. 1 (June 15, 2020): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.24819/netsol2020.01.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Eze, Malachy Chukwuemeka. "Ethno-Religious Struggle and Human Insecurity in the Fledging Nigerian Democracy since 1999." Society & Sustainability 3, no. 2 (September 22, 2021): 16–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.38157/society_sustainability.v3i2.321.

Full text

Abstract:

Religious and ethnic identity clashes laid the structure of the Nigerian state in 1914, which transmogrified into and characterized the struggle for control of power and distribution of national resources. This paper explores the nature and manifestation of these conflicts since 1999. It seeks to find out if ethno-religious struggles led to the emergence of major conflicts in Nigeria since 1999, their impact on human insecurity, and the influence of politics on the conflicts. This inquiry is designed in line with a one-shot case study, while literature survey and ex post facto methods were adopted as methods of data collection. Trend analysis is adopted for data analysis. Analysis reveals that ethno-religious struggles were the primary progenitor of conflicts in Nigeria since 1999, and have debilitating consequences while politics exacerbated ethno-religious conflicts. Upholding Nigeria's circular state and implementing the National Political Reforms Conference Report is the panacea for ethno-religious conflicts in Nigeria.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Nolte, Insa. "Identity and violence: the politics of youth in Ijebu-Remo, Nigeria." Journal of Modern African Studies 42, no. 1 (March 2004): 61–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x03004464.

Full text

Abstract:

This article examines the politics of youth in Ijebu-Remo (henceforth Remo) from the 1950s to the present. The emergence of the politics of youth in the 1950s and 1960s drew on precolonial discourse and was closely associated with the emergence of Remo's anti-federal postcolonial political identity. Since Nigeria's political and economic decline in the mid-1980s, strong feelings of exclusion – strengthened further by the political sidelining of Yoruba-speaking politicians in national politics between 1993 and 1999 – have contributed to an increase of nationalist sentiment in Remo youth politics. This is enacted through secrecy, a reinvention and utilisation of ‘traditional’ cultural practice, and the growing definition of local identity through ethnic discourse. Traditionally, Remo youth and elite politics have legitimised and supported each other, but the cohesion between these groups has declined since the return to democracy in 1999. Rivalry and conflict over local and national resources have led to bitter intergroup fighting, and young men's strategies to combat social exclusion remain mostly individual.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

Ajala, Aderemi Suleiman. "Identity and space in Ibadan politics, western Nigeria." African Identities 6, no. 2 (May 2008): 149–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14725840801933965.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Ajala, Aderemi Suleiman. "Cultural Patrimony, Political Identity, and Nationalism in Southwestern Nigeria." International Journal of Cultural Property 22, no. 4 (November 2015): 471–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0940739115000259.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract:The convergence of Yoruba nationals and the intensification of nationalism in southwestern Nigeria for self-assertion, political brokerage, and power relations in colonial and post-colonial eras were reinforced by the projection of Yoruba cultural heritage and patrimony expressed both in person and literary productions. Using textual analysis and observation, this paper examines some aspects of cultural heritage and Yoruba nationalism and how cultural heritage created patrimony, the sense of a nation, established civic virtue, and formed local (re)publics in southwestern Nigeria. The present discourse further examines how cultural patrimony is used to echo Yoruba sense of marginalization and political superiority in Nigeria. The paper further argues that most of this cultural heritage addresses a fairly well-defined audience, most especially those sympathetic to Yoruba nationalism and politics. Thus, cultural heritage and patrimony are active agents of nationalism and political identity in southwestern Nigeria.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Ugbem, Erima Comfort, Ayokunle Olumuyiwa Omobowale, and Olanrewaju Olutayo Akinpelu. "Racial Politics and Hausa-Fulani Dominant Identity in Colonial and Post-colonial Northern Nigeria." Nigerian Journal of Sociology and Anthropology 17, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 87–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.36108/njsa/9102/71(0160).

Full text

Abstract:

The paper examined racial politics and identity contests in Northern Nigeria. The paper specifically traced the trajectory of racial politics and examined the dynamics of identity construction and contests in Northern Nigeria. An essentially qualitative method of data collection comprising primary data generated through in-depth interviews and secondary data generated through archival records were used. These were then subjected to content and descriptive analyses. Findings from the study revealed that racial politics originated during colonial rule with the British supposedly claiming gene/biological affinity of the Hausa-Fulani as with the Caucasoid groups of Eurasia. The Hausa-Fulani were consequently designated as the civilized group and super-imposed over minority groups that were classified as pagans. About six decades after colonial rule, Hausa-Fulani dominance remains a social reality in spite of identity contests and recreation by the minority groups of Northern Nigeria. Starting with the creation of the Middle Belt identity in the late 1950s, the constituent groups within the Middle Belt have consequently recreated other ethnic identities within Northern Nigeria. Notwithstanding, Hausa-Fulani remains the dominant group in Northern Nigeria socio-political structure.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Akinyetun, Tope Shola. "Identity Politics and National Integration in Nigeria: The Sexagenarian Experience." African Journal of Inter/Multidisciplinary Studies 2, no. 1 (October 13, 2020): 114–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.51415/ajims.v2i1.856.

Full text

Abstract:

Nigeria celebrated sixty years of political independence in 2020 despite sustaining an array of gains and losses, especially regarding the nation’s inability to manage the several identities it houses and the potential they portend for national integration. Although, having plural identities should provide an opportunity for diversity-induced development, especially having stayed together since the cultural amalgamation 106 years ago (1914-2020), and since the country’s independence sixty years ago (1960-2020). This should have provided enough time frame to enable the region to solidify its cultural, lingual, ethnic, and religious differences to move towards national integration. However, the reality is contrasting, wherein peaceful coexistence and respect for rule of law are conspicuously inconsistent. This paper, thus, adopts a descriptive approach to dissect Nigeria’s sixty years of independence and the role identity politics has played in instituting national integration. The paper concludes that identity politics is as a result of colonial amalgamation and is indeed the bane of national integration in Nigeria. As a result, it is recommended that the arrangement of Nigeria’s governance should be restructured to represent a more united front, where the views, demands, choices, dreams, cultures, and aspirations of all groups are captured through a constitutional conference.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Akinyetun, Tope Shola. "Identity Politics and National Integration in Nigeria: The Sexagenarian Experience." African Journal of Inter/Multidisciplinary Studies 2, no. 1 (October 13, 2020): 114–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.51415/ajims.v2i1.856.

Full text

Abstract:

Nigeria celebrated sixty years of political independence in 2020 despite sustaining an array of gains and losses, especially regarding the nation’s inability to manage the several identities it houses and the potential they portend for national integration. Although, having plural identities should provide an opportunity for diversity-induced development, especially having stayed together since the cultural amalgamation 106 years ago (1914-2020), and since the country’s independence sixty years ago (1960-2020). This should have provided enough time frame to enable the region to solidify its cultural, lingual, ethnic, and religious differences to move towards national integration. However, the reality is contrasting, wherein peaceful coexistence and respect for rule of law are conspicuously inconsistent. This paper, thus, adopts a descriptive approach to dissect Nigeria’s sixty years of independence and the role identity politics has played in instituting national integration. The paper concludes that identity politics is as a result of colonial amalgamation and is indeed the bane of national integration in Nigeria. As a result, it is recommended that the arrangement of Nigeria’s governance should be restructured to represent a more united front, where the views, demands, choices, dreams, cultures, and aspirations of all groups are captured through a constitutional conference.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Okeke, Remi Chukwudi. "Relative Deprivation, Identity Politics and the Neo-Biafran Movement in Nigeria: Critical Issues of Nation-Building in a Postcolonial African State." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 66 (February 2016): 73–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.66.73.

Full text

Abstract:

This study examines the linkages between relative deprivation and identity politics in a postcolonial state. It further investigates the relationship among these variables and nation-building challenges in the postcolony. It is a case study of the Nigerian state in West Africa, which typically harbours the attributes of postcoloniality and indeed, large measures of relative deprivation in her sociopolitical and economic affairs. The study is also an interrogation of the neo-Biafran agitations in Nigeria. It has been attempted in the study to offer distinctive explanations over the problematique of nation-building in the postcolonial African state of Nigeria, using relative deprivation, identity politics and the neo-Biafran movement as variables. In framing the study’s theoretical trajectories and in historicizing the background of the research, ample resort has been made to a significant range of qualitative secondary sources. A particularly salient position of the study is that it will actually be difficult to locate on the planet, any group of people whose subsequent generations (in perpetuity) would wear defeat on the war front, as part of their essential identity. Hence, relative deprivation was found to be more fundamental than identity politics in the neo-Biafran agitations in Nigeria. However, the compelling issues were found to squarely border on nation-building complications in the postcolony.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

VAUGHAN, OLUFEMI. "CHIEFTAINCY POLITICS AND COMMUNAL IDENTITY IN WESTERN NIGERIA, 1893–1951." Journal of African History 44, no. 2 (July 2003): 283–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002185370200837x.

Full text

Abstract:

This article examines the dimensions of indigenous political structures that sustained local governance in colonial Yorubaland. Legitimated by reconstructed traditional political authorities and modern concepts of development, Yoruba indigenous political structures were distorted by the system of indirect rule. Conversely, obas (Yoruba monarchs), baales (head chiefs), chiefs, Western-educated Christian elites and Muslim merchants embraced contending interpretations of traditional authorities to reinforce and expand their power in a rapidly shifting colonial context. With a strong emphasis on development and governance, collective political action also entailed the struggle over the distributive resources of the colonial state. Traditional and modern political leaders deployed strong communal ideologies and traditional themes that defined competing Yoruba communities as natives and outsiders.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

More sources

Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Identity politics – Nigeria"

1

Smith, Mark Patrick. "Northern identity and the politics of culture in Nigeria, 1945-1966." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.416356.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Nwajiaku, Kathryn. "Oil politics and identity transformation in Nigeria : the case of the Ijaw of the Niger Delta." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.422517.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Angerbrandt, Henrik. "Placing Conflict : Religion and politics in Kaduna State, Nigeria." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-120386.

Full text

Abstract:

Decentralisation and federalism are often said to mitigate conflict by better meeting the preferences of a heterogeneous population and demands for limited autonomy. But it is argued in this thesis that this perspective does not sufficiently address the ways in which conflict-ridden relations entangle processes across different scales ‒ local, regional as well as national. The aim of this thesis is to explain how it is that while decentralisation may contribute to national stability, it may simultaneously generate local conflict. This problem is analysed through a conflict in Kaduna State in north-central Nigeria where there have been outbreaks of violence between Hausa-Fulani Muslims and Christians of different ethnicities since the 1980s. Christian ethnic groups claim to be excluded from state benefits, while Muslim groups claim that Christians have undue influence over the state bureaucracy. The conflict feeds off ethnic and religious mobilisation. Expanded local political space further fuelled the conflict following the decentralisation that came with the shift from military to civilian rule in 1999. Decentralisation in Nigeria implies that the authorities should be associated with the majority ethnicity or religion in a specific territory. A localisation of politics accordingly raises the stakes in identity-based conflicts, especially as control of local institutions is necessary for inclusion in wider political processes. In Kaduna, this has led to demands for separating the state on a religious and ethnic basis. Actors make use of “scalar politics” to conform to or challenge boundaries set by the state. Social relations are associated with different boundaries. Accordingly, decentralisation triggers conflicts on an identity basis, involving contestation over the hierarchy of scales. While national struggles between ethnic and religious groups may be subdued, conflicts play out locally as decentralisation in Nigeria makes religion and ethnicity a powerful tool for political mobilisation.

At the time of the doctoral defense, the following paper was unpublished and had a status as follows: Paper 2: Manuscript.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

Bersselaar, Dmitri van den. "In search of Igbo identity : language, culture and politics in Nigeria, 1900-1966 /." Leiden, 1998. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40124972c.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Mahdi, Hauwa. "Gender and citizenship : Hausa women's political identity from the Caliphate to the Protectorate /." Göteborg : Göteborg University, 2006. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb409440286.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Chunun, Logams P. "The Middle-Belt movement in Nigerian political development : A study in political identity 1949-1967." Thesis, Keele University, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.354917.

Full text

Abstract:

The study examines causes of the Middle-Belt movement and its identity In Northern Nigeria. It relates this identity to Nigerian Politics and Federation. The study suggests that internal colonialism of the Islamic society on the M-Belt groups were contributive to activating minorities identities and the organization of the M-Belt movement. The roots of internal colonial relationships were from a colonial system which the British incorporated with the M-Belt groups in 1900. In the processes of Incorporation before 1940, British adminstration subordinated many M-Belt groups to Islamic leadership. The M-Belt movement was a reaction to colonial relationships and domination by cultural ly different groups. The reaction took the form of activating tribal support for creation of a M-Belt Region. This was meant to separate the M-Belt and the Islamic society into different units of the Federation. Tribal identities developed from chieftancy institutions among some of the fl-Belt groups were reinforced by modernization, with European Missionaries dominating the processes and produced Christian political leadership. The tribal identities, were complemented by a trans-tribal Christian religious identity, to produce cohesion and collective political demands. Variation in processes of modernization between the Islamic society and M-Belt groups in a North, under Islamic leadership, conditioned support of non-Islamic groups for the M-Belt movement. The combination of these factors and with the North as an outsized unit, produced conceptions of regionalism. The thesis studies the futherance of their cause in the development of Middle-Belt political parties and the UMBC party under the leadership of J. S. Tarka. While the causes for the regionalism resulted into re-structuring of Nigeria in 1967 in which Benue-Plateau State emerged and enclosed prominent minorities in the M-Belt Movement, sub-regionalism produced localism.Although localism in the political identity of M-Belt groups, destroyed conceptions of the M-Belt, its religious identity remains powerful in Nigerian Politics.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Danda, Mahamadou. "Politique de décentralisation, développement régional et identités locales au Niger : le cas du Damagaram." Phd thesis, Université Montesquieu - Bordeaux IV, 2004. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00370355.

Full text

Abstract:

La présente thèse de doctorat en science politique sur "Politique de décentralisation, développement régional et identités locales au Niger: le cas du Damagaram" se réfère au contexte d'un pays du Sahel (le Niger), défini comme étant le plus sahélien des pays du Sahel.
Situé en Afrique de l'Ouest en territoire nigérien, le Damagaram est une région à dominante agro-pastorale qui représente 11,57% du territoire national et 21,7% de la population totale du pays en 2001. L'histoire coloniale du Sultanat de Zinder au XIXè siècle, le transfert du chef lieu du territoire de Zinder à Niamey et le fait que des élites de cette région aient pris l'habitude de placer au premier plan de la problématique du retard de développement du Damagaram, la question politique, expliquent l'intérêt de cette recherche.
La présente thèse se veut un essai qui vise à saisir les vecteurs d'explication des capacités de mobilisation, de consensus et de représentation des intérêts au niveau du Damagaram, mais aussi à comprendre les spécificités de l'échelon régional en terme d'identités, à travers la mise en oeuvre des politiques publiques en général, des expériences de développement régional à Zinder en particulier notamment, la formulation du Schéma Directeur du Développement Régional (SDDR) de Zinder.
La thèse expose comment les institutions de gestion administrative régionale s'articulent à des espaces sociaux pour construire des espaces politiques essentiels à la mise en oeuvre des politiques publiques et du développement régional. Elle identifie les principaux symboles identitaires du Damagaram qui semblent plus que jamais activés par le processus de démocratisation et de décentralisation en cours au Niger. L'auteur appréhende l'influence de la vitrine identitaire du Damagaram dans le fonctionnement des institutions en charge du développement en région. Il analyse les stratégies des acteurs et leurs rôles dans la conquête de l'électorat et la formulation des instruments et actions de développement régional. Il relève que le Sultanat, en tant que symbole du pouvoir traditionnel dont l'organisation s'articule autour de la personnalité du Sultan, reste le symbole identitaire le plus conservé et le plus marquant de cette région. Il met en évidence la présence d'identités au pluriel dans le Damagaram administratif.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Anyanele, Chikadi John. "Cultural solidarity among the Igbo of South-eastern Nigeria : a tool for rural development." Diss., 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/8602.

Full text

Abstract:

The pillars on which this study is based (stands) could be compared with the observations of Ejiofor (1981: 4), who says the modern-and-African political models have not been sufficiently discovered, developed, and operated in African states. One thinks that the social and political behaviour of African people are in conflict with the present day political structures and institutions. Political and economic actors fail to harness the knowledge, attitudes, and responses with the indigenous values. Own to these reasons the present political dispensations in Africa are misconceived and ill-adapted to their reality. Hence, the call for detailed study of home-grown African values as a means to redress these imbalances has become inevitable. This study is based on Igbo cultural solidarity as a means to address and achieve rural development in Africa. Meanwhile, this study attempts to re-ignite and re-echo ‘people-based’ and understood ‘home-based’ models of achieving rural development as focused on Okigwe-Owerri-Orlu political divisions among the Igbo of South-eastern Nigeria.
Development Studies
M.A. (Development Studies)

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Anyanelle, Chikadi John. "Cultural solidarity among the Igbo of South-eastern Nigeria : a tool for rural development." Diss., 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/8602.

Full text

Abstract:

The pillars on which this study is based (stands) could be compared with the observations of Ejiofor (1981: 4), who says the modern-and-African political models have not been sufficiently discovered, developed, and operated in African states. One thinks that the social and political behaviour of African people are in conflict with the present day political structures and institutions. Political and economic actors fail to harness the knowledge, attitudes, and responses with the indigenous values. Own to these reasons the present political dispensations in Africa are misconceived and ill-adapted to their reality. Hence, the call for detailed study of home-grown African values as a means to redress these imbalances has become inevitable. This study is based on Igbo cultural solidarity as a means to address and achieve rural development in Africa. Meanwhile, this study attempts to re-ignite and re-echo ‘people-based’ and understood ‘home-based’ models of achieving rural development as focused on Okigwe-Owerri-Orlu political divisions among the Igbo of South-eastern Nigeria.
Development Studies
M.A. (Development Studies)

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Ifukor, Presley Anioba. "Linguistic and Socio-cultural Dynamics in Computer-Mediated Communication: Identity, Intertextuality and Politics in Nigerian Internet and SMS Discourse." Doctoral thesis, 2012. https://repositorium.ub.uni-osnabrueck.de/handle/urn:nbn:de:gbv:700-2012121710566.

Full text

Abstract:

New media and mobile technologies have opened up numerous 'unregulated spaces' (Sebba, 2009b) and public spheres for self expression, interpersonal interactions as well as the transnational transcultural flow and fusion of ideologies (Pennycook, 2007). The discursive and interactive possibilities of mobile and Web 2.0 technologies make computer-mediated communication (CMC) platforms techno-linguistic environments for virtual deliberation and discussions. Online multilingualism and contact phenomena easily flourish in such contexts. Many Nigerians at home and abroad are embracing the CMC technologies to interact with one another, to negotiate profitable ideas for the betterment of Nigeria and to redress endemic socio-political issues. This study examines the linguistic construction of textual messages by Nigerians and the sociocultural manifestations of 'Nigerianness' (Chiluwa, 2008) and Nigerianisms in digital discourse. The dissertation is divided into four parts, each comprising two chapters. Part I introduces the subject matter and research focus, with an examination of language and identity in the typographical representations of Nigerianness by theoretically using relevant aspects of discursive work (e.g. Benwell & Stokoe, 2006; Bucholtz & Hall, 2005; De Fina, Schiffrin & Bamberg, 2006; Le Page & Tabouret-Keller, 1985; Llamas & Watt, 2010); Part II is concerned with the theme of Internet code switching and language crossing; Part III addresses the dialectical connection of language, new media technologies and politics; while Part IV presents the questionnaire survey results and research findings. The study innovatively examines language contact features in Nigerian CMC in terms of Bourdieu's (1977) economics of linguistic exchanges and the Faircloughian (1992) application of intertextuality in the Bakhtinian spirit. By linguistic marketing is meant discourse as a vehicle for 'promotional acts' and for 'selling' particular cultures and ideologies to multicultural and multilingual readers/audiences. One interpretation of this is in terms of asserting language rights and linguistic equality. Therefore, the use of Nigerian languages with Nigerian Pidgin online is promotional and for existential negotiation. This results in language mixture which is an instantiation of freedom of speech, freedom of switch and the freedom to switch. The underlying pragmatic motivation for top-down language mixture and alternation in Nigerian virtual discourse is attention-getting with the aim of inducing an interdiscursive writer-reader cognitive as well as communicative interactions. Other pragmatic functions of code switching discussed in the study include allusive textuality, amusing phaticity, anticipated interactivity, affective expressivity, and audience affiliation or alienation. Thus, intertextuality is an explanatory technique for investigating previously unexplored phenomena in digital code switching. Rampton's (1995) conceptualisation of language crossing is used to explicate the graphemic representations of variation in Nigerian English phonology. Additionally, for the sake of explanatory exigency, relevant aspects of speech acts theory (SAT) (Austin, 1962; Searle, 1969) are fused with critical discourse analysis (CDA) for the construction of our data-derived, election-oriented, politico-pragmatic tweet acts, in terms of what we call Good Governance Maxims (GGM). Finally, there are two types of data employed in the study: (i) corpus (INEC i.e. Informal Nigerian Electronic Communication with PLANET - Purposeful Language Alternation in Nigerian Electronic Texts) and (ii) questionnaire survey. The random sampling of 1,154 Nigerian undergraduates offline illustrates how computer-mediated discourse analysis (CMDA) can be supplemented by a sociolinguistic survey in what Androutsopoulos (2006:424) calls “the observation of Internet use in offline social spaces” through a blend of on- and offline ethnography.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Books on the topic "Identity politics – Nigeria"

1

Identity transformation and identity politics under structural adjustment in Nigeria. Uppsala: Nordiska Afrikanstitutet, 2003.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Citizenship and identity politics in Nigeria: Conference proceedings. Lagos, Nigeria: CLEEN Foundation, 2009.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Oni, Duro. Nigeria and globalization: Discourses on identity politics and social conflict. Lagos: CBAAC, 2004.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

Oguntimoju, Dele. Identity and development: Lessons from Nigeria for Africa and Europe. London: Economic Research Council, 2002.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Anioma in contemporary Nigeria: Issues of identity and development. Ibadan, Nigeria: BookBuilders, Editions Africa, 2012.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Nigerian immigrants in the United States: Race, identity, and acculturation. Lanham, Md: Lexington Books, 2011.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Nzimiro, Ikenna. Strangers at our gate: The Igbo nationality in Nigeria. Oguta, Imo State, Nigeria: Zim Pan African Publishers, 2001.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

The changing forms of identity politics in Nigeria under economic adjustment: The case of the oil minorities movement of the Niger Delta. Uppsala: Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, 2001.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Letters to Nigeria: Journal of an African woman in America. North Charlston, South Carolina: CreateSpace, 2013.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Chem-Langhëë, Bongfen. The paradoxes of self-determination in the Cameroons under United Kingdom administration: The search for identity, well-being, and continuity. Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 2003.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

More sources

Book chapters on the topic "Identity politics – Nigeria"

1

Onwumechili, Chuka. "Nigeria: Media Narratives and Reports of Football from Within." In African Football, Identity Politics and Global Media Narratives, 143–60. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137392237_9.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Ojaide, Tanure. "Toward a bioregional, politico-historical, and sociocultural identity of the Niger Delta." In The Literature and Arts of the Niger Delta, 13–22. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge contemporary Africa: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003136750-3.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Oloruntoba, Samuel Ojo. "From Economic Diplomacy to Pan-African Identity: Exploring Nigeria-South Africa Cooperation for Continental Integration and Development in Africa." In Advances in African Economic, Social and Political Development, 147–61. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-00081-3_8.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

Imam, Ayesha M. "Politics, Islam, and Women in Kano, Northern Nigeria." In Identity Politics and Women, 123–44. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429041051-6.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Essien, Essien D. "Ethical Implications of Identity Politics for Good Governance in 21st Century Nigeria." In Advances in Public Policy and Administration, 129–55. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-3677-3.ch006.

Full text

Abstract:

Contemporary empirical studies on identity question and political identity reveal that numerous political challenges revolve around the questions of identity. Identity thesis engenders a landscape of tremendous diversity and variation, which poses political problems when there is too much or too little of it. It manifests itself when there is a shift towards cultural diversity, largely due to upswing in migration and globalization. Given the multi-ethnic configuration of Nigeria characterized by heightened identity politics, a scenario of acute crisis of identity is inexorable. This study, therefore, examines why societies are today increasingly characterized by ethnic, racial, and religious diversity, which creates room for various forms of identity. Drawing upon extensive contemporary research and literature on diversity and identity politics, the study adopts qualitative descriptive methodology with content analysis curvature. Findings reveal that Nigerian political behavior, socio-economic relationship, and governance are driven by identity politics and ethnic solidarity.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Imoagene, Onoso. "Setting the Context." In Beyond Expectations. University of California Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520292314.003.0002.

Full text

Abstract:

It is a sociological truism that context matters. After all, identity is not created in a vacuum. Instead, people develop their identities as they interact with other groups while navigating the social, political, and economic milieu of the country they live in—a milieu greatly influenced by the country’s specific racial history. Chapter 1 presents a succinct discussion of the social, political, and racial contexts in which the black second generation in the United States and Britain form their identities. The chapter also provides more information on the African diaspora in both countries and the Nigerian communities in particular. And it briefly sketches the history of Nigeria and provides a socio-demographic profile of Nigerians. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the socio-demographic profile of the parents and second generation involved in this study.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Eltantawi, Sarah. "A Revolution for Shari‘ah." In Shari'ah on Trial. University of California Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520293779.003.0001.

Full text

Abstract:

This chapter is an ethnography of Eltantawi’s research in Northern Nigeria conducted in 2010. It describes and analyzes her conversations with key players in Amina Lawal’s trial. These conversations illuminate how central the Islamic identity is in Northern Nigeria, and critically examines what “Islam” actually signifies for Northern Nigerians, highlighting how difficult it is to campaign for any kind of change outside the framework of “Islam.” Other interviews highlight the sense of rampant material and moral corruption in Nigeria. The chapter also introduces the distinction between “idealized” and “political” shari’ah, and shows how the heavy handedness and corruption of the current sharia experiment is labeled “political” in order to preserve the sense of Islam as an ideal.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Omojola, Bode. "Politics, Identity, and Nostalgia in Nigerian Music: A Study of Victor Olaiya’s Highlife." In Music and Identity Politics, 433–60. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315090986-16.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Olajimbiti, Ezekiel. "The Pragmatics of Political Deception on Facebook." In Advances in Media, Entertainment, and the Arts, 308–25. IGI Global, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-8535-0.ch017.

Full text

Abstract:

Facebook, an intrinsic part of 21st century social realities where cognitive-participatory activities are largely captured, is consistently explored for political deception. This chapter investigates how participants utilize language to deceive politically the Nigerian electorate on Facebook. For data, 250 Facebook posts on Nigerian politics were sampled, out of which 50 were purposefully selected for being highly rich in deceptive content in order to unpack online deception through multimodal critical discourse analysis. Four deceptive forms—equivocation of identity, exaggeration of performance, falsification of corruption cases, and concealment of offences—within two socio-political contexts—election and opposition—constituted the posts. These prompt an evocation of a messianic figure, blunt condemnation, and evocation of sympathy and retrospection to achieve the political intentions of criticism, self-presentation, silent opposition, and galvanizing public support. The chapter concludes that political propaganda taps into Facebook users to appeal to their political biases and sway their opinions.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Petersen, Anne Ring. "Identification, disidentification and the imaginative reconfiguration of identity." In Migration Into Art. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526121905.003.0006.

Full text

Abstract:

Chapter 5 seeks to contribute to the development of more dynamic and complex understandings of ‘identity’ by turning to Stuart Hall’s, Amelia Jones’s and José Esteban Muñoz’s theories of identity as identification. Chapter 5 puts an intersectional approach to the test by examining works by three artists whose works can be read as artistic ‘answers’ to the same challenge as Jones, Muñoz and Hall have sought to meet: that of developing a dynamic notion of identity beyond classic identity politics grounded in Western binary thinking. Examining works by London-based Nigerian expatriate Yinka Shonibare, Delhi-based British expatriate Bharti Kher, and Mexico City-based Vietnamese Danh Vo, who grew up in Denmark, the chapter explores art’s potential to chart how identifications and disidentifications can shift dynamically as one navigates across cultures. The analyses focus on the artists’ insistence on circulation, movement and cultural contamination as the ‘ground’ of their works, and seek to substantiate the hypothesis that their works articulate a vision of the subject as a subject that comes into being through processes of translation and transculturation, which eventually constitute its hybrid identity.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Conference papers on the topic "Identity politics – Nigeria"

1

Ojukwu, Kelechi, Omowumi Iledare, Joseph Ajienka, Adewale Dosunmu, and Chidi Ibe. "Estimating Fair Market Value of Petroleum Assets in Nigeria: A Risk-Based Approach." In SPE Nigeria Annual International Conference and Exhibition. SPE, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/207078-ms.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract Many independent Nigerian oil & gas companies have emerged over the last decade out ofthe divestments of ageing petroleum assets by multinational oil companies. Thesetransactions are marked by pervasive cases of overvaluation and huge gap in offers that leadto unnecessarily high acquisition costs. Petroleum analysts around the world adopt the Discounted Cashflow Analysis method forestimating present value of future oil production revenues. Unfortunately, project economicsusing conventional analysis does not de-risk the reserves components appropriately oraccount for the excess and political risk premiums. Even when analysts derive the NetPresent Value from conventional evaluation, say at discount rates of say 10% or 15%, theyface the dilemma of extracting offer price from that figure. Some post a conservative offerbased on 50% NPV, while others throw in all the NPV in a scheme to win the bid at all cost. Some also start by guesstimating value by rule of thumb and then offer the NPV that is leftbehind. The decision to offer a given percentage of the NPV is entirely subjective and variesamongst investors and as such does not depict a logical perception of market value, or therisks thereof. Furthermore, by omitting political risk, buyers are invariably ignoring the mostcrucial risk of all. The adoption of different bases of reserves tend to compound the problemby yielding NPVs that are few and far between each other. They are usually based on un-risked ‘proved plus probable’ (2P) reserves, which is highly speculative and unrealistic forvaluation. For the first time, the concerns of high purchase price and offer gaps were debuggedleveraging the new Risk-Based Valuation approach which is based on a modified Discounted Cashflow model. A research deeply investigates the problems first by reconstructing originaltransaction to identify the root causes. Furthermore, the study concludes that buyers arepaying on average 4 times the value and that regulating reserves base is fundamental inorder to minimize offer gaps that sometimes tend to a billion dollars for large deals. Thus, the Risk-Based Discounted Cashflow Analysis technique can help prevent overpricing orunderpricing of Nigerian assets, minimize offer gaps in the market as well as account for theimpact of political risks (or its mitigation) in valuation.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Reports on the topic "Identity politics – Nigeria"

1

Maiangwa, Benjamin. Peace (Re)building Initiatives: Insights from Southern Kaduna, Nigeria. RESOLVE Network, September 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/pn2021.22.lpbi.

Full text

Abstract:

Violent conflicts and crime have reached new heights in Nigeria, as cases of kidnapping, armed banditry, and communal unrests continue to tear at the core of the ethnoreligious divides in the country. Southern Kaduna has witnessed a virulent spree of communal unrest in northern Nigeria over the last decade due to its polarized politics and power differentials between the various groups in the area, particularly the Christians and Muslims, who are almost evenly split. In response to their experiences of violence, the people of that region have also shown incredible resilience and grit in transforming their stress and suffering. This policy note focuses on the transformative practices of the Fulani and other ethnic communities in southern Kaduna in terms of how they problem-solve deep-seated socio-political rivalries and violent relations by working through their shared identity, history, and cultures of peace. The note explores how peace practitioners and donor agencies could consolidate local practices of sustaining peace as complementary or alternative resources to the state’s liberal system.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

We offer discounts on all premium plans for authors whose works are included in thematic literature selections. Contact us to get a unique promo code!