Dissertations / Theses: 'Identity Politics'

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Greenup, Jeremy Jay. "Identity as politics, politics as identity a anthropological examination of the political discourse on same-sex marriage /." unrestricted, 2005. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-11282005-141753/.

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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2005.
Title from title screen. Emanuela Guano, committee chair; Kathryn A. Kozaitis, Susan McCombie, Cassandra White, committee members. Electronic text (96 p. : photos) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed June 11, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 92-96).

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Greenup, Jeremy Jay. "Identity as Politics, Politics as Identity: An Anthropological Examination of the Political Discourse on Same-Sex Marriage." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2006. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/anthro_theses/10.

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Marriage has come to be center-stage in a semiotic and ideological “culture war.” The issue of same-sex marriage has emerged as a defining political argument shaping the manner by which the contemporary gay rights movement positions itself. In Georgia’s 2004 election, a constitutional amendment was proposed defining marriage as legal unions between only biological men and women. In response, campaigns were organized by both supporters and opponents to same-sex marriage. This thesis examines the politics of spectacle at play through which both sides of this argument positioned themselves. This thesis employs anthropological theory, queer theory and public sphere literature to illuminate the campaign against same-sex marriage as one of not only the denial of citizenship rights, but of identity recognition. The methods of theatricality employed by both sides of this debate are examined alongside the manners by which they represented themselves as legitimate voices in the fight over “marriage.”

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D'Cruz, Carolyn. "Identity politics in deconstruction: Political, philosophical, and ethical investigations." Thesis, D'Cruz, Carolyn (1997) Identity politics in deconstruction: Political, philosophical, and ethical investigations. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 1997. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/50370/.

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This thesis explores the injunctions and disjunctures effected through relations between politics, philosophy, and ethics by working through various issues and problems confronting discourses of identity politics. These confrontations concern such matters as speaking positions and their relations to the legitimation of knowledge claims; relations between history, power, and the appropriation of political identities; relations between philosophy and politics; and the renegotiation of these relations with regard to a certain space of ethics and justice. Among the cases studied are those concerning the 'authenticity' of Australian Aboriginal identities; the politics of appropriation and subversion in 'queer' commentaries; the epistemological and political status of the category of 'woman' in feminist criticism; and the ethical status of a freedom fighter (Chris Hani) who belonged to the South African Communist Party. According to a certain structure of identity, the realms of politics, philosophy and ethics are separable from one another, while according to a certain logics of identity politics these realms are inseparable from one another. This thesis argues, however, that these realms are neither separable nor inseparable: they are always being brought into crisis in the formation of emancipatory struggles. While many commentators concerned with the disjunctures of such a crisis have sought to reconcile the irreducibility between the three domains by asserting the primacy of the political, this thesis is concerned with ways in which the privileging of 'the political' can have detrimental effects for the promise of the emancipatory ideal. This is not to undermine the importance accorded to the category of the political, but to pursue what might ironically be the political and ethical costs of refusing to question (via a necessary and difficult detour through the philosophical language of ontology) the privileged status of the political in such movements. Beginning with Foucault's analytics of discourse, the thesis moves to a consideration of Derrida's critique of the metaphysics of presence. This critique (as argued by way of Derrida's negotiations with Foucault, Nietzsche, Levinas and Marx) raises problems for any notion of identity insofar as the metaphysics of presence infuse all relations between politics, philosophy and ethics, requiring such relations to be continually re-applied and re-worked. While this is to unsettle the structure of identity, it is not to refuse the necessity of politics or the urgency of decisions. On the contrary, the critique of politics opens onto a certain space of justice which pledges the emancipatory promise of identity politics to the promise of a democracy-yet-to-come.

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Kale, Nulufer. "The Politicization Of Gender: From Identity Politics To Post-identity." Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613815/index.pdf.

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The aim of this thesis study is to understand the significance of today&rsquo
s feminist politics in Turkey for post-identity politics. When it is considered that identity politics is being widely practiced today, whereas there is still much vagueness regarding the ways of doing post-identity politics, in order to achieve the aim of this study it becomes necessary to make a critique of identity politics and to reveal post-identitarian tendencies through this critique of identity-based political mobilization. In this study, feminist identity politics is analyzed and criticized from the perspective of Judith Butler, who is a poststructuralist feminist questioning identity and its relation to gender politics. These issues are questioned through qualitative research method and semi-structured in-depth interviews are used as the data gathering technique. Five in-depth interviews were conducted with women who consider themselves feminist. The interviews aim at providing individual narrations of the participants to be exposed to deconstruction later on through the analysis process. Therefore, participants are not asked direct and categorical questions about their ideas on specific issues
instead, they are encouraged to talk about how they perceive the gendered world around them and how they respond to it and how these ideas are transferred to the political arena. It was found that the participants perceived sex, gender and sexuality in a dualistic framework to a certain extent and this relative fluidity enables them to realize the importance of doing post-identity politics, but they do not have a tendency to transfer this to the political arena in the near future.

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Houssouba, Mohomodou Strickland Ronald. "Teaching the diaspora beyond identity politics /." Normal, Ill. Illinois State University, 1998. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ilstu/fullcit?p9914569.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Illinois State University, 1998.
Title from title page screen, viewed July 11, 2006. Dissertation Committee: Ronald L. Strickland (chair), Jonathan M. Rosenthal, Cecil Giscombe. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 203-208) and abstract. Also available in print.

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Berenson, Carol Ann. "Interrogating choice, bisexual identity and politics." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ38524.pdf.

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Hardie, Kim. "Lowland Scots : language, politics and identity." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/21284.

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This work looks at the present day situation of Scots language and whether or not there is a link between attitudes towards Scots and nationalism in Scotland. An outline is given of the history of Scots, which was once the most widely used language for administrative as well as literary purposes in Scotland, indicating which factors contributed to its demise. The result of this demise is that today people are very uncertain about the status of Scots and whether to see it as a language or a dialect. An investigation as carried out in Edinburgh to find out to what extent people are familiar with what is meant by Scots language and to see how important it is to the formation of a Scottish identity. The results of this investigation were very interesting as they showed a link between people's knowledge about the concept of Scots language and their political opinions on the Constitutional Question in Scotland. The results demonstrated a difference in attitude and perception between the group informants classified as being in favour of independence and those in favour of the Union. There was a clear discrepancy between the answers of the Independence group to the first part of the Questionnaire and the third part. This discrepancy was not as noticeable in the answers of the other two groups (Unionists and Devolutionists). It also seems to be linked to the perception of the identity of the concept "Scots language".

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Hunter, Jason. "Taiwan domestic politics political corruption, cross strait relations, and national identity /." online access from Digital Dissertation Consortium, 2007. http://digital.library.okstate.edu/etd/umi-okstate-2271.pdf.

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Saridal, Lemi Caner. "Kurdish Political Identity within the Realm of Turkish Politics and Kemalism." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, REMESO - Institutet för forskning om migration, etnicitet och samhälle, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-158268.

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Kurdish political identity, their quest for recognition has been an everlasting issue in the Turkish politics since the establishment of Turkish Republic (1923). When the Republic was building by the Republican elite during the single-party regime, the Turkish identity and Mustafa Kemal’s principles became constituent elements of Republican agenda which was ideologically aimed to be a modern nation-state that showed no tolerance to those who stayed out of its scope (i.e Kurds). The frames of Turkish identity were firstly secularism, and secondly nationalism which required one language, one identity and territorial integrity. These frames which were copied from Jacobin French nationalism regulated the Turkification process and shaped the assimilationist policies towards non-Turkish ethnic groups. This paper examines the outlines of both Turkish politics and Kurdish resistance. While providing political consequences of reluctant policies toward Kurds and the Turkish perspective of Kurds as threats towards mainstream Turkish identity, the study also touches upon the ideological transition of Kurdish movement that appeared within the Justice and Development Party (AKP) reign. The evolution of Kurdish politics eventually utilized Kurds to emancipate from being a perception of threat to Turkish nationalism and finally offers a possible solution to the conflict.

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Brashier, Rachel Nicole. "Identity Politics and Politics of Identity| A Semiotic Approach to the Negotiation and Contestation of Music Teacher Identity among Early Career Music Teachers." Thesis, University of Rochester, 2019. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10978840.

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In this dissertation, I addressed early career music teacher identity as it relates to d/Discourse in the narratives of three second-year teachers. I drew on existing narrative research in the field of music education (Barrett & Stauffer, 2006, 2009; Bresler, 2006; McCarthy, 2007). I used Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA; Gee, 1990; Fairclough, 1992, 2012; Wodak, 1996) to identify the three main themes that emerged from data: (1) Official Expectations, (2) Encountering Music Teaching, and (3) Negotiation and Contestation. I then overlaid the Irvine and Gal (2000) model of language ideology onto the three themes drawn from data. This model is comprised of three linguistic processes: Iconicity, Recursivity, and Erasure. Finally, I discussed the process of how music teacher identity co-construction operates within the context of both identity politics and the politics of identity. I used these concepts to propose a possible explanation for how music teacher identity co-construction is affected by how d/Discourse flows through the socio-linguistic domain.

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Chueh, Ho-chia. "Identity, difference and politics: a poststructuralist investigation." Thesis, University of Auckland, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/2292/2019.

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This thesis investigates the ways in which concepts of binary opposition are elaborated in some of the key contemporary theories on difference and identity. This project contributes to the emerging scholarship on the notion of emancipation and empowerment in educational theory. It explores discourses of difference and identity that are engaged with constructions and re-construction of the notions of Self and Other. This thesis develops a systematic analysis of texts with arguments on political performance of representation and agency. The thesis begins with an examination of Hegel's thesis on the relationship between the lord and the bondsman which is implemented in the political discourses of John Rex and Paulo Freire. It continues to examine political theses with emphasis on the relationship between the mind and the body; examinations include theses offered by Robert Miles and Frantz Fanon. This thesis also explores the methodological value of concepts of binary opposition; it explores Claude Lévi-Strauss' theory on cultural differences and examines Iris M. Young and Chantal Mouffe's discourses on the 'politics of difference'. This thesis further explores Jacques Derrida's notions of deconstruction and différence together with analyses and critiques of Homi Bhabha's and Gayatri Spivak's reconstruction of concepts of binary oppositions. This thesis calls for a consideration of Derrida's thoughts on the political as an approach to the understanding difference and identity. I propose a double reading of the texts examined in this thesis: on the one hand, they are genealogical analyses to understand and criticise the ways in which knowledge on (racial and cultural) difference and identity have been constructed. On the other hand, they are given affirmations of political significance with their performative effectiveness that language allows them to achieve.

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Leith, Murray Stewart. "Nationalism and national identity in Scottish politics." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2006. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2924/.

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Scotland has long been a nation within a wider state, but only within the last four decades has a political party dedicated to the establishment of a Scottish state emerged as an electoral force. Yet, since that time the political landscape within the United Kingdom has changed rapidly. While some see devolution as a step towards the separation of Scotland from the United Kingdom, others argue it is a strengthening of that relationship. This thesis argues that only by acknowledging the ethnic and mass influences on the nature of Scottish national identity will an understanding of Scottish nationalism be possible. After considering the theoretical arguments surrounding nationalism, and specifically Scottish nationalism, the work shifts to an empirical analysis of Scotland. To examine the nature of Scottish nationalism and national identity, this research considers the manifestos of the political parties over the past thirty-five years, examining how they have employed a sense of Scotland the nation, and Scottishness. This consideration is then linked to an analysis of mass perceptions of national belonging and identity, which are themselves contrasted with elite perceptions, gleaned through interviews conducted amongst MPs and MSPs. The results indicate the need to recognise that ethnic aspects of Scottish national identity are more significant than the foremost theoretical considerations of nationalism and national identity allow. Furthermore, this case study illustrates that the impact that mass perceptions have on national identity also requires greater recognition within the field.

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Elder, Olivia Laura. "Language and the politics of Roman identity." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2019. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/290422.

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This thesis examines the relationship between language and Roman identity, defined in the broadest sense as the political and cultural practices involved in being Roman. It focuses on evidence of multilingualism: Roman identity was defined through opposition and interaction, and it is at points of contact that these debates are cast into relief. It looks predominantly at evidence of Greek-Latin bilingualism, but also considers evidence of other languages to consider how their relationship to Roman identity differs. It combines historical and sociolinguistic approaches to multilingualism. Understanding bilingual language practices requires close sociolinguistic reading of evidence to understand how languages interrelate and analysis of the historical factors and contexts that determine language choices and their social, cultural and political implications. The thesis responds especially to the use of bilingualism as a model for Roman cultural relations, arguing that a closer engagement with sociolinguistic terminology and with linguistic evidence is necessary if we are to use language and bilingualism as a way into broader issues of politics and identity. Language is simultaneously a model for identity that works across ancient and modern thought and a central part of this identity. It frequently plays into other markers of Roman identity and a range of themes and concerns surrounding it including integration, migration and citizenship. The thesis examines three case studies in detail: the different layers of bilingualism in Suetonius' biographies; Greek in the graffiti of Pompeii; epigraphic and literary evidence for different languages in the city of Rome. These case studies demonstrate the politics of language in different types of practice and at different levels of society: the thesis argues that the overlaps between them are greater than has sometimes been appreciated. The case studies also show that the boundaries of Roman identity did not develop in a progressive or linear fashion but were continually defined and redefined through ongoing processes of absorption and rejection.

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Conroy, Colette. "Performing disability : theatre and politics of identity." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.488469.

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The trajectory of my argument moves from thinking about disabled bodies as exceptional or unusual bodies in Chapter One to thinking about impaired bodies as exemplary bodies in Chapter Eight. Analysing disabled bodies on stage and disability and impairment in dramatic texts reveals methodological problems because the questions of what impairment can mean on stage are contested by an articulate political movement. The first chapter is an attempt to develop questions about the differences created by disability in the act of acting. I use structuralist semiotics to break down and analyse the reasons for the confusions in the actor/audience relationship. The conceptual gaps between actor and character are also discussed. Chapter Two asks how we can move from the apparent self-evidence of impairment to the question of comparative or relative identity. I suggest that disability is a representation of a set of complex and unstable ideas. The complexity of these accumulated ideas seems to move us closer to the sorts of complex articulations that are made in art works, including theatre. Ideas of disability as metaphor are the starting point for Chapter Three. This is the point where the argument engages in theories of mind/body relationships and, informed by feminisms' methods of discussing physical difference, I turn to psychoanalytic theory. Chapter Four follows multiple signposts throughout theoretical and theatre writing by going in search of references to disability in Freud. Chapters Five and Six connect the psychoanalytical innovations of Freud with the structuralist and post-structuralist methodologies of Chapter One. I bring Lacan's material on signification and Kristeva's on abjection to a discussion of disability and gender identity, and this suggests that the moment of reading disability is a moment of fixing identity within an interpretative frame. At this point I return to the analysis of theatre with the advantage of insights from a range of theorists. Chapter Seven offers a discussion of a de-freaking of disability, or an un-disabling of freaks. I offer a summary of the implications of the theoretical work developed so far, then in Chapter Eight I try out the innovations of this exercise by analysing five pieces of theatre, selected randomly, through the framework of disability, offering an example of the uses of the theoretical methodologies developed in the thesis.

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Fan, Ke. "Identity politics in south Fujian Hui communities /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/6527.

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Yunespour, Ali Reza. "Identity Politics - A Case Study of Afghanistan." Thesis, Department of Government and International Relations, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/8263.

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Identity politics is a complex concept. However, it is rarely studied in the context of weak non-Western states. This study seeks to study identity politics in Afghanistan with a focus on ethnic and sectarian identities. The central hypothesis is that the manipulation and instrumentalisation of ethnic and sectarian identities as sources of political legitimacy have significantly constrained efforts towards state-building in Afghanistan. By taking a historical perspective, it shows that identity politics is not a new phenomenon in Afghanistan and that a weak historical state and widespread culture of poverty have caused, sustained and reinforced ethnic and sectarian identity politics over time. It will also demonstrate that ethnic and sectarian identity politics have been a dominant feature of Afghanistan’s post-Taliban statebuilding. Ethnic and sectarian identity politics have seriously undermined the process of statebuilding as they have prevented, amongst other things, a meaningful national reconciliation and the development of an effective state-society relation and a national identity in Afghanistan in the past decade.

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Francis, Toni P. "Identity Politics: Postcolonial Theory and Writing Instruction." Scholar Commons, 2007. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/711.

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In this dissertation I intend to apply postcolonial theory to primary pedagogical and administrative concerns of the writing program administrator. Writing Program Administrators, or WPAs, take their responsibilities seriously, remaining cognizant of both the negative and positive repercussions of the pedagogical decisions that take shape in the scores of composition classrooms they administer. This dissertation intends to infuse the WPA position with the ethos of scholarly praxis by historicizing and contextualizing the field of composition, and by placing the teaching of writing within the historical memory of slavery and colonialism. Sound WPA research is theoretically informed, systematic, principled inquiry that works toward producing strong writing programs. This dissertation provides such inquiry, drawing the field's attention to the reality of postcoloniality and presenting an understanding of the work of composition as informed by and complicit in the history of racialized forms of oppression. From this context, the dissertation analyzes three major issues faced by the WPA: the debate over standardized discourse, the influence of the job market on pedagogical decisions, and the (de)politicizing of the composition classroom. In the following sections, these issues will be related directly to critical theories from postcolonial and composition studies that assist in articulating the issues of identity politics, hegemonic struggle, interpellation and interpolation, subaltern voice, and hybridity that are so crucial to writing program pedagogy and administration in the postcolonial age, for it is my argument that the writing classroom is a crucial site of contention in which the politics of identity are manifested as students appropriate and are appropriated by discourse.

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Jansson, Daniel. "Peasant Political Thought : Politics, Discourse, and Identity in the Age of Liberty." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-225745.

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Adiv, Ehud. "Politics and identity : a critical analysis of Israeli historiography and political thought." Thesis, Birkbeck (University of London), 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.286283.

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Tok, Nafiz. "Culture, identity and politics : an identity-based approach to culture-related issues." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365174.

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Gautman, Achut Raj. "Citizenship crisis and rise of identity politics within modern political structure in Nepal." Thesis, University of Surrey, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.527011.

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Merati, Simona E. "Russia's Islam: Discourse on Identity, Politics, and Security." FIU Digital Commons, 2015. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1840.

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Despite the long history of Muslims in Russia, most scholarly and political literatures on Russia’s Islam still narrowly interpret Muslim-Slavs relations in an ethnic-religious oppositional framework. In my work, I examine Russia’s discourse on Islam to argue that, in fact, the role of Islam in post-Soviet Russia is complex. Drawing from direct sources from academic, state, journalistic, and underground circles, often neglected by Western commentators, I identify ideational patterns in conceptualizations of Islam and reconstruct relational networks among authors. To explain complex intertextual relations within specific contexts, I utilize an analytically eclectic method that appropriately combines theories from different paradigms and/or disciplines. Thanks to my multi-dimensional approach, I show that, contrary to traditional views, Russia’s Muslims participate in processes of post-Soviet Russia’s identity formation. Starting from textual contents, avoiding pre-formed analytical frames, I argue that many Muslims in Russia perceive themselves as part of Russian civilization – even when they challenge the status-quo. Building on my initial findings, I state that a key element in Russia’s conceptualization of Islam is the definition, elaborated in the 1990s, of traditional Islam as part of Russian civilizational history, as opposed to extremist Islam as extraneous, hostile phenomenon. The differentiation creates an unprecedently safe, if confined, space for Islamic propositions, of which Muslims are taking advantage. Embedded in debates on Russian civilization, conceptualizations of Islam, then, influence Russia’s (geo)political self-perceptions and, consequently, its domestic and international policies. In particular, Russian so-far neglected Islamic doctrine supports views of Islamic terrorism as a political and not religious phenomenon. Hence, Russia interprets both terrorism and counterterrorism within its own historical tradition, causing its strategy to be at odds with Western views. Less apparently, these divergences affect Russian-U.S. broader relations. Finally, in revealing the civilizational value of Russia’s Islam, I expose intellectual relations among influential subjects who share the aim to devise a new civilizational model that should combine Slavic and non-Slavic, Orthodox and Islamic, Western, and Asian components. In this old Russian dilemma, the novelty is Muslims’ participation.

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Cummings, Hannah Jane. "The politics of participatory performance : capitalism and identity." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/21922.

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This thesis is located within the discourse of contemporary, participatory performance. It offers a cultural materialist reading of the relationship between neoliberal capitalism and identity, and its adjunct community, to consider the extent to which participatory performance might challenge the individualistic aspects of the neoliberal ideology. The thesis questions what it means to participate in capitalist democracy in the contemporary moment, interrogates how one might exercise participatory agency both within and outside the theatre space and contemplates the function of participatory performance in a period of democratic discontent. I argue that the case-studies contribute to creating communities of individuals thinking about how to develop capitalist democracy in a more egalitarian direction. The thesis primarily employs close performance analysis of nine case-studies that all occurred in the period 2013-2014. These analyses occur across three chapters that each address a differing form of participation. Chapter One considers the significance of the re-presentation of performer acts of participation within demarcated theatre spaces, challenging the concept of the successfully, aspiring neoliberal identity. Chapter Two focuses on acts of audience participation invited within conventional theatre auditoriums to defamiliarise one’s motivations for acting or not. And Chapter Three centres on immersive performance experiences in which the audience member becomes the art object, inviting them to recognise their indebtedness to others. The thread that coheres this broad cross-section of participatory performance practices is their desire to use the act of participation and the platform of performance to reconceive of what it means to do politics by using artistic and cultural means. Collectively, the case-studies advocate the need for continued co-operation with others and the on-going co-creation of meaning, which eliminates knowing, outcome and end-result, to challenge instrumental understandings of political progress. The thesis conclusion asserts this point by considering the shared theatrical techniques employed across the case-studies that destabilise binary modes of thinking to enhance their ethico-political potential. It also reflects on this argument in light of the election of a majority Conservative (neoliberal) government in 2015.

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Armstrong, Megan Ann. "Overkill : the sexualised body in violent identity politics." Thesis, University of Newcastle upon Tyne, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/3106.

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This thesis seeks to understand the nature of a particular kind of sexualised, abject violence that emerges in and through identity politics. This violence is practised against or through the body. I refer to this type of violence as ‘overkill’ and contend that it performatively constitutes identity in abject and sexualised ways through the weaponisation and brutalisation of the body. The thesis is situated within the literature on ethnic identities in conflict, which tends to under-theorise how this violence emerges and what this violence accomplishes by viewing violence as the outcome of pre-existing identity divisions. To address this gap, I introduce two theoretical approaches to the examination of violent identity politics. The first of these is the concept of performativity as formulated by Judith Butler (1990), which views identity as an iterative process constitutive of political subjectivity. The second is a theory of abjection as discussed by Julia Kristeva (1980), in which she argues that the constitution of identity is an exclusionary process that requires the simultaneous production of an other. Taken together, these theoretical approaches allow for an understanding of extreme violence as constitutive of a new kind of subjectivity that renders the other abject through sexualised discourses. There are two dynamics of overkill that this thesis explores: the brutalisation and the weaponisation of the body. Using an empirical study of the 1994 Rwandan genocide, I highlight the brutalisation of the sexualised body; through a second case study of the prison protests in Northern Ireland (1976-1981), I draw out the weaponisation of the sexualised body. I conclude by demonstrating the need for an understanding of identity as contingent upon markers of difference that are sexualised through abjection to establish a better explanatory framework for examining political violence.

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Boulianne, Shelley. "Identity politics and the little guy from Shawinigan." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0019/MQ46964.pdf.

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Dodgen, Justine. "Immigration and Identity Politics: The Senegalese in France." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/284.

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As immigrants arrive in a new culture, they must modify their behaviors to adapt to their host society. Through a review of current literature, I will examine the psychological and sociological aspects of immigration and the effects on migrant identity. I will argue that migrants most desire a bicultural identity, in which they retain some elements of their ethno-cultural identity while adopting some values of French society. The construction of a bicultural identity presents a challenge due to the particular philosophical foundations of the French nation-state and French culture. In the next chapter, I will analyze the challenges Senegalese migrants confront as they seek to build a bicultural identity. France’s assimilationist tradition presents an ideological barrier to successful integration and a model which must be examined to understand France’s identity politics. Resulting secondary barriers are evident in France’s social and economic policies, which have an exclusionary impact on immigrants and ethnic minorities. Senegalese migrants comprise a particularly vulnerable minority group in France, and socioeconomic pressures are especially influential on the integration of Senegalese migrants due to religious differences, the practice of polygamy, a high concentration in the service sector, and one the largest average household sizes. I will examine how France’s policies and societal behavior affect Senegalese-migrant identity and integration. In the last chapter, I will examine Senegalese perceptions of France and immigration, which are radically different from the true experiences of Senegalese migrants in France.

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Green, Jeremy Francis. "The fiction of Don DeLillo : language, identity, politics." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.281937.

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Ward, Matthew R. "Identity in crisis : the politics of humanitarian intervention." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/4456.

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This thesis examines the theory and practice of humanitarian intervention in the early post-Cold War era. Taking as its basis US policy towards Somalia, Rwanda and Haiti between 1992 and 1994, it develops a theory of humanitarian intervention based on constructivist and scientific realist principles. Using identity as the organising concept, the thesis examines the meta-theoretical precepts of constructivism and scientific realism, which are developed into a methodology for analysing questions of foreign policy. Incorporating critical insights from sequential path analysis, morphogenetic social analysis - the notion of a dynamic mutual constitution of structure and agency - and constructivist social theory, the case studies provide a useful new means of conceptualising humanitarian intervention as a foreign policy practice through an identity-driven analysis. The findings of the research shed much light on this practice and its future prospects. They also suggest new directions for a scientific realist/constructivist research agenda.

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Wu, Hsiao-yun. "The Zhou chariot : Politics, cultures interactions, and identity." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.527324.

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Babejová, Eleonóra. "Space, politics and identity in Bratislava 1867-1914." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.621867.

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Spinetti, Federico. "Music, politics and identity in post-Soviet Tajikistan." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.428033.

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Yu, Ngai Ying. "Identity politics of the Hong Kong Chinese Orchestra." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2012. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1458.

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Cheung, Siu-woo. "Subject and representation : identity politics in southeast Guizhou /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/6516.

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Gandolfo, K. L. "The politics of identity : the case of the Palestinian-Jordanian identity in Jordan." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.525491.

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The evolution of identity has assumed a central role in the analysis of conflict and statesociety relations in the contemporary Middle East. Since the establishment of the state of Israel in 1948 the Palestinian diaspora has extended throughout the region and beyond, bringing their experiences, narratives, and customs into their new environment. Receiving the most substantial number of Palestinian refugees, Jordan now hosts a majority population of Palestinian Jordanians for whom integration has occurred at varied levels. Through the course of this thesis the correlation between civil rights and the evolution of the Palestinian- Jordanian identity shall be analyzed with a view to determine whether the absence of rights results in an enhanced Palestinian identity. In addition, variables such as economic status, duration of residence and religious affiliations shall be explored to determine the extent of their influence on the evolution of the Palestinian Jordanian identity in Jordan. The relationship between identity and civil rights is important both practically and theoretically. It is of practical importance due to the ethno-political paramountcy of the region and the mercurial dynamic between the Palestinian diaspora community and the host states on a wider regional level. As tensions in the region escalate with the rise of radical Islamist groups, an enhanced understanding of ethnic identity and the application of civil rights would be conducive to a reduction in the risk of future violence in Jordan, which has sustained a successful record of cordiality with its subjects. On a theoretical level, the thesis will explore the variables of civil rights, socioeconomics, religion, and cultural tradition with renewed vigor, presenting a contemporary insight into the Palestinian Jordanian domestic dynamic. Drawing on a collection of interviews conducted by the candidate in 2006 and 2007, in addition to a wealth of statistics compiled by the Center for Strategic Studies at the University of Jordan, the thesis shall follow the hypothesis that the discrimination enacted by Jordanian citizenship, nationality and electoral legislation fails to protect the state. While the Jordanian government avers that to present all Palestinians residing in Jordan with full citizenship rights - and ergo national and electoral rights - presents a risk to the stability of Jordan, this thesis contends that the marginalization of the Palestinian community would be conducive towards further societal division.

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Hirsch, Veronica R. "The Politics of "Passing": American Indians and Racial "Passing"." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/278852.

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Stringer, Timothy J. "Identity, self-hood and politics : the consitution of political subjectivity in liberal-democratic thought." Thesis, University of Manchester, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.306510.

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Bryant, Emi. ""I am Michi!" identity politics in Osamu Tezuka's Metropolis /." Diss., Connect to the thesis, 2006. http://thesis.haverford.edu/174/01/2006BryantE.pdf.

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org, jbintang@kiseas, and Jaehyon Lee. "UMNO Factionalism and The Politics Of Malaysian National Identity." Murdoch University, 2005. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20060612.120537.

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This thesis analyses UMNO factionalism from the perspective of the elites manipulation of the various modes of nationalisms. This thesis argues that UMNO factionalism, which is seemingly a power struggle between competing UMNO elites, has been significantly shaped by contesting nationalist ideologies that reflect the unresolved questions of national identity in Malaysia. These two issues, that is, nationalism and UMNO factionalism, have shaped Malaysian politics in significant ways. UMNO factionalism has been related to such major political events as the 1969 ethnic riots, the introduction of the New Economic Policy, the UMNO split in 1987 and the Reformasi (Reform) movement in 1998. Frequently, the impact of these disputes extended beyond UMNO politics and affected wider Malaysian politics. At the same time, due to unresolved questions of national identity, nationalism has occupied a central position in Malaysian political discourse. There are ambiguities regarding the relationships among the various ethnic identities and national identity and between the individual and the larger Malaysian community that enable elites to construct and manipulate nationalist ideologies. In this thesis, the conflicting nationalisms are captured by five different concepts of nationalism ethnocultural, civic and multicultural nationalisms in one group and collectivist-authoritarian and individualistic-libertarian nationalisms in another. The Malaysian Prime Ministers have constructed nationalist ideology to define the Malaysian nation in their attempts to resolve the unresolved problems of national identity. The challengers arguments, to mobilise the community, mirror the communitys (negative) responses to the Malaysian Prime Ministers nationalist visions. In addition, the ideological arguments in the disputes extend the dispute beyond the elites, involving the community as well. Furthermore, because of the ideological conflicts, these factional disputes affect the direction of government policies in significant ways. This study shows that UMNO factional disputes have followed this pattern of ideological conflicts, although the exact contents may vary. The 1969 factional dispute was a clash between Tunku Abdul Rahmans shift towards multicultural nationalism and its challengers ethnocultural nationalism. Tunku Abdul Rahmans nationalist vision moved away from ethnocultural nationalism in pursuit of national integration. The challengers, reflecting the Malay communitys response to the Prime Ministers vision, took a strong ethnocultural Malay nationalist stance. The successful mobilisation of the Malay community by ethnocultural Malay nationalists contributed to the policy shift towards ethnocultural nationalism in the 1970s. In the 1987 dispute, Mahathirs economic policy, which moved away from ethnocultural nationalism, was challenged by Razaleighs ethnocultural nationalist argument. After the dispute, Mahathir could only mobilise the community by tactically employing the rhetoric of ethnocultural Malay nationalism. In the 1990s, Mahathirs attempt to define the national identity of Malaysia by constructing a civic Malaysian nation, Bangsa Malaysia, relieved the tension surrounding the ambiguous national identity of Malaysia. It was facilitated by rapid economic growth that ameliorated ethnic contests over limited economic resources. However, the collectivist-authoritarian aspect of Mahathirs nationalism raised another nationalist question concerning the subordination of individual liberty and rights to the collective communitys will and interests a nationalism that justified his authoritarian rule. There was tension between an increasingly confident civic Malaysian society and Mahathirs collectivist-authoritarian control of the society. The 1998 UMNO dispute was a clash between Mahathirs collectivist-authoritarian nationalism and Anwar Ibrahims individualistic-libertarian nationalism. The latter attempted to mobilise Malaysian society with his nationalist position (the Reformasi movement) which was expressed in the demand for liberal political reform. After the dispute, Mahathir was able to regain lost political ground through the politics of fear. It seems, however, that the fundamental question remains unresolved. This unresolved tension between the demand for individual liberty and rights and authoritarian control by state elites is likely to shape the ideological arguments in future UMNO factional disputes.

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Rajiva, Mythili. "Identity and politics, second generation ethnic women in Canada." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1996. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp05/mq20946.pdf.

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Spivey, Michael. "Identity politics of a southern tribe a critical ethnography /." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0010/NQ27323.pdf.

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Lee, Jae Hyon. "UMNO factionalism and the politics of Malaysian national identity /." Access via Murdoch University Digital Theses Project, 2005. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20060612.120537.

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Speer, Annika Corwin. "Performing Politics| Visibility, Identity, and Meaning-Making in Docudrama." Thesis, University of California, Santa Barbara, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3596267.

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My dissertation, Performing Politics: Visibility, Identity, and Meaning-Making in Docudrama, challenges scholars' privileging of documentary theatre, which relies solely on primary source material such as trial transcripts, over docudrama, which allows a blending of primary sources with fiction. I focus on contemporary docudrama theatre practitioners in the United States, and specifically on productions that address issues of gender and sexuality. My work argues for the feminist potential of docudrama to disrupt hierarchies of knowledge and destabilize the primacy of the primary source. I demonstrate in Chapter One that in a docudrama like Paula Kamen's Jane: Abortion and the Underground, "reality" operates alongside the imaginative potential of fiction, thus providing practitioners and audiences a unique realm in which to tackle difficult and politically charged issues. My second chapter argues that the interdisciplinarity of documentary theatre can be a feminist ethnographic model for scholar-artists to employ ethical research methods for artistic engagement. Through a critical examination of E. Patrick Johnson's Sweet Tea, I argue that reflexivity and the post-show talkback are promising tools for foregrounding the practitioner's positionality and raising public consciousness. Finally, I challenge implications that documentary theatre is inherently pedagogical. Through an analysis of Dustin Lance Black's 8, I question the ways in which parroting primary source material reifies dominant ideologies, further entrenching cultural hierarchies. I conclude by considering other promising feminist attributes of docudrama, specifically the symbiotic potential of dialoging documentary scholarship with scholarship on queer temporalities.

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Bradley, J. M. "Religious identity in modern Scotland : culture, politics and football." Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 1993. http://oleg.lib.strath.ac.uk:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=21296.

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The central argument of this thesis is that football in Scotland has acquired characteristics which make it a nationalistic, political and cultural repository. This has its origins in the post-Reformation period in Scotland, Irish immigration into Scotland and Scotland/Britain's historically contentious relationship with Ireland. Part one examines the present situation as regards religious identity in Scotland. It reflects on the development and pervasiveness of Protestantism within society, emphasising its anti-Catholic dimension. Irish immigration to Scotland in the 19th and 20th century is briefly reflected upon within the context of a growing ethno-religious cleavage. The second part of the thesis concentrates upon football. It particularly addresses the 'Old Firm' of Glasgow Rangers and Celtic though substantial reference is made to other clubs and to the Scottish international arena. Here, much of the analysis is based upon an original survey of the political and social attitudes of a sample of the supporters of the nine largest clubs in Scotland. The penultimate section focuses specifically upon anti-Catholicism in Scotland and the present character of Irish identity, particularly in the west of Scotland. The nature of the cleavage between both cultures is explored. Various Protestant and Catholic social and political groupings were also surveyed and the results are reported in this section. The context within which anti-Catholicism in Scotland has developed is established together with the main tenets of the contemporary Irish Catholic identity in part four. The conclusion establishes that previous studies have utilised a flawed approach to analysing religious identity in modem Scotland. Despite being a secular country, religious identity is a dominant cultural idiom in Scotland and its academic neglect has resulted in its miscomprehension of the nature of Scottish society and politics. In sum the thesis suggest five major conclusions: 1) Although the term sectarianism has major limitations it also has relevance for religious identity in Scotland. 2) Football is a crucial element of ethno-religious identity in Scotland, and national, cultural, social and political expressions become more explicit in the Scottish football arena. 3) Anti-Catholic culture runs deep in Scotland. This thesis -has located it in its historical context, explained its wider ideological underpinnings and reflected its complexity and variability in modern society. 4) The term 'sectarianism' has the function of shrouding the character of the Irish immigrant experience and identity. It has also served a long term ideological purpose in its debasement of the Irish identity in Scotland. 5) Identity is a much more useful concept than sectarianism for our understanding of religious cleavage and cultures in Scottish society.

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Lo, Shih-hung. "Mediating national identity : television, politics and audience in Taiwan." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2001. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1610/.

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This thesis is concerned with the relationship between the mass media and national identity. It uses methodological triangulation involving multiple methods and multiple sets of data to investigate the ways in which the mass media and television in particular have contributed to the formation of national identity in Taiwan. The Taiwanese case markedly points to the inadequacy of a widely held assumption bout the influence of the media on the formation of national identity: that national media foster national identity and global media weaken national identity. The thesis argues against this simplistic assumption, which reflects two dominant perspectives in the study of nationalism and communication the diffusionist view of national identity-formation, and the transmission view of communication. Both perspectives underestimate the complexity of the media-identity relationship and cannot adequately accommodate the Taiwanese case. This thesis provides an alternative perspective that stresses national identity-formation as a conjunctural mediation process between media representation and audience reception, whereby the powerful media and the active audience co-exist. As a constitutive part of the national discursive space that contains both text and reader, television has helped to create among the Taiwanese audience an imaginable community of solidarity, constituting both the symbolic textures of national identity and the contexts in which that identity is experienced. Through the conjunctural mediations between media representation and audience reception, the respondent families in the present study have subscribed to a national identity that necessarily assumes a hybrid form. Yet despite (or indeed because of) Taiwan's ambiguous statehood, the respondents' hybrid identifications with the 'nation' can best be summed up in the term 'Taiwan-centred identity'. The findings of this thesis extend beyond the Taiwanese case to the broader theorisation of the role of the media, especially television, in the formation of national identity in an age of globalisation.

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Andersson, Ann-Catrin. "Identity politics and city planning : the case of Jerusalem." Doctoral thesis, Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-16371.

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Jerusalem is the declared capital of Israel, fundamental to Jewish tradition, and a contested city, part of the Israel–Palestine conflict. Departing from an analysis of mainly interviews and policy documents, this study aims to analyze the interplay between the Israeli identity politics of Jerusalem and city planning. The role of the city is related to discursive struggles between traditional, new, and post-Zionism. One conclusion is that the Israeli claim to the city is firmly anchored in a master commemorative narrative stating that Jerusalem is the eternal and indivisible capital of Israel. A second conclusion is that there is a constant interplay between Israeli identity politics, city policy, and planning practice, through specific strategies of territoriality. The goals of the strategies are to create a political, historical and religious, ethnic, economic, and exclusive capital. Planning policies are mainly focused on uniting the city through housing projects in East Jerusalem, rehabilitating historic heritage, ancestry, and landscapes, city center renewal, demographic balance, and economic growth, mainly through tourism and industrial development. An analysis of coping strategies shows that Jerusalem planners relate to identity politics by adopting a self-image of being professional, and by blaming the planning system for opening up to ideational impact. Depending on the issue, a planner adopts a reactive role as a bureaucrat or an expert, or an active role, such mobilizer or an advocate. One conclusion drawn from the “Safdie Plan” process is that traditional Zionism and the dominant collective planning doctrine are being challenged. An alliance of environmental movements, politicians from left and right, and citizens, mobilized a campaign against the plan that was intended to develop the western outskirts of Jerusalem. The rejection of the plan challenged the established political leadership, it opened up for an expansion to the east, and strengthened Green Zionism, but the result is also a challenge to the housing needs of Jerusalem.
Författaren tillhör även "Forskarskolan Urbana och Regionala Studier – Städer och regioner i förändring"

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Gisselquist, Rachel M. "Ethnic leftists, populist ethnics : the new politics of identity." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/42391.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2007.
Includes bibliographical references (v. 2, leaves 398-434).
Group identifications - in particular, those based on ethnicity and class - are central to political mobilization during elections. This dissertation asks: when and why does the salience of ethnic and class categories vary across elections in emerging democracies? It argues that which categories are politicized has less to do with which categories are most salient to voters and more to do with which are most useful to politicians. The strategies of politicians, however, are contrained in a particular ways, by opportunity, which is provided by party system crises, and by the political space, which is given by the structure of existing social identity categories, particularly their sizes and degrees of overlap with traditionally-politicized categories. Given the institutional rules, size and overlap affect which identity groups have the numbers to win and which describe similar constituencies that could be switched between for political expediency. The project nests the theory within an explanatory framework describing four key factors that drive variation in identification: voter preferences, political institutions, party institutions, and elite manipulation. The dissertation presents data from three sources: a fieldwork-based study of Bolivian party politics, focusing on the democratic period from 1982 to 2005; data from the "Constructivist Dataset on Ethnicity and Institutions (CDEI)" on political parties and elections in Latin America in the early 1990s; and four shadow cases from the Andean region (Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, and Venezuela). These data are used to map variation in identification across countries and over time; to illustrate the plausibility of the argument and to test it against predictions drawn from alternative hypotheses; and to explore the generalizability of the argument.
by Rachel Miyoshi Gisselquist.
Ph.D.

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Chew, Weng-Huat. "Identity in city form : the politics of building height." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/11859.

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Welsh, Madison J. "Charlie Hebdo: The Politics of French Identity & Exclusion." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/730.

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On January 7th, 2015, two gunmen attacked the Paris offices of French satirical magazine Charlie Hebdo. Later identified as two French brothers of Algerian descent linked to Al-Qaeda, the shooting was perceived as a targeted and deliberate attack on the freedom of speech. Millions throughout the world declared "Je suis Charlie," in solidarity with the victims and in defense of free speech. Critics argued back and forth over whether Charlie Hebdo's right to free speech is in fact absolute, or if it's content could be considered hate speech. This thesis offers an alternative angle to this discourse, and that is a discussion on the narratives of French identity at play within the Je suis Charlie movement. What did it mean to declare oneself Charlie? Who was not Charlie, and why? These are the questions I seek to answer in my thesis by placing the event within the historical context of French Enlightenment, Revolution, and colonialism.

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Pagowsky, Nicole, and Miriam Rigby. "Contextualizing Ourselves: The Identity Politics of the Librarian Stereotype." The Association of College and Research Libraries (Chicago, IL), 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/552922.

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Digital file includes the first chapter from The Librarian Stereotype: Deconstructing Presentations and Perceptions of Information Work, edited by Nicole Pagowsky and Miriam Rigby; digital file also includes foreword by James V. Carmichael, Jr., Embracing the Melancholy: How the Author Renounced Moloch and the Conga Line for Sweet Conversations on Paper, to the Air of "Second Hand Rose

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Anand, Dibyesh. "World politics, representation, identity : Tibet in Western popular imagination." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/5858a3bf-ee85-4d17-ba68-74444581a5d5.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Identity Politics'

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