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Journal articles on the topic 'Identity Politics'

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1

Michaels, Walter Benn. "Identity Politics." New Labor Forum 19, no. 2 (June 2010): 8–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.4179/nlf.192.0000003.

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2

Jones, Alethia. "Identity Politics." New Labor Forum 19, no. 2 (June 2010): 12–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.4179/nlf.192.0000004.

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Cox, Octavia. "Identity Politics." Eighteenth-Century Life 43, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 138–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00982601-7725804.

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4

Bernstein, Mary. "Identity Politics." Annual Review of Sociology 31, no. 1 (August 2005): 47–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.soc.29.010202.100054.

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5

Schreier, Benjamin. "Identity/Politics." American Book Review 36, no. 3 (2015): 23–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/abr.2015.0053.

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6

Wrenn, Mary. "Identity, identity politics, and neoliberalism." Panoeconomicus 61, no. 4 (2014): 503–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/pan1404503w.

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With the intensification of neoliberalism, it is useful to examine how some individuals might cope with the irrationality of the system. Neoliberalism cloaks the execution of the corporate agenda behind rhetorical manipulation that advocates for limited government. The corollary absence of government involvement on behalf of the citizenry writ large disarms the means of social redress for the individual. Democracy funded and fueled by corporate power thereby disenfranchises the individual, provoking some to search for empowerment through identity politics. The argument set forth suggests that individuals construct, reinforce, or escalate allegiance to identities as a coping mechanism, some of which manifest in violent identity politics.
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7

Hekman, S. "Beyond identity: Feminism, identity and identity politics." Feminist Theory 1, no. 3 (December 1, 2000): 289–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14647000022229245.

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8

Hekman, Susan. "Identity crises: Identity, identity politics, and beyond." Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 2, no. 1 (March 1999): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698239908403266.

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9

Nowlin, Michael. "Beyond Identity Politics?" Canadian Review of American Studies 29, no. 1 (January 1999): 133–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cras-029-01-07.

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10

McCullough, Kate, and Elizabeth A. Meese. "Reconstructing Identity Politics." NOVEL: A Forum on Fiction 25, no. 1 (1991): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1345665.

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11

Wong, Day. "Beyond Identity Politics." Journal of Lesbian Studies 10, no. 3-4 (January 2, 2007): 29–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j155v10n03_03.

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12

Merolla, Jennifer L. "White Identity Politics." Forum 18, no. 2 (September 29, 2020): 287–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2020-2009.

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13

Mont, Simon. "Identity Beyond Politics." Tikkun 33, no. 1-2 (2018): 63–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/08879982-4354498.

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14

Pedersen, M. A. "NON-IDENTITY POLITICS." Common Knowledge 17, no. 1 (January 1, 2011): 117–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0961754x-2010-043.

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15

Aiginger, Karl, and Heinz Handler. "European Identity Politics." Research in Applied Economics 12, no. 2 (May 31, 2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/rae.v12i2.16841.

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Social and political sciences use the term ‘identity’ in describing a wide range of phenomena, whether these be personal explanations of self-understanding, descriptions of common interests or the shared experiences of a larger group. It has been used in the recent analyses of countries or larger communities, but also in the historical studies of very different societies in developing or industrialized countries. To make the concept more operational and open to empirical research, we dichotomize it into an inclusive versus an exclusive type. This enables us to carve out the different policy conclusions associated with each type. We then apply the concepts for analysing the emergence of European identity over the past decades, as well as its limits and recent headwinds. We present survey data on national and supranational identity and country differences concerning trust in national and European institutions. As a counterstrategy to populism and the exclusive type of identity, political observers, from scientists to members of the media, are split into suggesting either a "cordon sanitaire” to discourage voting for such ideas versus an embracement strategy by including their representatives into government, thereby controlling them or revealing their incompetence. This paper, in contrast, ventures a proactive strategy of four steps to localize the root causes of the success of populism, offering an inclusive vision for the long run, policy instruments for economic improvements and a new narrative. These concepts are linked to the strategy of the European Commission of a Green Deal and a Social Europe "striving for more”, which acts as a program to strengthen the inclusive European identity and pre-empt the renationalization requested by the exclusive type. It is much too early to analyse the COVID-19 crisis under the proposed dichotomization and the new narrative. However, the differences in the initial reactions of countries to the emerging pandemic, bashing foreign sources for its creation and misusing the crisis for a restoration of autocratic leadership on the one hand and looking for solidarity on the national as well as international level on the other, may later be attributed to the concepts of exclusion versus inclusion.
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16

DIAMOND, ELIN, NOBUKO ANAN, DENISE VARNEY, KATRIN SIEG, BISHNUPRIYA DUTT, and TIINA ROSENBERG. "Identity Politics Forum." Theatre Research International 37, no. 1 (January 26, 2012): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030788331100085x.

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Introduced, compiled and edited by Elin Diamond, this forum brings together feminist theatre/performance scholars to revisit the question of identity politics. Does it still have currency? Does it still matter for feminists today? In what theatre and performance contexts do we still discuss identity politics? Following an overview (from a US perspective) of past and present concerns by Elin Diamond, the forum voices a range of international views as contributors consider identity politics, theatre and performance in their countries of origin: Nobuko Anan (Japan), Denise Varney (Australia), Katrin Sieg (Germany), Bishnupriya Dutt (India) and Tiina Rosenberg (Sweden).
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17

Assiter, Alison. "Beyond Identity Politics." Journal of Gender Studies 15, no. 3 (November 2006): 273–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09589230600862075.

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18

Rozmarin, Eyal. "Better Identity Politics." Psychoanalytic Dialogues 20, no. 2 (April 9, 2010): 181–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10481881003716263.

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19

Haider, Asad. "Identity." History of the Present 10, no. 2 (October 1, 2020): 237–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/21599785-8351841.

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Abstract This article explores the history and meaning of the term identity politics, along with the term identity itself. It focuses on the history of the deployment of this language within social movements and academic political debates, attempting to trace its relation to the prospects for emancipatory politics.
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20

Rhie, Sang-Hwan. "Two Faces of Identity Politics : From Identity Politics to Decentralized Citizenship." Journal of the Daedong Philosophical Association 87 (June 30, 2019): 177–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.20539/deadong.2019.87.07.

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21

Carrington, Ben. "Merely Identity: Cultural Identity and the Politics of Sport." Sociology of Sport Journal 24, no. 1 (March 2007): 49–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ssj.24.1.49.

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Some commentators have suggested that the embrace of “identity politics” has gone too far and that we are now in a putative postidentity moment. Within the academy this argument has been articulated from two divergent positions. The first derides identity politics as a move away from materialist concerns. The second, more conservative, position argues that identity politics is at fault for being over-political, for reading politics into every aspect of knowledge production. I argue that identity is in fact a necessary, although not sufficient, precondition for any effective oppositional politics. I further suggest that these arguments are themselves evidence of the articulation of (white, male, and heterosexual) institutional power within the academic field of (sport) sociology. As an alternative, I argue for the renewal of a critical public sport sociology that draws upon and extends the cultural studies tradition of committed and engaged scholarship.
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22

Smith, Anna Marie. "Identity Before Identity Politics by Linda Nicholson." Constellations 17, no. 2 (June 2010): 369–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8675.2010.00595.x.

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23

Tesh, Sylvia N., and Bruce A. Williams. "Identity Politics, Disinterested Politics, and Environmental Justice." Polity 28, no. 3 (March 1996): 285–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3235374.

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24

Hill, Jonathan, and Thomas Wilson. "Identity Politics and the Politics of Identities." Identities 10, no. 1 (January 2003): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10702890304336.

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25

Čiubrinskas, Vytis. "Identity Politics and Migration." Anthropological Journal of European Cultures 17, no. 1 (March 1, 2008): 155–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ajec.2008.01701010.

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The Centre of Social Anthropology (CSA) at Vytautas Magnus University (VMU) in Kaunas has coordinated projects on this, including a current project on 'Retention of Lithuanian Identity under Conditions of Europeanisation and Globalisation: Patterns of Lithuanian-ness in Response to Identity Politics in Ireland, Norway, Spain, the UK and the US'. This has been designed as a multidisciplinary project. The actual expressions of identity politics of migrant, 'diasporic' or displaced identity of Lithuanian immigrants in their respective host country are being examined alongside with the national identity politics of those countries.
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26

Chauhan, Anil, and Badri Narayan. "Dalit Politics and Identity." Social Scientist 31, no. 5/6 (May 2003): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3518041.

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27

Rafi, Muhammad, Eko Priyo Purnomo, and Baskoro Wicaksono. "Riau Malay Identity Politics." Jurnal Antropologi: Isu-Isu Sosial Budaya 22, no. 1 (May 31, 2020): 112. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/jantro.v22.n1.p112-120.2020.

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This article is a study of the process of the rise of Riau Malay Identity Politics when it was previously marginalized in the New Order era. The purpose of this article is to look at the stages in the formation of identity politics in restoring the glory of Malay culture in Riau province. This research is descriptive-explorative library research that explains and explores ideas about Riau Malay identity politics by answering questions in problems identified based on reading results and data interpretation related to the research theme. The results showed that after the reforms, the political elite of the Riau Province government tried to strengthen Malay identity with a variety of policies that were disseminated. Then, the negative views that were often directed towards ethnic Malay in the past, were rectified again by giving Islamic values to all the lives of the Malay people. Furthermore, the Local Government and the Riau Malay Customary Institution try to re-socialize the importance of the use of Malay as the origin of Indonesian.
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28

Shakespeare, Tom. "Disabling politics? Beyond identity." Soundings 30, no. 30 (July 1, 2005): 156–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/136266205820466670.

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29

Gorrara, Claire, and Vanna Motta. "Introduction: ‘Identity, Gender, Politics’." New Readings 6 (July 1, 2000): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18573/newreadings.42.

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30

Apple, Michael W., and Philip Wexler. "Identity, Politics, and Schooling." Educational Researcher 22, no. 2 (March 1993): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1176172.

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31

Warnke. "Politics, Identity, and Domination." Good Society 28, no. 1-2 (2020): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/goodsociety.28.1-2.0023.

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32

Conduit, Ed. "Slurs in Identity Politics." Studies in English Language Teaching 10, no. 2 (May 26, 2022): p120. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/selt.v10n2p120.

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Slurs are words that diminish the worth of members of our groups. The UK broadcast regulator Ofcom has a list of highly offensive terms that it recommends broadcasters not to use. Bangladeshis, Poles, Greeks and lower-class white males remain of low visibility to Ofcom. Four identities that have high visibility in broadcast television were found to show low levels of slurs and Israeli to have a moderate level. British Asian Muslim identity has many pejorative terms, though most are Arabic and not well-known in English. The terms “gonimoter maal” and “gawur” could be considered severe slurs as they have resulted in rape or murder. “Misogyny” is currently used freely by broadcasters. Thorough lexicology here failed to find a credible psychology for “hatred of women” or a credible set of actions. Presumed actions were found to be mass nouns combining threat, non-sentience, pathology, doctrine, quirk, sometimes crime, and sometimes a comparison with harmful chemicals. They remove sentience from the adversary and preclude empathy and dialogue. Ofcom might ask respondents if they consider “misogynist” a slur.
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33

이대희. "Sport and Identity Politics." 21st centry Political Science Review 23, no. 2 (September 2013): 397–419. http://dx.doi.org/10.17937/topsr.23.2.201309.397.

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34

Austin John Jeffery and Todd K. Shackelford. "Identity Politics in Science." Evolutionary Studies in Imaginative Culture 1, no. 1 (2017): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.26613/esic.1.1.15.

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35

Jeffery, Austin John, and Todd K. Shackelford. "Identity Politics in Science." Evolutionary Studies in Imaginative Culture 1, no. 1 (July 31, 2017): 81–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.26613/esic/1.1.15.

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36

Po-king, Choi. "The Politics of Identity." Chinese Sociology & Anthropology 30, no. 3 (April 1998): 65–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/csa0009-4625300365.

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37

Handler, Richard, and Ernest Gellner. "Culture, Identity, and Politics." Man 23, no. 4 (December 1988): 771. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2802615.

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38

Moody-Adams, Michele M. "Democracy, Identity, and Politics." Res Philosophica 95, no. 2 (2018): 199–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.11612/resphil.1621.

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39

Berrey, Ellen C. "The Politics of Identity." Contexts 6, no. 2 (May 2007): 13–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ctx.2007.6.2.13.

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40

Balfour, Lawrie. "Reparations After Identity Politics." Political Theory 33, no. 6 (December 2005): 786–811. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591705279067.

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41

Nelson, Dana D. "Guest Introduction: Identity? Politics." Modern Language Studies 32, no. 1 (2002): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3252050.

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42

Hochstetler, Douglas R. "Identity Politics and Kinesiology." International Journal of Kinesiology in Higher Education 2, no. 2 (October 4, 2017): 31–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/24711616.2017.1371573.

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43

Kelly, Maura, and Gordon Gauchat. "Feminist Identity, Feminist Politics." Sociological Perspectives 59, no. 4 (August 3, 2016): 855–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0731121415594281.

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Feminist scholars and activists have endorsed a broad and intersectional political agenda that addresses multiple dimensions of inequality, such as gender, sexuality, race/ethnicity, and class. We examine whether or not this perspective is also held by self-identified feminists in the general public. Drawing on public opinion polls from 2007 to 2009, we assess self-identified feminists’ attitudes toward a range of social policies. We find that after controlling for sociodemographic factors and political ideology, feminist identity is associated with progressive attitudes on policies related to gender and sexuality (e.g., abortion) as well as policies related to other social justice issues (e.g., immigration, health care). We also find some interactions between feminist identity and gender, age, education, and political ideology, suggesting some heterogeneity in feminists’ political attitudes. Overall, these findings suggest that feminists in the general public support an intersectional social justice agenda rather than a narrow focus on gender issues.
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44

Marchlewska, Marta, Aleksandra Cichocka, Orestis Panayiotou, Kevin Castellanos, and Jude Batayneh. "Populism as Identity Politics." Social Psychological and Personality Science 9, no. 2 (October 4, 2017): 151–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1948550617732393.

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Populists combine anti-elitism with a conviction that they hold a superior vision of what it means to be a true citizen of their nation. We expected support for populism to be associated with national collective narcissism—an unrealistic belief in the greatness of the national group, which should increase in response to perceived in-group disadvantage. In Study 1 (Polish participants; n = 1,007), national collective narcissism predicted support for the populist Law and Justice party. In the experimental Study 2 (British participants; n = 497), perceived long-term in-group disadvantage led to greater support for Brexit and this relationship was accounted for by national collective narcissism. In Study 3 (American participants; n = 403), group relative deprivation predicted support for Donald Trump and this relationship was accounted for by national collective narcissism. These associations were present even when we controlled for conventional national identification. We discuss implications of the link between collective narcissism and support for populism.
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45

Cruikshank, Margaret. "Aging and identity politics." Journal of Aging Studies 22, no. 2 (April 2008): 147–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jaging.2007.12.011.

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46

Walsh, Mary. "Identity, Narrative and Politics." Contemporary Political Theory 3, no. 3 (December 2004): 353–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.cpt.9300143.

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47

Appiah, Kwame Anthony. "The politics of identity." Daedalus 135, no. 4 (October 2006): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed.2006.135.4.15.

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48

Arthur, John. "Identity and multicultural politics." Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 1, no. 3 (September 1998): 137–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698239808403252.

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49

Murphy, John W. "Culture, identity, and politics." History of European Ideas 9, no. 6 (January 1988): 759–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(88)90130-1.

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50

Alan Fine, Gary. "Gastronativism: Food, Identity, Politics." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 52, no. 5 (August 24, 2023): 468–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00943061231191421cc.

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