Academic literature on the topic 'Ideologem'

W artykule przedstawiono analizę figury Robinsona w powieści dydaktycznej Adolfa Dygasińskiego Przygody młodzieńca czyli Robinson polski. Za pomocą metodologii ekonomii literatury zbadano ideologem pracy, a także usytuowano utwór Dygasińskiego w kontekście peryferyjnego kapitalizmu. Przeniesienie ekonomiczno-literackiej figury z kontekstu angielskiego kapitalizmu na ziemie polskie wymagało wielu zmian, które pozwalają rozpoznać problematyczny status gospodarczych peryferii globalnego kapitalizmu.

U radu se definira ideologem i obrađuju ideologemske strukture izabranih tekstova Vladana Desnice, Stjepana Čuića i Ive Brešana. Objašnjava se zašto se ovi hrvatski pisci okreću fantastičnome žanru i u kakav se odnos stavljaju prema vlasti. Sva tri autora ruše ideološke koncepte, no čine to na različite načine, pa se otkriva kako se ostvaruje ideologemska struktura njihovih fantastičnih tekstova. Donosise i odgovor na pitanje funkcionira li uopće fantastična proza kao ideologemska struktura.

Abstract The paper systematises and analyses basic definitions, classifications, functions, and forms of expression of the ideologeme as a fundamental unit of ideology, as well as reveals the specific features of functioning of ideologemes in the media discourse. In particular, it elaborates on the issue of ideologeme and mythologeme convergence, which can cause mythologization of ideology and ideologization of mythology. A special emphasis is placed on the ability of ideologemes to adapt the structural units of the myth to their content. The purpose of the article is to determine the ability of ideologeme to represent an ideology in the media discourse in the light of its definition framework and functional parameters.

ABSTRAKPenelitian ini menggunakan novel Jangan Menangis Bangsaku (JMB) karya N. Marewo sebagai objek material dan teori hegemoni Gramsci sebagai objek formalnya. Tujuan utama penelitian adalah untuk mengidentifikasi ideologi yang direpresentasikan oleh tokoh-tokoh dalam novel dan mengetahui bagaimana formasi ideologinya, serta menganalisis negosiasi ideologi yang terdapat dalam novel JMB. Metode yang digunakan adalah deskriptif analisis. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa ideologi yang terdapat dalam novel JMB ialah nasionalisme, sosialisme, kapitalisme, teisme, humanisme, dan romantisme. Ideologi-ideologi tersebut saling berhubungan dan membentuk formasi ideologi yang bersifat kontradiktif, korelatif, dan subordinatif. Negosiasi ideologi dalam novel ini terjadi melalui peristiwa dan dialog antartokoh. Ideologi dominan yang terdapat dalam novel ini adalah sosialisme yang bernegosiasi dengan ideologi subaltern lainnya dan membentuk suatu hegemoni.Kata Kunci: formasi ideologi, negosiasi, hegemoni ABSTRACTThis research used novel Jangan Menangis Bangsaku (JMB) by N.Marewo as the material object and Gramsci’s hegemony theory of literature as the formal object. The main objective of the research is to identify ideologies which are represented by the characters in the novel and find out the ideology formation, and analyze the ideological negotiations that contained in the novel. The method used is descriptive analysis. The results showed that the ideologies contained in the novel JMB were nationalism, socialism, capitalism, theism, humanism, and romanticism. These ideologies are interconnected and form ideological formations that are contradictory, correlative, and subordinative. Ideological negotiation in this novel occurs through events and dialogue among characters. The dominant ideology is socialism, this ideology negotiates with other subaltern ideologies and forms a hegemony.Keywords: ideology formation, negotiation, hegemony

Penelitian ini berupaya untuk mengidentifikasi serta mendeskripsikan sebaran dan formasi ideologi yang ada dalam cerpen “Sarman” karya Seno Gumira Ajidarma. Cerpen “Sarman” ditulis pada tahun 1986. Permasalahan ini coba dibahas karena tokoh-tokoh dalam cerpen, khususnya tokoh Sarman sebagai tokoh sentral, dengan segala interaksi dan tindak-tuturnya, merepresentasikan ideologi-ideologi tertentu. Analisis formasi ideologi yang dilakukan berdasar pada teori hegemoni Antonio Gramsci. Teori ini memungkinkan analisis tentang praktik hegemonik maupun resistensi yang ada di dalam cerpen sehingga dapat dilihat keberadaan ideologi-ideologi yang saling berinteraksi. Lalu, sebagai sebuah situs hegemoni, karya sastra dipandang sebagai dunia gagasan atau ideologi yang berpengaruh. Oleh karena itu, penelitian ini mengidentifikasi sebaran ideologi dalam cerpen dan menemukan lima ideologi, yaitu anarkisme, anti-materialisme, individualisme, materialisme, dan kapitalisme. Formasi ideologi yang ditemukan dalam cerpen terbentuk dalam tiga hubungan: hubungan kontradiktif, hubungan korelatif, dan hubungan subordinatif. Berdasarkan temuan formasi ideologi dalam cerpen, kemudian, tampak kecenderungan pengarang dalam mengkritik ideologi yang satu dengan lainnya. This study seeks to identify and describe the distribution and formation of ideology in the short story "Sarman" by Seno Gumira Ajidarma. This short story was written in 1986. This study try to discuss this problem because the characters in the short stories, with all their interactions and speech acts, represent certain ideologies. The analysis of the formation of ideology is based on Antonio Grasmsci’s theory of hegemony. This theory allows an analysis of the hegemonic practice and resistance that exists in the short story so that it can be seen the existence of interacting ideologies. Then, as a hegemonic site, literature is seen as a world of influential ideas or ideologies. Therefore, this research then identifies the distribution of ideology in short stories and finds five ideologies: anarchism, anti-materialism, individualism, materialism, and capitalism. Formation of ideology in short stories exists in three relationships: contradictory relationships, correlative relationships, and subordinative relationships. Based on the findings of the formation of ideology in the short story, then, it appears that the author's tendency to criticize some ideology.

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengungkap ideologi dan formasi ideologi dalam novel Putu Wijaya yang berjudul Pabrik dengan menggunakan teori hegemoni Gramsci. Masalah penelitian ini adalah ideologi apa yang dapat ditemukan dalam novel dan bagaimanakah pembentukannya. Untuk mengungkap ideologi dan formasi ideologi dalam novel ini, penelitian menggunakan metode melalui langkah-langkah berikut: (1) menentukan subjek penelitian; (2) melakukan studi kepustakaan; (3) mengidentifikasi ideologi berdasarkan teori hegemoni Gramsci; dan (4) menganalisis formasi ideologi. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa ada empat ideologi dalam novel tersebut, yaitu (1) ideologi otoritarianisme; (2) ideologi individualisme; (3) ideologi liberalisme; dan (4) ideologi anarkisme. Formasi ideologi dalam novel tersebut muncul dalam tiga hubungan, yaitu hubungan kontradiktif antara ideologi otoritarianisme dan demokrasi, hubungan korelatif antara ideologi liberalisme dan hedonisme, dan hubungan bawahan antara ideologi otoritarianisme dan liberalisme. [Title: Ideology in Putu Wijaya’s Pabrik]. This study aims to reveal the ideology and ideological formation in Putu Wijaya's novel entitled Pabrik using Gramsci's theory of hegemony. The problem of this study is what ideology that can be found in the novel and how its formation is. In revealing the ideology and ideological formation in the novel, this research is organized through the following steps: (1) determining the subject of research; (2) conducting library research; (3) identifying ideologies based on Gramsci's theory of hegemony; and (4) analyzing the ideological formation. The results show that there are four ideologies in the novel; those are (1) the ideology of authoritarianism; (2) the ideology of individualism; (3) the ideology of liberalism; and (4) the ideology of anarchism. The ideological formation in the novel appears in three relationships, namely the contradictory relationship between the ideology of authoritarianism and democracy, the correlative relationship between the ideology of liberalism and hedonism, and the subordinate relationship between the ideology of authoritarianism and liberalism.

Temelj je ovog rada analiza ideologema i njihove učestalosti u tekstovima Kraglskog Dalmatina (1806.-1810.) pisanima hrvatskim jezikom. U obzir su uzeti samo oni ideologemi koji se odnose na Dalmaciju i njoj susjedne krajeve, a posebice je pažnja usredotočena na ideologeme koji u kontekstu stvaranja nove političkezajednice imaju važnu simboličku funkciju. Rezultati analize učestalosti ideologema objašnjeni su u kontestu "geneze" ideje "dalmatinske" nacije, pri čemu su za njihovo bolje razumijevanje iskorišteni noviji teorijski dosezi radova o nacijama inacionalizmu.

The community has the right to obtain his will - his view of life, but the situation cannot be obtained because the community is trapped by the great ideologies that are in power (dominating). Therefore, the author as a recorder - intellectuals who contested his ideology through literary works. Literary works as a unifying tool of social forces and the struggle of subordinate groups to fight political actions that offer certain ideologies. Thus, the purpose of this research is to explain the ideologies that live in society, including the dominant ideologies, which are related to the mindset and patterns of people’s behavior in literary works. This study uses a qualitative descriptive method that focuses on content analysis using the Gramsci hegemony theory. The results of this study are that Sarman figures are not counter-hegemonic over the ideology of capitalism, but through Sarman, Seno tries to negotiate that the ideology of capitalism becomes a socialist and humanist capitalist ideology, namely capitalists who view humans as dignified beings and social beings, entitled to rights which should be obtained. The relationship between the characters of Sarman and Seno, were clearly described by the author Gumira Ajidarma, the author contests ideologies to the readers and wants to negotiate his ideologies. However, like Sarman, Seno is still trapped in the dominant group (rulers) whose ideology is capitalism. Masyarakat memiliki hak untuk memperoleh kehendaknya—pandangan hidupnya, namun situasi tersebut tidak dapat diperoleh karena masyarakat terperangkap oleh ideologi-ideologi besar yang berkuasa (mendominasi). Oleh karena itu, pengarang sebagai perekam—kaum intelektual yang mengkontestasikan ideologinya melalui karya sastra. Karya sastra sebagai alat pemersatu kekuatan-kekuatan sosial dan pertarungan kelompok subordinat untuk melakukan perlawanan terhadap tindakan politik yang menawarkan ideologi-ideologi tertentu. Dengan demikian, tujuan penelitian ini adalah terjelaskannya ideologi-ideologi yang hidup di masyarakat, termasuk ideologi dominan, yang berkaitan dengan pola pikir dan pola perilaku masyarakat dalam karya sastra. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode deskriptif kualitatif yang berfokus pada analisis isi dengan menggunakan teori hegemoni Gramsci. Hasil penelitian ini adalah tokoh Sarman bukan counter-hegemonik atas ideologi kapitalisme, tetapi melalui Sarman, Seno mencoba untuk menegosiasikan agar ideologi kapitalisme menjadi ideologi kapitalisme yang sosialis dan humanis, yaitu kapitalis yang memandang manusia sebagai makhluk bermartabat dan makhluk sosial, berhak mendapatkan hak-hak yang seharusnya diperoleh. Keterkaitan tokoh Sarman dengan Seno Gumira Ajidarma sebagai pengarang, sangat jelas terlihat bahwa pengarang mengkontestasikan ideologi-ideologi kepada pembaca dan ingin menegosiasikan ideologi-ideologinya. Namun, seperti Sarman, Seno masih terjebak dalam kelompok dominan (penguasa) yang berideologi kapitalisme.

The ideology contestation is basically a classic polemic, where after independence the ideology of Islam was confronted with nationalism and took root until now (reform). However, the momentum of the 2019 election political contestation was again marked by the struggle of ideology namely ideology of Islamism and nationalism. The polemic began with the emergence of religious issues that were raised on the surface of political actors as a hegemony in taking the sympathy of voters. The existence of religion as a central issue began in 2016-2017 related to the prosecution of Ahok who insulted religious values ​​(Islam), and among the political parties involved in the demonstrations namely PPP, PKS, PBB, and PKB. In that momentum the beginning of the revival of Islamic ideology as the power in defending Islamic sovereignty. Judging from the ideology of political parties in Indonesia in the 2019 election political contestation, the ideology of political parties based on the statutes and bylaws (AD / ART) that the ideology applied can be classified into three parts namely ideology Nationalism, Islamism, and Nationalist-Religious, and the three ideologies. This can be proven based on the results of a survey from Australia 2017-2018 based on the voters. However, political parties based on multiple ideologies, PAN, PKB and Democrats, each have priority orientation. PAN and PKB tend to polarize the values ​​of Islamism (religious), while Democrats are more dominated by nationalist issues. The concept of Islamic political ideology, in the context of political contestation in political party elections, is basically a necessity to implement the values ​​of ri'ayah, taqwin, irshad and ta'dib through political education, or campaign in elections to achieve mutual benefit, both parties whose ideology Islamism, nationalism and nationalist-religious, so as to build the moralistic side of society, and intelligence in responding to the issues that exist in the election apart from that, political parties in confronting political contestation the emphasis of the movement must reflect the value of poverty, the three ideologies have been packaged in the values ​​of Pancasila in the third principles of Indonesian unity. Asbtak Kontestasi ideology pada dasarnya polemik klasik, dimana pasca kemerdekaan ideologi islam dihadapkan dengan nasionalisme dan mengakar sampai sampai saat ini (reformasi). Akan tetapi momentum pemilu 2019 kontestasi politik kembali diwarnai pergulatan ideology yakni ideology islamisme dan nasionalisme. Polemik tersebut berawal dengan mencuatnya isu keagamaan yang dimunculkan dipermukaan pelaku politik sebagai hegemoni dalam mengambil simpati pemilih. Eksistensi agama sebagai sentral isu berawal tahun 2016-2017 terkait penuntutan terhadap ahok yang melecehkan nilai-nilai agama (islam), dan diantara partai politik yang terlibat dalam demonstrasi yakni PPP, PKS, PBB, dan PKB. Dalam momentum tersebut awal mencuatnya kembali ideologi islam sebagai of the power dalam mempertahan kedaulatan Islam. Menilik ideologis partai politik di Indonesia pada konstestasi politik pemilu 2019, ideology partai politik berdasarkan anggaran dasar dan anggaran rumah tangga (AD/ART) bahwa ideologi yang diterapkan dapat diklasifikasikan menjadi tiga bagian yakni ideology Nasionalisme, Islamisme, dan Nasionalis-Religius, dan ketiga ideology tersebut dapat dibuktikan dengan berdasarkan hasil survey dari asutralia 2017-2018 berdasarkan pemilih. Namun demikian partai poltik yang berasaskan ideologi ganda, PAN, PKB dan Demokrat, masing-masing memiliki kiblat prioritas. PAN dan PKB condong polarisasi nilai-nilai islamisme (religious), sedangkan Demokrat lebih didominasi oleh isu-isu nasionalis. Konsep ideology politik islam, dalam konsteks kontestasi politik dalam pemilu partai politik pada dasarnya sebuah keharusan mengimplementasikan nilai-nilai ri’ayah, taqwin, irsyad dan ta’dib melalui pendidikan politik, ataupun kampanye dalam pemilu guna mencapai kemaslahatan bersama, baik partai yang berideologi islamisme, nasionalisme dan nasionalis-religius, sehingga terbangun sisi moralistik masyarakat, dan kecerdasan dalam menanggapi isu-isu yang ada dalam pemilu. selain dari itu partai politik dalam menghadapi konstestasi politik penekanan gerakannya harus mencermikan nilai kemaslahan, ketiga ideology tersebut telah kemas dalam nilai-nilai pancasila pada sila ketiga persatuan Indonesia.

I uppsaten analyseras skrävlets narrativa och ideologiska implikationer i enlighet med det Jameson kallar social symbolhandling i Dan Anderssons Amerika-skildring Chi-mo-ka-ma från 1920. Här noteras textens antitetiska relation till den billiga läsning som den vanligtvis vänsterradikale Andersson beskrev boken som i brev till Bonniers, liksom till populära eller reifierade genremarkörer och den ideologi som denna konsumtionskultur är ett uttryck för. Den paradoxala narration som därmed uppstår, främst i bilden av indianerna, kan även tolkas som de textuella följderna av en reell subtext, som, tillsammans med underklassens villkor, kan betraktas som en politiskt undermedveten nivå av realism. Då skrävlets ideologem glider mellan att förvränga verkligheten till sin motsats och mimetisk upplösning i ren verklighetsflykt kan vår förståelse hur detta fungerar inte användas som en säker tolkningskod för att avtäcka den subversiva nivån i en allegorisk läsning. Boken blir därmed ambivalent mellan anti-mimetisk modernism, populism och en indirekt antydd subversiv realism. Den sista nivån blir dock tydligt signalerad genom den underminering av den kapitalistiska och populistiska ideologin som utgör bokens sociala symbolhandling.

Falupartiet anser sig själva att inte styras av någon av de klassiska ideologierna, de anser då att de styrs av något annat som har att göra med vad som är det bästa för Falu kommun, men vad betyder det och vad innebär det ideologiskt? Det bör innebära att Falupartiet är styrda av en lokal ideologi? Syftet med denna uppsats är att analysera fram Falupartiets lokala ideologi för att skapa en större förståelse för den. Uppsatsens frågeställningar vill besvara vilka av de klassiska ideologierna som styr de nationella partierna som även styr Falupartiet, även om Falupartiet förnekar sig styrda av dem. Frågeställningarna vill även undersöka om det kan finnas spår av lokalpopulistiska drag i att endast påstå sig styras av lokala intressen. Detta kommer att göras med en kvalitativ diskursanalytisk metod och med hjälp av teorier om ideologisk analys där ideologin delas upp i huvudpunkter för att analyseras separat. Analysen kommer att göras endast på Falupartiets textmaterial från deras hemsida. Analysresultaten visar att Falupartiets ideologi innehåller en stor blandning av flera olika ideologier vilket samtidigt kan ses som populistiskt. Falupartiet har ingen extrem ideologi men deras ideologiska kärna bör ses som högerkonservativ, med vissa populistiska drag.
The local Falun party is claiming not to be steered by any of the classical ideologies that the national parties have, they claim that they are steered by something else that has to do with what is the best for Falun community, but what does that mean and what kind of ideology is that about? It must be some kind of local ideology? The purpose of this paper is to analyse the Falunparty’s ideology to create a bigger understanding about it. It will do that thru the method of discourse analysis and with help of theories about ideological analysis where you separate the ideology into different headlines. And this analyse will only be done on the Faluparty’s text material from their website. The questionnaire’s in this paper wants to answer to what kind of ideology the local ideology is made of by comparing it to the national classical ideologies that the party is claiming not to be steered by. This paper is also questioning if this local ideology has populistic undertones. The results show that the Faluparty has a mix of all kinds of ideologies, which in itself can be seen as populistic. They do not have any extreme ideology, but their primary ideological nature is slightly right-wing conservative, thus with a populistic behaviour.

Cette thèse se propose de questionner, sous l’angle du langage, le phénomène de l’idéologie en partant de la francographie négro-africaine. Caractérisant cette dernière, nous restituons les temps forts de sa construction, tumultueuse, en pratique professionnelle organisée, pour aboutir à l’hypothèse que les idéologèmes du texte porteraient en premier sur une interprétation du vécu sociopolitique du continent. À partir de ce point, et compte tenu de l’ubiquité de notre sujet, nous tentons de circonscrire un cadre opératoire de nœuds idéologiques dans le texte. Pour ce faire, nous avons recours à l’analyse du discours, surtout avec ses notions de pratique et de formation discursives, ainsi qu’avec celle d’habitus, développée par Bourdieu pour rendre compte d’un système de signes culturellement et socialement conditionnés. Ceci écarte l’immanence structuralise et permet une porosité de l’analyse dans la perspective d’un aller-retour permanent entre l’idéologie de l’auteur et celle de son personnel en texte. C’est sur ces deux plages, et sur les deux plans (le plus fondamental de représentation du monde, et le plus calculé, le plus stratégique, voire le plus polémique) du processus idéologique, que nous parvenons à bâtir la structuration de notre thèse. Nous analysons ainsi, sous le couvert de la lexicologie, La caractérisation, La description et La créativité lexicale, qui prennent globalement en charge les artifices d’agencements discursifs des locuteurs pour donner à voir les êtres et les choses. Il en découle une vision plutôt négative du cosmos chez les personnages mis en scène, même si certains auteurs ont su relever l’image de l’Afrique, aussi bien auprès des Occidentaux que chez les Africains eux-mêmes. Dans la seconde partie, qui se penche sur La structuttion scénographique, nous analysons particulièrement le sens de l’énoncé à travers son énonciation, la (mise en) scène tant externe qu’interne de l’énonciation des auteurs et de leurs personnels. Éprouvant positivement le critère linguistique de la formation discursive de la graphie, Les représentations linguistiques montrent à quel point la langue française continue de hanter les esprits, plus d’un demi-siècle après l’occupation coloniale, que ce soit en vrai ou en faux, i.e comme soumis à un stratagème de positionnement dans la légende. Une étude de l’énonciation textuelle, par Les discours rapportés, Les déictiques et La temporalité narrative, montre comment les sujets parlant conçoivent l’altérité ou l’identité, comment ils migrent, selon le besoin de la cause, de l’énonciation singulière à l’énonciation universelle et vice-versa, comment ils manipulent l’énonciation d’autrui pour la soumettre à la leur. Les auteurs dénoncent, surtout sur le plan politique, un laxisme et un amour pitoyable de l’immédiateté.La francographie négro-africaine apparaît comme un champ de batailles idéologiques variées, que ce soit entre les écrivains, les politiques et les partenaires de l’édition, ou bien entre les écrivains et les lecteurs, africains ou francophones. Même si ces derniers ne répondent pas aux auteurs dans le texte, ou ne leur répondent pas tout simplement, les débats, les perceptions qui s’entretiennent de part et d’autre des deux camps se lisent en filigrane
This thesis, entitled The ideology of the text: semiolinguistic analysis of the negro-African francography, is attempting a scrutiny of ideology in the novel. Characterizing what is known as francography, we restore the main events of its tumultuous development into the organized professional activity that it is today. We thus postulate that ideologems in the text initiate an interpretation of the sociopolitical situation in Africa. Trying to resolve the ubiquity of ideology in language, we manage to circumscribe a frame of study to spot the manifestations of our topic in the text. For that purpose, we recourse to discourse analysis, especially its concepts of discursive practice and discursive formation. The notion of habitus, developed by Bourdieu, also contributed to state systems of signs that are culturally and socially determined in the African literary field, as well as it deviated the structuralist immanence of text theories. This deviation led to an efficient switch between the ideology of the authors and that of their characters or narrators. It is on these two lines and on the double aspect (the basic one of thoughts and viewpoints, and the most strategic or controversial one) of the ideological action that we come to build the frame of the thesis. Through a lexicological study (Characterization, Description and Lexical creativity), we examine the lexical combinations constructed by the speakers to represent things and beings according to their judgments. It emerges from this that enunciators have a rather negative representation of their environment, even though some authors succeed in raising the image of Africa. In the second section of the theses, based on Thescenographic structuration, we scrutinize the sense of the utterance according to its enunciation, as well as we consider both the internal and the outside stage/staging of the various protagonists of the communication. Confirming the statement that African writers, more than fifty years after colonization, are still concerned with the linguistic question, The Linguistic representations illustrate the use of various conceptions of French that writers perform, either to simply get ordinary representations to reverberate across the literary field, either as a strategy to make their mark on a topic that has always been very successful. The study of the text enunciation, through Reported speech, Deixis and Narrative temporality, reveals how speakers/thinkers conceive otherness and identity, how they switch, according to their interests, from a singular to a universal reference and vice versa, how they manipulate the other’s enunciation to serve their viewpoints. In the aggregate, authors of the corpus denunciate an excessive free-and-easy political attitude and a pernicious propensity for immediacy.The negro-African francography turns out to be a field of various ideological battles, both for writers, political and publishing protagonists, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, for writers and readers, whether the latter are African or Europeans. It does not matter much that readers don’t answer writers back in the text, or don’t even simply retort; what is certain is that the battles and reciprocal perceptions over both sides are palpable in the text

Orientador: Maria Orlanda Pinassi
Banca: Fátima Cabral
Banca: Fernando Antonio Lourenço
Resumo: Este trabalho tem como objeto de análise a perspectiva de Max Weber em relação ao socialismo. Esse grande clássico do pensamento social sustentou posição muito crítica em relação à exequibilidade do projeto socialista. Mais precisamente, este trabalho delineia e analisa a crítica weberiana ao socialismo em sua dupla abrangência: Weber contrapõe-se tanto à ideia de que a emancipação humana seria atingida em uma sociedade socialista estabelecida, quanto às próprias possibilidades de êxito de uma revolução social que caminhasse no sentido da construção dessa sociedade. Inicialmente revelados os argumentos weberianos que sustentam tal postura, passa-se à sua subsequente discussão crítica à luz do contexto histórico na qual o pensador alemão os forjou. A cadeia de valores que norteavam o autor - base de sua postura político-ideológica - parece influenciar sobremaneira seu ponto de vista sobre o modo de produção socialista, o qual via apenas como extensão radicalizada da dominação burocrática, algo já existente em seu predecessor, o capitalismo moderno. Tomando precisamente essa ideia como central, não vislumbrava saída para a "jaula de ferro" da burocracia, apresentando-a como algo inexorável na modernidade, seja no capitalismo, seja no seu suposto antípoda, o socialismo. Por fim, muito embora desdobramentos históricos das experiências "socialistas" tenham dado razão a Weber, apresentam-se alguns elementos críticos à elaboração teórica weberiana, problematizando-se alguns aspectos de sua argumentação, cuja força e influência são inegáveis. Para isso, textos variados de sua obra são percorridos e analisados, embora tome como documento central a célebre Conferência sobre o Socialismo, proferida por Weber em 1918
Abstract: This work aims to analyse Max Weber's perspective in relation to the socialism. This great classic of the social thought argued against the feasibility of the socialist project from a very critical point of view. More precisely, this work delineates and analyses the double biased Weberian criticism towards socialism: Weber not only opposes the idea that the human emancipation would be reached in an established socialist society, but also criticises the possibilities of success of a social revolution that could lead to that sort of society. Unveiled the arguments that underpin Weber's criticism, the subsequent critical discussion of the author's reasons is addressed in the light of the historical background in which the German thinker has come up with them. The chain of values that guided the author, which provides the basis for his political-ideological position, seems to exert great influence on the view he holds on socialism, which he has only seen as an extensive form of the bureaucratic domination, something that has already existed in its predecessor, the modern capitalism. Taking that very idea as pivotal, that negative view of socialism, Weber has considered there was no way out for the "cage of iron" of bureaucracy, thus claiming it was something inexorable in modern times, either in capitalism or in socialism, capitalism's supposed antipodal. Finally, even though some historical developments of "the socialist" experiences give reason to Weber's arguing, the Weberian theorisation and his arguing, whose strength and influence are undeniable, are questioned here based on some critical elements. In order to do so, a wide range of Weber's works are browsed and analysed; the famous Conference on Socialism, though, proffered by Weber in 1918, is here taken as the fundamental document for research
Mestre

Aquesta tesi doctoral analitza el corrent cinematogràfic de la Nuberu Bagu partint de la premissa que les seves característiques permeten considerar-lo un component integrant de la ideologia de la Nova Esquerra japonesa, pertanyent ambdós fenòmens a la denominada ""època de la política"" (seiji no kisetsu) (1966-1971). El nucli de la metodologia de ""l'anàlisi ideològica"" aquí aplicada és la lectura de les pel·lícules com a textos els elements interns dels quals serveixen als interessos externs de determinats grups sociopolítics en una relació de poder significativa amb altres grups sociopolítics. En el cas que ens ocupa, això implica fonamentalment descodificar les línies de continuïtat que connecten el cinema de la Nuberu Bagu amb altres components ideològics de la Nova Esquerra japonesa, així com amb la ideologia d'aquest grup sociopolític en el seu conjunt, oposada principalment a la Vella Esquerra japonesa. Selecciono una mostra de dues pel·lícules paradigmàtiques a través de les quals discernir una sèrie d'elements característics de la Nuberu Bagu que permetin configurar un model per abordar-la com una part integrant de la ideologia de la Nova Esquerra japonesa, podent aquest model servir per a estudis posteriors. Es tracta d'Eros + Massacre (Erosu purasu Guakusatsu, 1969), de Yoshida Kiju, i Tira els llibres, surt al carrer (Sho o suteyo machi e deyo, 1971), de Terayama Shuji. Són pel·lícules estrenades en moments històrics amb implicacions significativament diferents i filmades per directors amb sensibilitats divergents, però precisament aquestes discontinuïtats faciliten la demostració que ambdues obres contenen un nucli de característiques estable que permeten establir un model unitari (sota el nom de Nuberu Bagu), pertanyent a una ideologia unitària (sota el nom de Nova Esquerra). L'anàlisi de la Nuberu Bagu duta a terme en aquest estudi consta de tres fases. En la primera fase, en primer lloc presento l'enfocament metodològic de ""l'anàlisi ideològica"" del cinema en contraposició al del cinema nacional; a través d'aquesta contraposició, s'entendrà millor la conveniència de ""l'anàlisi ideològica"" a l'hora d'abordar el cinema. En segon lloc, abordo el context de les relacions de poder del Japó de l'època en què sorgí la Nuberu Bagu, exposo les característiques generals de la ideologia de la Nova Esquerra japonesa, i a continuació analitzo Eros + Massacre decodificant les connexions entre el text de la pel·lícula i aquesta ideologia en el seu conjunt (de la que forma part com a component doctrinal). En la segona fase investigo la relació entre el cinema de la Nuberu Bagu, continuant amb el cas il·lustratiu d'Eros + Massacre, i la consciència col·lectiva imperant en la Nova Esquerra japonesa de la importància de la subjectivitat humana (shutaisei) concebuda com a autonegació del subjecte (jiko hitei) (i que constitueix un component subjectiu d'aquesta ideologia). Per a això, em centro en dos aspectes clau del cinema de Yoshida Kiju a través dels quals desplega la seva visió de la subjectivitat com a autonegació: l'espai i la memòria. En la tercera fase, relaciono analíticament la teoria política d'un dels pensadors més importants en la confrontació de la Nova Esquerra japonesa, Yoshimoto Takaaki, i la concepció del cinema de Terayama Shuji, a través del cas il·lustratiu de la seva pel·lícula Tira els llibres, surt al carrer. En aquesta fase em fixo en com Yoshimoto a través de la teoria política i Terayama a través de la pràctica del cinema, expressen una visió similar de la relació entre la figura de l'intel·lectual i les masses, podent aquestes expressions
Esta tesis doctoral analiza la corriente cinematográfica de la Nuberu Bagu partiendo de la premisa de que sus características permiten considerarla un componente integrante de la ideología de la Nueva Izquierda japonesa, perteneciendo ambos fenómenos a la denominada "época de la política" (seiji no kisetsu) (1966-1971). El núcleo de la metodología del ""análisis ideológico"" aquí empleada es la lectura de las películas como textos cuyos elementos internos sirven a los intereses externos de determinados grupos sociopolíticos en una relación de poder significativa con otros grupos sociopolíticos. En el caso que nos ocupa, esto implica fundamentalmente decodificar las líneas de continuidad que conectan el cine de la Nuberu Bagu con otros componentes ideológicos de la Nueva Izquierda japonesa, así como con la ideología de dicho grupo sociopolítico en su conjunto, opuesta principalmente a la Vieja Izquierda japonesa. Selecciono una muestra de dos películas paradigmáticas a través de las cuales discernir una serie de elementos característicos de la Nuberu Bagu que permitan configurar un modelo para abordarla como una parte integrante de la ideología de la Nueva Izquierda japonesa, pudiendo este modelo servir para estudios posteriores. Se trata de Eros + Masacre (Erosu purasu Guakusatsu, 1969), de Yoshida Kiju, y Tira los libros, sal a la calle (Sho o suteyo machi e deyo, 1971), de Terayama Shuji. Son películas estrenadas en momentos históricos con implicaciones significativamente distintas y filmadas por directores con sensibilidades divergentes, pero precisamente estas discontinuidades facilitan la demostración de que ambas obras contienen un núcleo de características estable que permiten establecer un modelo unitario (bajo el nombre de Nuberu Bagu), perteneciente a una ideología unitaria (bajo el nombre de Nueva Izquierda). El análisis de la Nuberu Bagu llevado a cabo en este estudio consta de tres fases. En la primera fase, en primer lugar presento el enfoque metodológico del "análisis ideológico" del cine en contraposición al del cine nacional; a través de esta contraposición, se entenderá mejor la conveniencia del "análisis ideológico" a la hora de abordar el cine. En segundo lugar, abordo el contexto de las relaciones de poder del Japón de la época en que surgió la Naberu Bagu, expongo las características generales de la ideología de la Nueva Izquierda japonesa, y a continuación analizo Eros + Masacre decodificando las conexiones entre el texto de la película y esta ideología en su conjunto (de la que forma parte como componente doctrinal). En la segunda fase investigo la relación entre el cine de la Nuberu Bagu, continuando con el caso ilustrativo de Eros + Masacre, y la conciencia colectiva imperante en la Nueva Izquierda japonesa de la importancia de la subjetividad humana (shutaisei) concebida como autonegación del sujeto (jiko hitei) (y que constituye un componente subjetivo de esta ideología). Para ello, me centro en dos aspectos clave del cine de Yoshida Kiju a través de los cuales despliega su visión de la subjetividad como autonegación: el espacio y la memoria. En la tercera fase, relaciono analíticamente la teoría política de uno de los pensadores más importantes en la conformación de la Nueva Izquierda japonesa, Yoshimoto Takaaki, y la concepción del cine de Terayama Shuji, a través del caso ilustrativo de su película Tira los libros, sal a la calle. En esta fase me fijo en cómo Yoshimoto a través de la teoría política y Terayama a través de la práctica del cine, expresan una visión similar de la relación entre la figura del intelectual y las masas, pudiendo estas expresiones ser consideradas parte del mismo cuerpo doctrinal de una misma ideología: la de la Nueva Izquierda japonesa.
This Ph.D. dissertation analyses the Nūberu Bāgu film trend based on the premise that its characteristics allow it to be considered an integral component of the Japanese New Left ideology, with both phenomena belonging to what is known as the “season of politics” (seiji no kisetsu) (1966-1971). From this approach, the understanding of a certain type of cinema is a way to gain a better insight into the ideology to which it belongs, just as the understanding of an ideology as a whole is a way to gain a better insight into the elements comprising it, cinema among them. On the methodological level, first I propose my own definition of the concept of “ideology” starting with some of the approaches by Plamenatz (1979), Eagleton (1991), Žižek (1994) and Kellner (1995). Based on this definition, I formulate a methodology for the “ideological analysis” of cinema starting with some of the conceptions by Thompson (1984, 1990), Zavarzadeh (1991) and Kellner (1993; 1995). The core of this methodology is a reading of films as texts whose internal elements serve the external interests of certain socio-political groups in a significant power relationship with other socio-political groups. In the case at hand, this means fundamentally decoding the continuous lines connecting the Nūberu Bāgu cinema with other ideological components of the Japanese New Left, as well as with this socio-political group’s ideology as a whole, opposed mainly to the Japanese Old Left. In order to conduct an “ideological analysis” of the Nūberu Bāgu, I select a sample of two paradigmatic films through which a set of characteristic elements of this film trend can be distinguished, which enables to configure a model to address this cinematographic phenomenon as an integral part of the Japanese New Left ideology; a model that can be used for future research. These films are Eros + Massacre (Erosu purasu Guakusatsu, 1969), by Yoshida Kijū, and Throw Away Your Books, Rally in the Streets (Sho o suteyo machi e deyō, 1971), by Terayama Shūji. The films were released at historical moments with significantly different implications, and filmed by directors with divergent sensitivities, but it is precisely these discontinuities that enable us to establish a coherent model (under the name of Nūberu Bāgu), belonging to a coherent ideology (under the name of New Left). The “ideological analysis” of the Nūberu Bāgu conducted in this dissertation is made up of three stages. In the first stage, I present the methodological approach for the “ideological analysis” of cinema as opposed to that of national cinema; by means of this contraposition, the convenience of “ideological analysis” when addressing cinema will be grasped. Secondly, I address the context of power relationships in Japan at the time when the Nūberu Bāgu emerged, and then I analyse Eros + Massacre by decoding the connections between the film text and this ideology as a whole (to which the film belongs as a doctrinal component). In the second stage, I investigate the relationship between the Nūberu Bāgu cinema, still using the illustrative case of Eros + Massacre, and the prevailing collective consciousness in the Japanese New Left of the importance of human subjectivity (shutaisei) conceived as the subject’s self-negation (jiko hitei) (and which is a subjective component of this ideology). To do so, I focus on two key aspects of Yoshida Kijū’s cinema through which he displays his view of subjectivity as self-negation: space and memory. In the third stage, I analytically relate the political theory of one of the most important thinkers in the shaping of the Japanese New Left, Yoshimoto Takaaki, and Terayama Shūji’s conception of cinema, through the illustrative case of his film Throw Away Your Books, Rally in the Streets. In this stage I focus on the way Yoshimoto, through his political theory, and Terayama, through his film practice, express a similar view of the relationship between the figure of the intellectual and the masses, taking into account that these expressions can be considered as part of the same doctrinal body of the same ideology: the Japanese New Left. Finally, I add an appendix in which I present the preliminary research that led to the approach of this Ph.D. dissertation. I have included it in this compendium as a reference for a general perspective of the starting point of the Nūberu Bāgu as a reaction to the humanist cinema hegemony in Japan until the end of the 1950s. The introductory understanding of the confrontation between both kinds of cinema enables us to gain a better understanding of the conflict between the New Left and the Old Left prevailing in the ideological dimension of the post-war Japanese society. This Ph.D. dissertation affords a better comprehension of the Nūberu Bāgu and the Japanese New Left ideology to which it belongs, and of their interrelationship. In the first place, the stages of the “ideological analysis” enable us to better understand the cinema, the political theory and the subjective consciousness that make up the Japanese New Left, by means of the analysis of their interrelationships and their relationship with this ideology as a whole. Secondly, these stages dialectically refine our understanding of the Japanese New Left ideology as a whole through the analysis of its indissoluble relationship with some of the components comprising it, and of the interrelationships between these components. Thirdly and on a more abstract level, they constitute, through the proposed approach to the relationship between the Nūberu Bāgu and the Japanese New Left, my critical rethinking of the very notion of ideology.

The similarity between the Russian and the Indian, in a Cold War context, may be ambiguous considering the ethnic-social variables and the period in time from where the Indians relate. However, by analyzing these, as well as other, characters in the exhibition of movies, we could learn something about the ideology of the time from which the movies derive. This study examines ideology and movies in the Cold War era and concludes that the Indian, for example, may be representing the values of the common public enemy, originating from the Cold War ideology. The movies examined, regardless of influence of distinct Cold War themes or lack of such themes, carry attributes that give evidence of typical Cold War ideology. The fear of communism and common enemies connected to a Cold War context, the thought of America as the land of the free – with the horizon in the ending of the movies as metaphoric to freedom – and the moral rhetoric that connects to the American thought of a duty as a global savior, are all signs of the Cold War ideology. Even though the messages are somewhat clearer and more distinct in the movies with Cold War motifs, the fact that ideology is projected through other movies as well should be considered essential for the continuing study of movies as cultural artefacts.

Orientador: Marina Célia Mendonça
Coorientador: Aparecido Donizete Rossi
Banca: Valdemir Miotello
Banca: Luciane de Paula
Resumo: A partir do cotejamento entre a obra literária Pride and Prejudice (1813) e sua transcriação cinematográfica homônima de 2005, buscamos observar, por meio das reflexões de Volochínov, Medviédev e Bakhtin, as diferenças e similaridades refratadas nos discursos sobre a mulher em cada obra. A hipótese deste trabalho é que há diferenças nas ideologias refratadas em cada texto por conta da diferença de contexto sócio-histórico e ideológico em que se criam as obras (século XIX e século XXI). Utilizando uma metodologia dialógica, propomos a análise de algumas cenas que foram selecionadas a partir de dois eixos temáticos: a educação feminina (em oposição ao que se entende, principalmente no romance, como educação masculina) e o casamento (visto como contrato social). Em virtude do filme estabelecer-se como uma re-criação estável do romance, é possível o encontro de equivalência nas cenas das obras e, a partir disso, observar no filme as refrações ideológicas dos discursos num contexto muito próximo ao que fora escrito no romance. Para a análise, mobilizamos alguns conceitos importantes para a filosofia bakhtiniana, como signo, ideologia, autor-criador, forças centrífugas e centrípetas e, por se tratar de obras de arte, a dupla refração. Após observar e destacar os valores ideológicos refratados nos trechos do livro e do filme, a partir da análise das cenas selecionadas, é possível afirmar que se mantêm a posição ideológica de cada personagem propostas no livro na criação cinematográfica. Em geral, as vozes que refratam ideologias de forças centrípetas no livro também o fazem no filme; porém, na obra cinematográfica, há a intensificação das vozes que buscam a pluralização e a instabilidade dos valores sociais. No filme, a protagonista, Elizabeth, continua sendo questionadora, mas de forma mais incisiva. Esse recurso atualiza os...
Abstract: From the collating between the literary work Pride and Prejudice (1813) and his homonymous film transcreation made in 2005, we seek to observe, through the reflections made by Volochínov, Medviédev and Bakhtin, differences and similarities in the women discourse's refraction in each work. The hypothesis is that there are differences on the refracted ideologies in each text considering the socio-historical context and ideological differences in which the works are created (nineteenth and twenty-first century). Using a dialogic methodology we propose to analyze some scenes that were selected from two themes: female education (as opposed to what is meant, especially in the novel, as male education) and marriage (seen as a social contract). As the film established itself as a stable re-creation of the novel, the meeting of equivalence in the scenes of the works is possible and, from that, we observe that the discourses' refractions on the film are in a very close connection to the refractions that were in the novel. For the analysis, we mobilize some important concepts for Bakhtin's philosophy, as sign, ideology, author-creator, centrifugal and centripetal forces, and as we are dealing with art, the double refraction. After observing and highlighting the refracted ideological values in parts of the book and in the film scenes, through the analysis, it is clear that the ideological position of each character in the book remains in the filmmaking. In general, the voices that refract ideologies of centripetal forces in the book also do it in the film; however, in the cinematographic work, there is the intensification of voices that seek the pluralization and the instability of social values. In the film, the protagonist, Elizabeth, is still questioning, but more forcefully. This feature updates the speeches of the book, giving the twenty-first century partners a close response to...
Mestre

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O presente estudo busca proceder a uma análise crítica da técnica de ponderação desenvolvida por Robert Alexy. A edificação desse arcabouço teórico encontra um solo fecundo no paradigma linguístico sob cariz argumentativo e o pós-positivismo, enquanto modelos, respectivamente, de superação do ideal moderno submetido à racionalidade técnica atrelada a ideologia, bem como do império positivista das primeiras construções jurídicas modernas. Nesse cenário de emergência, o pensamento proposto pelo jusfilósofo é recepcionado como uma construção teórica adequada para resolução do grande nó górdio do direito na contemporaneidade, qual seja, a colisão dos direitos fundamentais. Todavia, esse estudo proporciona um libelo à vertente teórica erguida, pois se visualiza que ainda permanece na diretriz alexyana referências que se ajustam à perspectiva ligada aos vetores modais entendidos como solapados pela reviravolta lingüística e pós-positivismo, ou seja, presos a referenciais, sinteticamente, da filosofia da consciência, da racionalidade técnica e da discricionariedade julgadora. Assim, busca-se uma blindagem a uma postura discricionária na aplicação dos princípios, em prol para uma decisão comunicativamente, de fato, racional que se coaduna com o respeito a garantias dos princípios de direitos fundamentais e a separação de poderes que dão a natureza de um Estado como Democrático de Direito, objetivando-se demonstrar que o respeito ao Estado Democrático de Direito e as alicerces que os fundamentam necessitam de uma teoria dos princípios a partir dos pressupostos fundamentais da intersubjetividade da ética do discurso em Habermas, basicamente, o princípio de universalização ‘U’, o princípio do discurso ‘D’, e também o entendimento intersubjetivo que deve ocorrer no agir comunicativo, em que o processo de entendimento mútuo, numa racionalidade dialógica, pode levar a um acordo consensualmente reflexivo. Ajunta-se a esse entendimento a necessidade de complementaridade por uma perspectiva tópico-problemática em insinua, positivamente, um deslocamento de partida da compreensão Jurídica.
Salvador

Identifying individual's political ideology from their speeches and written texts is important for analyzing political opinions and user behavior on social media. Traditional opinion mining methods rely on bag-of-words representations to classify texts into different ideology categories. Such methods are too coarse for understanding political ideologies. The key to identify different ideologies is to recognize different opinions expressed toward a specific topic. To model this insight, we classify ideologies based on the distribution of opinions expressed towards real-world entities or topics. Specifically, we propose a novel approach to political ideology detection that makes predictions based on an opinion-aware knowledge graph. We show how to construct such graph by integrating the opinions and targeted entities extracted from text into an existing structured knowledge base, and show how to perform ideology inference by information propagation on the graph. Experimental results demonstrate that our method achieves high accuracy in detecting ideologies compared to baselines including LR, SVM and RNN.

В статье рассматривается проблемы, связанные с распространением в современном российском обществе идеологии терроризма и экстремизма, участия молодежи в экстремистской деятельности. Автором анализируется проводимая в учебных заведениях организационная и общественно-воспитательная деятельность по противодействию распространения идеологий экстремизма и терроризма. The article examines the problems associated with the spread in modern Russian society of the ideology of terrorism and extremism, the participation of young people in extremist activities. The author analyzes the organizational and social educational activities carried out in educational institutions to counter the spread of the ideologies of extremism and terrorism.

The current political scene is undergoing visible and often incomprehensible changes for the average person. The rise of new political forces is a topical issue, especially in the context of an ideological reconfiguration. Even if it is possible to play in a vast history, where ideological directions can be given, a specialist can observe that in several ocasions the political parties go beyond their own ideological boundaries to attract more voters and retain power. There are a number of new political forces, built on the fight against corruption and the anti-system in several states of the European Union. They often do not have a clear ideology, consisting of a wide range of members who do not share the principles of a common ideology. Some emerged in response to the populist danger that seemed to grip the European Union ahead of the European Parliament elections on May 26, 2019. Is it a closed path or are we preparing for a new paradigm in shaping political ideologies? I will try to give an answer in this article by going on a case study in Romania, regarding the last configurations of political parties. Is there a need to have a clear ideology, doctrine or the voters need to have a simple set of principles to support?

The aim of the article is to concretize the concept of political ideology in the aspect of its matrix structure and in the context of the cognitive-evolutionary approach. Based on Michael Frieden's morphological approach to the analysis of ideological consciousness, the concept of cognitive-ideological matrices is introduced, which allows us to describe the process of transition from proto-ideological to ideological concepts proper, especially at the level of individual consciousness. The identification of the ideological concept as the main “gene” of conceptual variability and inheritance made it possible to describe the main parameters of the evolution of political ideologies and associate it with changes taking place at the individual consciousness level. The described concept was tested in a series of sociological studies of youth consciousness conducted in 2015-2016 and 2018-2020. As a result of the study, it was possible to first identify the “zero level” of ideology, at which the minds of young respondents are potentially open to the influence of diverse and often mutually exclusive ideological orientations, and second, to pinpoint the changes that have occurred in the cognitive ideological matrices of Rostov-on-Don students over the past five years. This study was conducted by scientists from the southern Federal University.

Statistical methods applied to social media posts shed light on the dynamics of online dialogue. For example, users' wording choices predict their persuasiveness and users adopt the language patterns of other dialogue participants. In this paper, we estimate the causal effect of reply tones in debates on linguistic and sentiment changes in subsequent responses. The challenge for this estimation is that a reply's tone and subsequent responses are confounded by the users' ideologies on the debate topic and their emotions. To overcome this challenge, we learn representations of ideology using generative models of text. We study debates from 4Forums.com and compare annotated tones of replying such as emotional versus factual, or reasonable versus attacking. We show that our latent confounder representation reduces bias in ATE estimation. Our results suggest that factual and asserting tones affect dialogue and provide a methodology for estimating causal effects from text.

Since the beginning of the 18th century, the instability of the PrussianIGerman state has affected the shape of Berlin. Constant shifts in the boundaries of the empire as well as in its ideology have forced countless architectural redefinitions of the center of its capital. The decisions to preserve, renovate, or replace Berlin’s monuments have thus always been caught between considerations of their ideological impact and their effect on the body of historic docurnentation. Schinkel’s Neue Wache grew out of this tension. It was originally designed and subsequently renovated at significant points of change in German history: it was designed after the defeat of Napoleon and renovated after WWI, modified during the Nazi period, and substantially changed at three points after WWII: in the early years of the German Democratic Republic, at the height of the Cold War, and after reunification in 1993. Consequently, its architecture has always borne traces of history consciously transformed by the ideologies of the present.

Students of history and philosophy of science courses at my University are either naive robust realists or naive relativists in relation to science and technology. The first group absorbs from culture stereotypical conceptions, such as the value-free character of the scientific method, that science and technology are impervious to history or ideology, and that science and religion are always at odds. The second believes science and technology were selected arbitrarily by ideologues to have privileged world views of reality to the detriment of other interpretations. These deterministic outlooks must be challenged to make students aware of the social importance of their future roles, be they as scientists and engineers or as science and technology policy decision makers. The University as Decision Center (DC) not only reproduces the social by teaching standard solutions to well-defined problems but also provides information regarding conflict resolution and the epistemological, individual, historical, social, and political mechanisms that help create new science and technology. Interdisciplinary research prepares students for roles that require science and technology literacy, but raises methodological issues in the context of the classroom as it increases uncertainty with respect to apparently self- evident beliefs about scientific and technological practices.