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Journal articles on the topic 'Ideological scale'
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1
van Ommen, Clifford. "Putting the PC in IQ: Images in the Weschler Adult Intelligence Scale – Third Edition (WAIS III)." South African Journal of Psychology 35, no. 3 (2005): 532–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/008124630503500309.
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Images, as a form of discourse, have an ideological dimension. The third edition of the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale contains images revised so as to make them more ecologically valid and relevant for contemporary test takers. It is argued that the revisionists have to deal with various ideological issues so as to not make these scenes provocative. However, is it possible to produce images that are ideologically sensitive without undermining relevance and ecological validity? This question is addressed by analysing the images using the concept of ‘positionings’ and the social categories of race, gender and class. Strategies are thus articulated that introduce political correctness but may undermine the explicit goals of the revisionists. In response, the notion of ‘narrative validity’ is suggested, which refers to the comprehension of contemporary rhetorical strategies used to sidestep ideological tensions. Given this, test-wiseness takes on an ideological nuance in that test takers require a degree of familiarity with these strategies so as to effectively engage with these sub-tests. The use of the WAIS III in South Africa is consequently discussed.
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Kanovský, Martin, and Nina Kocičová. "Ideological consistency and political polarization in Slovakia." Human Affairs 28, no. 1 (2018): 44–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/humaff-2018-0005.
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AbstractThis article concerns the proposal and testing of a Slovak version of the Ideological Consistency Scale, which is a 10-item scale originally developed by the Pew Research Centre (2017). Its psychometric properties are investigated on a Slovak sample (N = 101). Its fit to the Rasch model with conditional maximum likelihood is tested. The Slovak version of the scale is shown to be a reliable and useful instrument for measuring ideological attitudes. The ideological attitudes of the Slovak respondents are compared with those of the American sample. The results show that the political polarization in Slovakia is not strong: few Slovak respondents could be identified as being either consistently conservative or consistently liberal, and the majority exhibited mixed attitudes, tending slightly to display liberal opinions.
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Turker, Duygu, and Y. Serkan Ozmen. "Linking values and ideologies: a scale of managerial social responsibility values." Journal of Global Responsibility 8, no. 2 (2017): 261–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jgr-03-2017-0022.
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Purpose The literature on corporate social responsibility (CSR) provides fragmented and sometimes contradictory empirical findings on the role of managerial values in CSR. This is partly due to the absence of a unifying framework and its subsequent measurement. Following the Schwartz’s (1994) Value Survey (SVS), this study aims to provide an original scale to measure CSR values based on their ideological underpinnings of classical liberalism and economic egalitarianism. Design/methodology/approach Following the scale-development procedure, a scale was developed in six steps and tested on a sample of 105 Turkish managers through confirmatory factor analysis. Findings On the basis of a sound theoretical construct, the study provides an original and reliable measurement tool to capture the link between ideology and values. A scale with a four-factor solution as self-transcendence, self-enhancement, openness to change and conservation was obtained at the end of the process. Research limitations/implications Despite that the sample size was relatively small and drawn from a single country setting, the model has a reasonable fit to the data, and the scale is reliable at 0.869 Cronbach’s alpha value. Therefore, the scale can be used in future studies to reveal the nature, structure and magnitude of socially responsible managerial values based on their ideological roots. Social implications Although the managerial values towards CSR have been studied for a long time, the interwoven relations of such values with diverse ideological stances are not clearly investigated in literature. By linking values and ideologies on a theoretical ground, the scale developed in this study can be used as a valuable tool to better understand socially responsible behaviours of managers in our modern societies. Originality/value Considering the fragmented body of knowledge in literature, this scale can be useful for both scholars and practitioners when exploring the ideologically driven and value-laden nature of socially responsible behaviours.
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Sjöberg, Anders, and Magnus Sverke. "Instrumental and Ideological Union Commitment: Longitudinal Assessment of Construct Validity." European Journal of Psychological Assessment 17, no. 2 (2001): 98–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027//1015-5759.17.2.98.
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Summary: Previous research has identified instrumentality and ideology as important aspects of member attachment to labor unions. The present study evaluated the construct validity of a scale designed to reflect the two dimensions of instrumental and ideological union commitment using a sample of 1170 Swedish blue-collar union members. Longitudinal data were used to test seven propositions referring to the dimensionality, internal consistency reliability, and temporal stability of the scale as well as postulated group differences in union participation to which the scale should be sensitive. Support for the hypothesized factor structure of the scale and for adequate reliabilities of the dimensions was obtained and was also replicated 18 months later. Tests for equality of measurement model parameters and test-retest correlations indicated support for the temporal stability of the scale. In addition, the results were consistent with most of the predicted differences between groups characterized by different patterns of change/stability in union participation status. The study provides strong support for the construct validity of the scale and indicates that it can be used in future theory testing on instrumental and ideological union commitment.
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Gang, Shuai. "On Internet Resources Service System Based on SN-Network Service Mmodel and SOA Framework." Advanced Materials Research 846-847 (November 2013): 1868–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amr.846-847.1868.
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In recent years, the number and size of Web services on the Internet have a rapid development. Industry and academia start to study the web service. In Internet resources, if the web cannot be found, the web service will become meaningless. So for web services, large-scale managements and problems are the keys of the study of Internet service resources. This paper studies large-scale distributed web services in network resources based on SOA architecture ideas. It also designs the unified management and organization system of ideological and political education which treat the ideological and political education as the content. It proposes SN network resource service model of ideological and political education. With the development and popularization of the Internet today, the study on Internet resources of ideological and political education in this paper provides a theoretical reference for the innovation of the ideological and political education.
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Watson, P. J., Ronald J. Morris, and Ralph W. Hood. "Quest and Identity within a Religious Ideological Surround." Journal of Psychology and Theology 20, no. 4 (1992): 376–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009164719202000405.
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Current controversies over religious orientation center on issues that appear to be partially nonempirical, normative, and sociological. These issues, in other words, may be ideological. In exploring this possibility, the present study had different religious orientation types evaluate items from the Quest Scale. For a group with an intrinsic commitment, a number of items proved to be antireligious in their implications while one was proreligious. This intrinsic interpretation of Quest also predicted relative mental health, including superior identity formation; and this was especially true for intrinsic subjects themselves. For no other type was the self-definition of Quest as robustly or as discriminatively linked to psychological well-being. The original Quest Scale was tied to poorer self-functioning. Overall, these data demonstrated the importance of measuring not just personal beliefs, but the personal meaning of those beliefs as well.
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Farrell, Justin. "Corporate funding and ideological polarization about climate change." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 113, no. 1 (2015): 92–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1509433112.
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Drawing on large-scale computational data and methods, this research demonstrates how polarization efforts are influenced by a patterned network of political and financial actors. These dynamics, which have been notoriously difficult to quantify, are illustrated here with a computational analysis of climate change politics in the United States. The comprehensive data include all individual and organizational actors in the climate change countermovement (164 organizations), as well as all written and verbal texts produced by this network between 1993–2013 (40,785 texts, more than 39 million words). Two main findings emerge. First, that organizations with corporate funding were more likely to have written and disseminated texts meant to polarize the climate change issue. Second, and more importantly, that corporate funding influences the actual thematic content of these polarization efforts, and the discursive prevalence of that thematic content over time. These findings provide new, and comprehensive, confirmation of dynamics long thought to be at the root of climate change politics and discourse. Beyond the specifics of climate change, this paper has important implications for understanding ideological polarization more generally, and the increasing role of private funding in determining why certain polarizing themes are created and amplified. Lastly, the paper suggests that future studies build on the novel approach taken here that integrates large-scale textual analysis with social networks.
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Rosik, Christopher H. "Ideological Concerns in the Operationalization of Homophobia, Part I: An Analysis of Herek'S Atlg-R Scale." Journal of Psychology and Theology 35, no. 2 (2007): 132–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009164710703500204.
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Utilizing Watson's Ideological Surround Model (Watson, et al., 2003) as a backdrop, the present study examined the structural properties of Herek's (1998) Attitudes Toward Lesbians and Gay Men Scale (ATLG-R) for a sample of 155 conservative Christian students. Ideological perceptions of the ATLG-R items were derived from a smaller (N = 36) sample of students similar in demographic make up and religious devotion. Factor analytic and ideological surround analyses indicated that the ATLG-R was disproportionately comprised of items perceived to be antireligious, with the primary “Condemnation-Tolerance” component consisting exclusively of such items, the majority of which related directly to respondents’ beliefs about the morality and naturalness of homosexuality. Furthermore, respondents’ degree of self-identification as Christian, when factor analyzed as an additional item in the ATLG-R, loaded singularly and to a greater degree than over half of the items on the “Condemnation-Tolerance” component. Potential implications of these findings are discussed.
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Smith-Brinton, Marcia, and Rhoda K. Unger. "Ideological Differences in the Construction of Meaning." Imagination, Cognition and Personality 12, no. 4 (1993): 395–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/prp4-7g3w-jyth-cynt.
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Synonym selections for de-contextualized abstract words were analyzed for differences in meaning related to personal ideology. Best and worst synonym choices of fifty-six subjects who tested as either constructionists or positivists on the Attitudes about Reality scale (AAR) were expected to reflect meanings most congruent with each group's views about reality. Constructionists were expected to emphasize meanings consistent with a relational view of reality while positivists were expected to emphasize meanings consistent with an “objectivist” view. Results indicated group differences in synonym choices on a third of the target words presented. In the absence of substantive models for analyzing de-contextualized abstract words, interpretations of synonym selections, though speculative, suggested support for the hypothesis that differences in meaning construction consistent with personal ideologies occur at the level of a single word with an interpretive domain.
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Henningham, J. P. "A Short Scale of Economic Conservatism." Psychological Reports 81, no. 3 (1997): 1019–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1997.81.3.1019.
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Previous measures of economic conservatism can be considered dated in the wake of the collapse of communist systems and the embrace of free market policies by social democrat political parties, arguably reflecting rejection of many left-Liberal positions. Testing of a traditionally worded 20-item scale of economic values on an Australian sample of 260 indicates poor reliability (alpha = .53), apparently because many items do not reflect contemporary ideological differences. Higher reliability (alpha = .65) is found in a two-factor eight-item scale involving attitudes to political action and social welfare. The short scale correlates significantly with other measures of conservatism (Pearson r with declared political leaning = .26, r with social conservatism .48).
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Lachat, Romain. "Which way from left to right? On the relation between voters’ issue preferences and left–right orientation in West European democracies." International Political Science Review 39, no. 4 (2017): 419–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512117692644.
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The left–right scale is the concept most often used to describe citizens’ and parties’ political positions. Its prevalence suggests that political preferences are structured by a single ideological dimension. However, much research shows that citizens’ issue preferences in Western Europe are structured by two dimensions: economic; and social–cultural. How can a single dimension be sufficient to orient oneself in a two-dimensional political space? This article suggests a solution to this paradox: among citizens, the left–right scale and more concrete political issues are related in a non-linear way. Economic issue preferences should be more strongly related to ideological differences among left-wing citizens (e.g. between extreme-left and centre-left citizens) than among right-wing individuals. The reverse pattern should characterize the relation between sociocultural issues and ideological self-placement. The analysis of 28 elections in five West European countries offers strong support for the hypothesis of a non-linear relation.
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Rutjens, Bastiaan T., Robbie M. Sutton, and Romy van der Lee. "Not All Skepticism Is Equal: Exploring the Ideological Antecedents of Science Acceptance and Rejection." Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 44, no. 3 (2017): 384–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0146167217741314.
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Many topics that scientists investigate speak to people’s ideological worldviews. We report three studies—including an analysis of large-scale survey data—in which we systematically investigate the ideological antecedents of general faith in science and willingness to support science, as well as of science skepticism of climate change, vaccination, and genetic modification (GM). The main predictors are religiosity and political orientation, morality, and science understanding. Overall, science understanding is associated with vaccine and GM food acceptance, but not climate change acceptance. Importantly, different ideological predictors are related to the acceptance of different scientific findings. Political conservatism best predicts climate change skepticism. Religiosity, alongside moral purity concerns, best predicts vaccination skepticism. GM food skepticism is not fueled by religious or political ideology. Finally, religious conservatives consistently display a low faith in science and an unwillingness to support science. Thus, science acceptance and rejection have different ideological roots, depending on the topic of investigation.
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Bovan, Kosta, Valentino Petrović, and Leon Runje. "Measuring Ideology in the Croatian Context." Politička misao 57, no. 4 (2021): 123–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/pm.57.4.06.
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The goal of this paper is to examine the relationship between the unidimensional left-right measure of ideology and more nuanced measures of major political ideologies as well as to ascertain the validity of the left-right measure of ideology as a conceptual tool for analysing ideological preferences within the Croatian context. This was accomplished by deploying an online questionnaire on a convenient, non-representative sample of students from the University of Zagreb, Croatia. The students were recruited via various social media student groups. The paper starts by theoretically exploring the six major ideologies from which it develops a pool of items for measuring said ideologies. The data acquired via the aforementioned questionnaires was then analysed with the goal of assessing the best items to measure each ideology. The paper goes on to assess the relationship between the respondents’ support of major ideologies and their self-positioning on the left-right ideology scale. The acquired results demonstrate that the respondents possess a general understanding of the ideological left-to-right scale and are coherent in their preferences with the values of their ideology of choice. They further demonstrate that the correlations between the participants’ self-positioning on the left-right continuum and level of support for particular ideologies follow the expected direction. Therefore, while taking the limits of the deployed sample type into account, the paper reaffirms the validity of the left-right measure of ideology as a conceptual tool for analysing ideological preferences within the Croatian context.
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Batiuk, Vladimir. "New ''Cold War''." Diplomatic Service, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 27–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2001-04.
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In this article, the ''Cold War'' is understood as a situation where the relationship between the leading States is determined by ideological confrontation and, at the same time, the presence of nuclear weapons precludes the development of this confrontation into a large-scale armed conflict. Such a situation has developed in the years 1945–1989, during the first Cold War. We see that something similar is repeated in our time-with all the new nuances in the ideological struggle and in the nuclear arms race.
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Tsai, Kuan Chen. "Development of the Teacher Leadership Style Scale." Social Behavior and Personality: an international journal 45, no. 3 (2017): 477–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2224/sbp.5751.
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Effective teacher leadership promotes not only students' motivation to learn, but also the productivity and development of educational institutions. My purpose in this study was to develop the Teacher Leadership Style Scale (TLSS) to extend the framework of the charismatic, ideological, and pragmatic (CIP) model of outstanding leadership. Participants were 264 Chinese college students in Macau. Data collection took place midway through the school year, and respondents took approximately 10 minutes to complete the questionnaire. The 29-item TLSS demonstrated high internal consistency (> .80) and a robust 3-dimensional factor solution. Factor loading results showed that the instrument converged well with measures for 3 possible CIP-based teacher leadership styles. Overall, my results showed that the TLSS is suitable for assessing stable teacher leadership styles based on the perceptions of college students, and that it aligns with theoretical expectations.
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SARABIEV, A. V. "LOCAL REFLECTION OF GLOBAL STREAMS: SYRIA AND LEBANON ON THE IDEOLOGICAL FRONTIER (THE BEGINNING OF THE 60TH OF THE 20TH CENTURY)." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 2 (2017): 81–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-2-81-96.
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Social and political processes in Syria and Lebanon analyzes on the material of archival documents through the prism of global and regional ideological confrontation. On the background of the world bipolar system in the first half of the 1960s the most powerful ideological currents, combining Arab nationalism and socialist ideas, were most clearly manifested in the Middle East. On a broader scale, these ideological currents have found their short-term expression within the framework of the Non-Aligned Movement. By the end of the 1960s, the ideas of Arab socialism had ceased to be perceived as competitive in a system of bipolar global confrontation. Nevertheless, the important historical processes of the early 1960s cannot be analyzed without taking into account that powerful factor in the Middle East development.
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Rottinghaus, Brandon. "Exercising Unilateral Discretion: Presidential Justifications of Unilateral Powers in a Shared Powers System." American Politics Research 47, no. 1 (2017): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x17733798.
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There is a puzzle in the literature on presidential unilateral power that, on one hand, presents executive orders as the outcome of presidential prerogative but on the other hand identifies delegated discretion as a limit to presidential action. To address this question, we examine the use of delegated authority in unilateral orders from 1951 to 2009 and relate these to the ideological underpinnings of the institutions delegating and overseeing the use of this discretion (Congress and the Court). Our findings indicate that presidents are likely to issue unilateral directives with more substantive discretion when ideologically farther away from either the medians in Congress or the Supreme Court, but more likely to scale back their use of discretion when both branches are jointly ideologically distant from the president. The results demonstrate support for both an assertive and restrained president when relying upon delegated authority to act unilaterally.
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HUDDY, LEONIE, LILLIANA MASON, and LENE AARØE. "Expressive Partisanship: Campaign Involvement, Political Emotion, and Partisan Identity." American Political Science Review 109, no. 1 (2015): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055414000604.
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Party identification is central to the study of American political behavior, yet there remains disagreement over whether it is largely instrumental or expressive in nature. We draw on social identity theory to develop the expressive model and conduct four studies to compare it to an instrumental explanation of campaign involvement. We find strong support for the expressive model: a multi-item partisan identity scale better accounts for campaign activity than a strong stance on subjectively important policy issues, the strength of ideological self-placement, or a measure of ideological identity. A series of experiments underscore the power of partisan identity to generate action-oriented emotions that drive campaign activity. Strongly identified partisans feel angrier than weaker partisans when threatened with electoral loss and more positive when reassured of victory. In contrast, those who hold a strong and ideologically consistent position on issues are no more aroused emotionally than others by party threats or reassurances. In addition, threat and reassurance to the party's status arouse greater anger and enthusiasm among partisans than does a threatened loss or victory on central policy issues. Our findings underscore the power of an expressive partisan identity to drive campaign involvement and generate strong emotional reactions to ongoing campaign events.
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Hassell, Hans J. G., John B. Holbein, and Matthew R. Miles. "There is no liberal media bias in which news stories political journalists choose to cover." Science Advances 6, no. 14 (2020): eaay9344. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/sciadv.aay9344.
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Is the media biased against conservatives? Although a dominant majority of journalists identify as liberals/Democrats and many Americans and public officials frequently decry supposedly high and increasing levels of media bias, little compelling evidence exists as to (i) the ideological or partisan leanings of the many journalists who fail to answer surveys and/or identify as independents and (ii) whether journalists’ political leanings bleed into the choice of which stories to cover that Americans ultimately consume. Using a unique combination of a large-scale survey of political journalists, data from journalists’ Twitter networks, election returns, a large-scale correspondence experiment, and a conjoint survey experiment, we show definitively that the media exhibits no bias against conservatives (or liberals for that matter) in what news that they choose to cover. This shows that journalists’ individual ideological leanings have unexpectedly little effect on the vitally important, but, up to this point, unexplored, early stage of political news generation.
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Malešević, Siniša. "The foundations of statehood." Thesis Eleven 139, no. 1 (2017): 145–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513617701925.
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Conventional historical and popular accounts tend to emphasize sharp polarities between empires and nation-states. While an empire is traditionally associated with conquests, slavery, political inequalities, economic exploitation and the wars of yesteryear, a nation-state is understood to be the only legitimate and viable form of large-scale territorial organization today. This article challenges such interpretations by focusing on the organizational and ideological continuities between the imperial and the nation-state models of social order. In particular, I focus on the role coercive and ideological apparatuses as well as the transformation of micro-solidarities play in the formation of polities over long periods of time. I argue that although empires and nation-states are different ideal types of polity they are highly compatible and as such prone to metamorphosing into each other. More specifically I explore how, when and why specific coercive-organizational, ideological and micro-interactional processes make this periodic historical metamorphosis possible.
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Kousser, Thad, Justin Phillips, and Boris Shor. "Reform and Representation: A New Method Applied to Recent Electoral Changes." Political Science Research and Methods 6, no. 4 (2016): 809–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2016.43.
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Can electoral reforms such as an independent redistricting commission and the top-two primary create conditions that lead to better legislative representation? We explore this question by presenting a new method for measuring a key indicator of representation—the congruence between a legislator’s ideological position and the average position of her district’s voters. Our novel approach combines two methods: the joint classification of voters and political candidates on the same ideological scale, along with multilevel regression and post-stratification to estimate the position of the average voter across many districts in multiple elections. After validating our approach, we use it to study the recent impact of reforms in California, showing that they did not bring their hoped-for effects.
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Jessee, Stephen A. "Voter Ideology and Candidate Positioning in the 2008 Presidential Election." American Politics Research 38, no. 2 (2010): 195–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x09352722.
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Although classic Downsian theory predicts that candidates should converge to the ideological position of the median voter in the electorate, American elections generally feature major party candidates who offer divergent policy positions. Employing a survey and statistical estimation technique that allows for the estimation of the ideological position of candidates on the same scale as the distribution of voter ideology among voters, the author characterizes the actual degree of candidate divergence in the 2008 presidential election looking at the estimated stances of Barack Obama and John McCain. The results reveal that these candidates took positions that were closer to, and likely even more extreme than, the positions of their partisan and primary constituencies than to the nationwide voter median.
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Rheault, Ludovic, and Christopher Cochrane. "Word Embeddings for the Analysis of Ideological Placement in Parliamentary Corpora." Political Analysis 28, no. 1 (2019): 112–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pan.2019.26.
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Word embeddings, the coefficients from neural network models predicting the use of words in context, have now become inescapable in applications involving natural language processing. Despite a few studies in political science, the potential of this methodology for the analysis of political texts has yet to be fully uncovered. This paper introduces models of word embeddings augmented with political metadata and trained on large-scale parliamentary corpora from Britain, Canada, and the United States. We fit these models with indicator variables of the party affiliation of members of parliament, which we refer to as party embeddings. We illustrate how these embeddings can be used to produce scaling estimates of ideological placement and other quantities of interest for political research. To validate the methodology, we assess our results against indicators from the Comparative Manifestos Project, surveys of experts, and measures based on roll-call votes. Our findings suggest that party embeddings are successful at capturing latent concepts such as ideology, and the approach provides researchers with an integrated framework for studying political language.
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Klikovac, Duska. "On the stylistic, ideological and utilitarian aspects of nominalization in Serbian." Juznoslovenski filolog, no. 64 (2008): 177–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/jfi0864177k.
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The author deals with certain aspects of nominalization (the use of verbal or adjectival nouns instead of verbs) that have not received much attention in Serbian scientific literature. Two of them are stylistic: the first stems from the very nature of verbal and adjectival nouns - they do not evoke mental images as verbs do. The other is that nominalization has become a feature of formal language; that aspect is not inherent in the very process of nominalization. Then comes the ideological aspect of nominalization: it can be a means of declaring one's power. Finally, there is a utilitarian aspect of nominalization: it can be used to keep some components of the situation secret or to present the situation less sharply. Those aspects of nominalization are not unique to Serbian but are universal, given the fact that in modern societies institutions are very powerful, that the image of a person in the eyes of others is often more important than the true value of the person, and that masses are manipulated on a large scale.
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Augoustinos, Martha, Geoffrey Schrader, Ray Chynoweth, and Mark Reid. "Medical students' attitudes towards psychiatry: a conceptual shift." Psychological Medicine 15, no. 3 (1985): 671–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0033291700031524.
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SynopsisBased on the Nevid & Morrison Libertarian Mental Health Ideology Scale, the present study shows a conceptual/ideological shift in medical students' attitudes towards psychiatry after a 6-week psychiatry course. The resultant attitudes were more in line with those of teaching staff than those of the clinical team. Overall, the students developed a more positive view of psychiatry.
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Glaziev, Sergey Yu. "On Forming the Ideology of Transition to a New World Economic Order in Russia and the EAEU." Economic Strategies 144 (November 20, 2020): 46–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.33917/es-7.173.2020.46-61.
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The formation of a new — integral-world economic order imposes increased requirements on the quality of the ideological basis of large-scale socio-economic transformations. This basis, by the very nature of the new world economic order, cannot sow antagonism, it is intended to harmonize the divergent interests of the government and society on the basis of national creative development goals.
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Bølstad, Jørgen. "Capturing Rationalization Bias and Differential Item Functioning: A Unified Bayesian Scaling Approach." Political Analysis 28, no. 3 (2020): 340–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pan.2019.42.
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Information about the ideological positions of different political actors is crucial in answering questions regarding political representation, polarization, and voting behavior. One way to obtain such information is to ask survey respondents to place actors on a common ideological scale, but, unfortunately, respondents typically display a set of biases when performing such placements. Key among these are rationalization bias and differential item functioning (DIF). While Aldrich–McKelvey (AM) scaling offers a useful solution to DIF, it ignores the issue of rationalization bias, and this study presents Monte Carlo simulations demonstrating that AM-type models thus can give inaccurate results. As a response to this challenge, this study develops an alternative Bayesian scaling approach, which simultaneously estimates DIF and rationalization bias, and therefore performs better when the latter bias is present.
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Saiegh, Sebastián M. "Using Joint Scaling Methods to Study Ideology and Representation: Evidence from Latin America." Political Analysis 23, no. 3 (2015): 363–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpv008.
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In this article, I use joint scaling methods and similar items from three large-scale surveys to place voters, parties, and politicians from different Latin American countries on a common ideological space. The findings reveal that ideology is a significant determinant of vote choice in Latin America. They also suggest that the success of leftist leaders at the polls reflects the views of the voters sustaining their victories. The location of parties and leaders reveals that three distinctive clusters exist: one located at the left of the political spectrum, another at the center, and a third on the right. The results also indicate that legislators in Brazil, Mexico, and Peru tend to be more “leftists” than their voters. The ideological drift, however, is not significant enough to substantiate the view that a disconnect between voters and politicians lies behind the success of leftist presidents in these countries. These findings highlight the importance of using a common-space scale to compare disparate populations and call into question a number of recent studies by scholars of Latin American politics who fail to adequately address this important issue.
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Swyngedouw, Erik. "Authoritarian Governance, Power, and the Politics of Rescaling." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 18, no. 1 (2000): 63–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d9s.
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In this paper I critically assess the alleged process of globalisation of the world economy. Five interrelated themes are addressed. First, I argue that the ‘real’ myth of the globalisation discourse is part of an intensifying ideological, political, socioeconomic, and cultural struggle over the organisation of society and the position of the citizen therein. Second, the ‘mythical’ resurrection of the ‘local’ or ‘regional’ scale—both in theory and in practice—is an integral part of the ‘myth’ of globalisation. Third, the preeminence of the ‘global’ in much of the literature and political rhetoric obfuscates, marginalises, and silences an intense and ongoing sociospatial struggle in which the reconfiguration of spatial scales of governance takes a central position. Fourth, the ‘rhetoric’ of globalisation is paralleled by and facilitates the emergence of more authoritarian or at least autocratic forms of governance. Fifth, the proliferation of new modes and forms of resistance to the restless process of deterritorialisation-reterritorialisation of capital requires greater attention to ‘spatial scale’ in order to assess how the emerging new ‘gestalt of scale’ could be turned into an emancipatory and empowering process.
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Raos, Višeslav. "Ideology, Partisanship, and Change." Politička misao 56, no. 3-4 (2020): 7–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/pm.56.3-4.01.
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This paper analyzes changes in the Croatian party system in the 1990-2016 period by looking at trends in the ideological makeup of voters of the main center-right (HDZ) and center-left (SDP) parties. An assessment of changes in voter self-placement on a left-right scale has shown a gradual increase in the ideological distance among voters of these parties. Further, the paper detected a trend towards an increase in the share of self-declared far-right voters among HDZ voters and far-left voters among SDP voters. In addition, an analysis of categorical ideological identification has demonstrated that, on average, two thirds of HDZ voters were Christian Democrats, while two thirds of SDP voters were Social Democrats. However, among all Christian Democrats, an average of 55 percent voted for the HDZ, while just shy of 60 percent of Social Democrats voted for the SDP. Finally, a logistic regression analysis has confirmed the importance of the cultural dimension of voter behavior in Croatia. Religiosity levels, as well as left-right self-placement serve as rather good predictors of a vote for the HDZ and the SDP, with the model showing greater explanatory strength for HDZ voters. In conclusion, the observed trends in ideological characteristics of HDZ and SDP voters could serve as pointers of underlying shifts in patterns of party competition and offer clues to the increased instability of the Croatian party system following the 2015 and 2016 parliamentary elections.
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Whitehead, Mark. "Love Thy Neighbourhood—Rethinking the Politics of Scale and Walsall's Struggle for Neighbourhood Democracy." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 35, no. 2 (2003): 277–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a35127.
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Despite its apparent irrelevance as a scale or space of sociocultural organisation, the neighbourhood is back on the political agenda. At an international level, the neighbourhood—or, more specifically, the ‘global neighbourhood'—is being promoted as a moral space through which to manage the complex economic, political, and ecological problems of the planet. Mirroring this process at a national level, in the United Kingdom the neighbourhood has been rediscovered and now provides the parameters through which a range of antipoverty, welfare, and local democracy programmes are being delivered. In light of its contemporary political popularity, this paper presents a critical reanalysis of the concept of the neighbourhood. In particular, the analysis explores the ideological and political uses of the ideal of neighbourhood, and how these processes relate to a particular ‘politics of scale'. In order to unpack the various politics of scales associated with the neighbourhood, the analysis combines theories of scale with Lefebvre's work on the production of space. Drawing on these theoretical insights and the case of neighbourhood politics in the town of Walsall in the United Kingdom, I explore the political narratives and practices through which the neighbourhood scale is produced and contested, and question the ability of neighbourhoods, as they are currently being constructed in the United Kingdom, to offer locally empowering scales of political and social organisation.
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Angın, Merih, and Pınar Bedirhanoğlu. "Privatization processes as ideological moments: The block sales of large-scale state enterprises in Turkey in the 2000s." New Perspectives on Turkey 47 (2012): 139–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600001734.
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AbstractIn the process of neoliberal transformation in Turkey, what differentiated the 2000s from the previous two decades were the block sale privatizations of large-scale state enterprises such as PETKİM, Türk Telekom, TÜPRAŞ, and ERDEMİR. These block sales, the conditions of which were shaped by political struggles at different levels, were also constitutive political and ideological moments per se, helping to reproduce a particular perception of social reality at the expense of others. This paper will overview and critically problematize the privatization processes of these four enterprises, all completed under the successive AKP governments in power since 2002. By focusing on the apparently technical and economic aspects of the block-sale processes, such as valuation, efficiency enhancement and marketing, the paper calls into question the increased concerns over their transparency, and wonders whether such concerns can be understood as attempts to mask the substantially corrupt nature of capitalist relations of production, which inescapably makes itself felt during these processes.
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Childs, John. "Reforming small-scale mining in sub-Saharan Africa: Political and ideological challenges to a Fair Trade gold initiative." Resources Policy 33, no. 4 (2008): 203–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.resourpol.2008.08.002.
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Barović, Vladimir. "Books and education as a means of nazification of Vojvodina Germans." Kultura, no. 168 (2020): 173–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/kultura2068173b.
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This paper analyses the book as a means of Nazi indoctrination of Germans in Vojvodina in the 1930s. The paper presents books by Nazi authors that were used as the main literature for ideological indoctrination in the Nazi spirit. Less well-known data are given from the Novi Sad bookstore "Kultura", which specialized in wider scale Nazi literature. The Private German Teachers' School in Novi Vrbas, which was the centre of Nazi propaganda, is a special focus. This is important to mention because future teachers used their position to ideologically guide their students in the Nazi spirit through books. It was published and reported in the Serbian press of that time about the Nazi propaganda that was conducted in the area of the Danube County (Dunavska Banovina). The conclusion of this paper suggests that the books had a huge impact on the nazification of Germans as a Yugoslav minority, at a time when other media (except the press) were hardly present in the national community.
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Pellikaan, Huib. "The Impact of Religion on the Space of Competition: The Dutch Case." Politics and Religion 3, no. 3 (2010): 469–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048310000143.
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AbstractThe political practice of consociational democracies to take religion off the political agenda has led to the idea that religious issues only play a marginal role in the left-right ideological framework. This study demonstrates that religion has more than a marginal effect on the left-right placement of parties and thus on the space of competition. The analysis shows that voters for secular parties and voters for religious parties have different motives and beliefs on which they base the orderings of parties on the left-right scale. In other words, each group of voters defines its own left-right scale. These different left-right scales are individually single-peaked but there is no collective transitivity of orderings of parties. The intransitivity is a clear violation of Downs' condition for placing all parties on a single line in a manner agreed upon by all voters. Instead of having one left-right dimension as some sort of “super issue,” there are at least two left-right scales, one for voters for secular parties and one for voters for religious parties.
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Bokhan, T. G., M. V. Shabalovskaya, O. V. Terekhina, A. L. Ulyanich, Ju V. Borodich, and U. V. Tanabasova. "Identity as a Predictor of Subjective Assessment of Quality of Campus Life: Cross-Cultural Aspect." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University 23, no. 1 (2021): 143–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2021-23-1-143-155.
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The research featured predictors of subjective quality of students' life in the context of international student migration. The paper focuses on the ideological and ethnic components of social identity as a key predictor of the subjective quality of life in students of different ethnicities. The subjective quality of life was studied from the point of view of its motivational, emotional, and cognitive components. The research involved foreign students of Tomsk universities that came from various African or European countries, China, India, and Russia. The social identity was defined based on two questionnaires, namely The Types of Ethnic Identity by G. U. Soldatova and S. V. Ryzhova and The Scale of Ideological Ego Identity by J. R. Adams; components of the subjective quality of life – according to The Scale of Positive and Negative Affect by D. Watson et al., The Scale of Life Satisfaction by E. Diener et al., and The Values of Happiness by B. Ford et al. The authors managed to define the factor structure of social identity, which appeared to have both ethnically-specific and universal features. All cultural groups demonstrated certain factors of social identity that can act as key predictors of ideas about happiness, as well as about emotional (dominant affect) and cognitive (assessment of life satisfaction) components of the subjective quality of life. The results can help to set goals for psychological and educational support of foreign students.
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Bilić, Bojan. "Between fragmenting and multiplying: Scale-shift processes in Serbian and Croatian antiwar activisms." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 5 (2013): 801–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.747505.
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This paper follows the almost contemporaneous emergence of the two primary antiwar initiatives in Belgrade and Zagreb to explore how they acted as hotbeds from which permanent human rights organizations appeared in the newly created nation-states. Drawing mostly upon in-depth interviews with antiwar activists from Serbia and Croatia, I argue that the dominant patterns of protest expansion were different in the two countries. While cooperation and tensions existed within both antiwar groups, the Antiwar Campaign of Croatia acted as a broker, leading toward the multiplication of civic initiatives; on the other hand, the Belgrade Center for Antiwar Action was characterized by ideological, professional, and personal divisions, which caused a rapid fragmentation of antiwar undertakings. This paper outlines the main reasons for such expansion patterns (scale-shift processes) and discusses them in the light of recent theoretical advances in political contention studies.
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Alquraan, Sultan N., Muddather J. Abu-Karaki, and Saddoon N. Al-Majali. "Contribution of Jordanian Civil Society Institutions to the Enhancement of Ideological Security among University Students." Contemporary Arab Affairs 13, no. 2 (2020): 54–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2020.13.2.54.
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The study identifies the contribution of Jordanian civil society institutions to the enhancement of political trends that signify the beginnings of democracy. This leads to constructive and innovative thought by ensuring freedom of opinion and expression, while the absence of democracy generates a state of political and ideological despotism. The loss of basic rights and freedom of individuals negatively affects political stability of countries’ religious and moral trends, as well as developmental trends which represent an enhancement of ideological security. Ideological security is a key issue in any society due to its association with the concept of national security. The researchers in this study adopt a quantitative approach in which a questionnaire was used as a tool for data collection. The study sample consisted of 1093 male and female students who were chosen by multistage sampling. The study instrument consisted of two parts: first, the demographic variables; and second, the 24 items that measured the process of enhancing ideological security with its three dimensions. The responses to the items were measured according to the Likert five-point scale. The study had several results. First, there is a low level of contribution from Jordanian civil society institutions to the enhancement of ideological security on the whole, and enhancing each trend in particular. The first part addresses the formation of ideological conceptualization, while the second part focuses on analyzing the dimensions of societal processing with the contribution of religious, educational, familial, security, and media institutions, whereas the third part emphasizes several future recommendations that are suggested by the researcher. Second, there are no differences in the level of the contribution of Jordanian civil society institutions to the enhancement of political, religious and, moral trends, while there is a difference regarding the level of contribution of Jordanian civil society institutions to the enhancement of developmental trends according to the variable of gender in favor of females. Third, there are differences in the level of contribution of the Jordanian civil society institutions to the enhancement of ideological security for each of the three domains: political, developmental, and religious, in particular, as well as all the domains as a whole in terms of the variable of membership of civil society institutions and these differences were in favor of the students who were not members of these institutions.
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Alfrey, Laura, Justen O’Connor, Sivanes Phillipson, Dawn Penney, Ruth Jeanes, and Shane Phillipson. "Attitudes of pre-service physical education teachers to healthism: Development and validation of the Attitude Towards Healthism Scale (ATHS)." European Physical Education Review 25, no. 2 (2017): 424–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1356336x17742665.
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Healthism is both an ideological and a regulative discourse that manifests as a tendency to conceive health as a product of individual choice. Healthism represents a collection of taken-for-granted assumptions, positioned at the intersection of morality, blame and health, that can lead to a privileging of ‘healthy’ and ‘productive’ individuals. It is argued that healthism is a key issue for physical educators and a significant focus for research. The validation of a scale – the Attitude Towards Healthism Scale (ATHS) – that seeks to quantify pre-service physical education teachers’ attitudes towards healthism is described. Participants were 201 pre-service teachers undertaking a Bachelor of Education degree in Australia. The factor structure of the initial 17-item scale was determined using an exploratory factor analysis followed by Rasch modelling and, lastly, confirmatory factor analysis. Initial exploratory factor analysis supported a unidimensional measure of healthism. Further Rasch modelling suggested that a refined 15-item ATHS scale functioned more effectively as two sub-scales that combined to provide a valid and reliable method of measuring the ideology of healthism. It is suggested that the ATHS will enable teacher educators and PSTs to discuss healthism with reference to attitudinal data, and examine how views change over time.
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Navia, Patricio Daniel, and Lucas Perelló. "The Rise of Alternative Presidential Candidates in Chile, 2009-2017." Revista Latinoamericana de Opinión Pública 9, no. 2 (2020): 81–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.14201/rlop.23628.
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This article explores the growing popularity of alternative presidential candidates — those from outside the two dominant coalitions — in Chile from 2009 to 2017. Following a theoretical discussion that focuses on the causes of voter discontent with the political establishment, we formulate four hypotheses. We view support for alternative presidential candidates as a function of ideological detachment, declining political engagement, the economic vote, and socio-demographic shifts in the electorate. We use three pre-electoral Centro de Estudios Públicos surveys to present probit models and predicted probabilities. Our findings suggest that a distinct segment of Chilean voters is behind the rise of alternative presidential candidates. Younger and more educated voters who identify less with the traditional left-right ideological scale and political parties and suffer from economic anxiety—viewing the economy as performing well nationally while remaining pessimistic about their financial prospects—comprise this subgroup.
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Velasco Sacristán, Marisol. "Overtness-covertness in advertising gender metaphors." Journal of English Studies 7 (May 29, 2009): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.18172/jes.145.
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This paper aims at demonstrating that weak communication (overt and covert) can have an important influence on the choice, specification and interpretation of ideological metaphors in advertising. We focus here on a concrete type of ideological metaphor, advertising gender metaphor. We present a description of advertising gender metaphors, subtypes (cases of metaphorical gender, universal gender metaphors and cultural gender metaphors) and crosscategorisation in a case study of 1142 adverts published in British Cosmopolitan (years 1999 and 2000). We next assess “overtness-covertness” in the advertising gender metaphors in our sample. In considering this we also look at the conventional-innovative scale of these metaphors, and examine their discrimination against men and women. The intended value of this paper lies in its examination of both weak overt and covert types of communication in relation both to cognitive and pragmatic theorising of metaphor, and, more generally, to theorising advertising communication.
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Jupowicz-Ginalska, Anna. "Is COVID-19 on the Covers of Socio-Political Magazines an Example of Media Polarisation? Case Study from Poland." Baltic Screen Media Review 8, no. 1 (2020): 36–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bsmr-2020-0005.
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Abstract The main purpose of this paper was to explore the media image of the COVID-19 pandemic through the perspective of Polish media polarisation. In order to achieve this, a quantitative and qualitative analysis of the content of covers from 10 socio-political magazines, representing different ideological inclinations [left-wing, liberal, conservative, right-wing and Catholic] was conducted between January and June 2020. The study focused not only on the scale to which the coronavirus appeared on the covers, but also on the textual and visual representation of it. Additionally, the contexts in which COVID-19 appeared were analysed. As it turned out, apart from the medical context, the pandemic was mostly presented through political, social, economic and religious perspectives, of which the first was the most visibly connected with polarising media content, indicating clear links between the ideological bias of the magazines and the ways they described reality.
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Shevchenko, Kirill V. "An anatomy of national-territorial conflicts in Central and Eastern Europe in 1938–1949." Slavic Almanac, no. 3-4 (2020): 583–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2020.3-4.7.04.
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A solid monograph written by the well-known Byelorussian historian and expert in the field of Slavonic Studies A. P. Salkov and published in Minsk in 2019 focuses on wide-scale, detailed and in-depth analysis of numerous national and territorial conflicts in Central and Eastern Europe in 1938–1949 and the role of USSR in their resolution. On the basis of an enormous amount of archival sources and published documents, the author comes to a conclusion that a combination of ethnic and historical arguments as well as geopolitical and ideological preferences of the USSR and other great powers played a key role in the process of conflict resolution in that part of Europe. The overall result of the actions of the Soviet diplomacy in the process of settlement of national and territorial conflicts in this region was to ensure the geopolitical and ideological interests of the USSR.
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Ma, Chunyan. "Large-scale Evolutionary Knowledge Network and Multiple Integration of University Ideological and Political Education Resources Based on Inference Algorithm." International Journal of Security and Its Applications 10, no. 8 (2016): 325–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.14257/ijsia.2016.10.8.28.
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Rebel, G. M. "OUT OF TIME CHARACTERS IN LITERARY WORKS OF 1859: “FAMILY HAPPINESS” BY LEV TOLSTOY, “OBLOMOV” BY IVAN GONCHAROV, “A HOUSE OF GENTLEFOLK” BY IVAN TURGENEV." Bulletin of Udmurt University. Series History and Philology 30, no. 5 (2020): 859–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2412-9534-2020-30-5-859-869.
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The article is a comparative structural, thematic and genre analysis of the works by Lev Tolstoy, Ivan Turgenev and Ivan Goncharov. The study had the following objectives: to give the genre definitions of “Family Happiness”, “Oblomov” and “A House of Gentlefolk” on the basis of structural, ideological and thematic features of the works; to compare the novels of Turgenev and Goncharov as different genre modifications; to justify the ideological character of the novel “A House of Gentlefolk”; to analyze the ideological controversy of the characters of Turgenev’s novel. As a result, the following conclusions were made. Tolstoy's “Family Happiness:, which is traditionally identified as a novel, in this case should be qualified as a novella: it has the predominant point of view which belongs to the narrator; the subject of the description are the episodes of private life presented outside of the socio-historical context of the era. Goncharov's “Oblomov” and Turgenev's “A House of Gentlefolk” present a multi-faceted, epically voluminous, large-scale picture of reality in two fundamentally different versions of the genre novel modifications. Despite the fact that in both novels the main characters are out of time, both works recreate the pre-reform atmosphere of the late 1850s, but perform it in fundamentally different ways. A mythologically-generalized, elegiac image of the past serfdom of Russia is presented in “Oblomov”. In “A House of Gentlefolk” the socio-historical specificity appears in close connection with real historical events, the lyrical beginning is organically combined with the polemical acuteness of the problem. The plot and the destinies of the characters in Turgenev's novel are determined by the ideological controversy, in which not only the main but also the secondary characters are subjectively or objectively involved, which ultimately determines the ideological character of the work. The proposed genre differentiation of the works of the three leading writers of the era allows us to give a dynamic cross-section of the literary process of the second half of the XIX century in the defining 1859 year of this period.
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Karimzad, Farzad, and Lydia Catedral. "‘No, we don't mix languages’: Ideological power and the chronotopic organization of ethnolinguistic identities." Language in Society 47, no. 1 (2017): 89–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404517000781.
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AbstractIn this study we address ethnolinguistic identity using Bakhtin's (1981) notion of chronotope. Taking an ethnographic approach to linguistic data from Azerbaijani and Uzbek communities, we trace the impact of various chronotopes on our participants’ acts of ethnolinguistic identification. Building on Blommaert & De Fina (2017), we illustrate how ethnolinguistic identification is an outcome of the interaction between multiple levels of large- and small-scale chronotopes. Furthermore, we argue that chronotopes differ in terms of their power, depending on the ideological force behind them. We demonstrate how power differentials between chronotopes can account for certain interactional and linguistic patterns in conversation. The power inherent in chronotopes that link nationhood with specific languages makes the notions ofdiscrete languagesandstatic identities‘real’ for our participants. Therefore, discussions of language and identity as flexible and socially constructed, we argue, must not obscure the power of these notions in shaping the perceptions of sociolinguistic subjects. (Chronotope, ethnolinguistic identity, power, Uzbek, Azeri/Azerbaijani, nationalism, language mixing, language ideology)*
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Thornton, Erin Kennedy, and Arthur A. Demarest. "AT WATER'S EDGE: RITUAL MAYA ANIMAL USE IN AQUATIC CONTEXTS AT CANCUEN, GUATEMALA." Ancient Mesoamerica 30, no. 3 (2019): 473–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536118000251.
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AbstractExcavations at the Late Classic Maya site of Cancuen (Petén Department, Guatemala) uncovered a small-scale hydraulic system including stone-lined canals and reservoirs within the architectural core of the site. The abundance of other nearby potable water sources along with the elaborate form of the system demonstrate that it served an ideological rather than practical function. Artifacts deposited in the reservoirs support this interpretation. Moreover, the reservoir located in front of the site's royal palace contained the remains of at least 30 individuals who may represent members of the royal court massacred during the site's collapse. This paper reports the animal remains found within the site's reservoirs to further explore the nature and extent of ritual and disposal activities within these aquatic contexts. Inter- and intrasite comparisons are used to contextualize the results within broader discussions of how we identify ritual activity in the zooarchaeological record, and the role of water in ancient Maya ideological and political systems.
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Furnham, Adrian, and David Lester. "The Development of a Short Measure of Character Strength." European Journal of Psychological Assessment 28, no. 2 (2012): 95–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/1015-5759/a000096.
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A total of 366 participants from Great Britain and the United States completed a new, short questionnaire to measure respondents’ self-assessed character strengths based on the Values in Action Inventory of Strengths (VIA) ( Peterson & Seligman, 2004 ). They also completed a core self-evaluation ( Judge, Erez, Bono, & Thorensen, 2003 ) and a Big Five personality trait ( McManus & Furnham, 2006 ) measure. The study investigated the factor structure of character strengths measure as well as demographic (particularly sex), ideological, personality, and core self-evaluation correlates of the six virtues that represent the “higher-order” classification of the strengths. Exploratory factor analysis provided evidence for the six virtues, though somewhat different from the theoretical formulation. Regressions looking at demographic (sex, age, education), ideological (religion, politics), and personality (Big Five plus core self-evaluations) determinant of these strengths (using factor scores from the factor analysis) showed personality factors (particularly extraversion) were always most powerful predictors of the self-rated strength and virtues. Limitations of the scale are discussed.
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Zhu, Tong Tong, Gang Xu, Ming Cong Ma, and Xing Ye Liu. "A Technology to Multi-Resolution Surface Reconstruction." Advanced Materials Research 805-806 (September 2013): 1933–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amr.805-806.1933.
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An approach is presented based on scattered data points subdivision surfaces to achieve multi-resolution surface reconstruction techniques. In the surface reconstruction process, based on gray-scale image edge detection ideological eigenvalues scattered data analysis, these features will generate texture characteristic curve values tessellation, thus forming a multi-resolution mesh model structure; After testing, the technology is not only surface reconstruction short time, while the constructed subdivision surfaces can reflect the characteristics of the original details of the data.
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Cowan, Gloria, and Wendy J. Quinton. "Cognitive Style and Attitudinal Correlates of the Perceived Causes of Rape Scale." Psychology of Women Quarterly 21, no. 2 (1997): 227–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.1997.tb00110.x.
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This study examines the relations between beliefs about the causes of rape and attitudinal and cognitive style (the tendency to think about social problems systemically, the view of people as complex and changeable, and an intellectual personality) measures in a sample of 270 community-college students. The Perceived Causes of Rape (PCR) Scale included the following subscales: Male Dominance, Society and Socialization, Female Precipitation, Male Sexuality, and Male Hostility. Beliefs about the causes of rape varied on three dimensions: individual versus sociocultural causes of rape, those causes that focus on the perpetrator versus those that focus on the victim, and rape myths versus feminist beliefs. The causes of rape identified as rape myths were associated with male sexuality stereotypes, a version of Burt's (1980) Rape Myth Acceptance Scale, attitudes toward feminism, and self-identification as a feminist. Agreement with the sociocultural causes of rape was associated with cognitive style measures and age. We suggest that belief in sociocultural causes of rape may require a predisposition to think systemically as much as an ideological stance.