Academic literature on the topic 'Ideological subordination'

In our recent past, at first glance, an ideologically monolithic society was a kind of "collective soul" that envisioned the internal subordination of the individual to the social, collective, existing system of ideologies, stereotypes that were perfected and skillfully introduced into public consciousness - and suddenly this ideological one-dimensionality society collapses and the person is alone with one another.

Ideological discourse serves the purpose of imposing a vision of the world based on the sender's beliefs on the recipient. For this purpose, treatments to modify the meanings of terms and the axiological marking of words are used, ways of understanding and prioritising values are imposed, and the designata of words are arbitrarily changed. The subordination of the language to ideology deprives it of its credibility as an instrument for describing reality, weakens its ability to express meanings precisely, and makes it a tool for sustaining disputes.

One significant trent in post-reform Indonesian literature is the emergence of Islamic-themed novels, notably those by Habiburrahman El Shirazy, Abidah El Khalieqy, and Helvy Tianna Rosa. This study aims to: 1). examine the educational values; 2). Analyze the ideological aspects presented in selected novels. Using qualitative method, the research involved close reading of Islamic-themed works by Indonesian women writer, sample selection, and thematic analysis. Findings indicate that Perempuan Berkalung Sorban convey educational values throught its critique of gender subordination within traditional pesantren culture, highlighting women’s struggle for right. Meanwhile, Ketika Mas Gagah Pergi promotes adherence to Islamic Sharia as as comprehensive lifestyle, including political dimentions. Ideologically, Perempuan Berkalung Sorban reflects a feminist spirit that acknowledges gender distinctions, while Ketika Mas Gagah Pergi aligns with Indonesia’s hijra movement and post-Islamist discourse. These novels thus serve as cultural texts articulating educational and ideological narratives within contemporary Islamic literature.

AbstractStudies of born-again Churches in Africa generally conclude that they help members embrace modernity. Their teachings provide the ideological bases for members to embrace changing material realities. Such studies are rather silent on the demands of this ideological frame on women and men. This article looks at two Zimbabwean women's organisations, Gracious Woman and Precious Stones, affiliated to Zimbabwe Assemblies of God in Africa and Family of God respectively. Using ethnographic methods, it argues that such organisations teach women domesticity and romanticise female subordination as glorifying God. They discourage individualism by exalting motherhood, wifehood and domesticity as service to God. These demands emerge at a time when life is changing drastically in urban areas as women get educated and enter the professions. Economically a small but growing number of black families have experienced some upward mobility—something these Churches encourage through ‘the gospel of prosperity’. Although accumulation and upward mobility free families from (traditional) kin obligations which the Churches encourage, women are discouraged from resisting the patriarchal yoke even when material circumstances make it possible. The organisations repackage patriarchy as Christian faith. The article concludes that if these Churches are concerned with managing modernity, then they see modernity as female subordination.

In this paper, the subject of research is the cause of insufficient support of the Russian Empire to Serbian and other Balkan insurgents during the establishment of the modern geopolitical constellation in the Balkan Peninsula in the nineteenth century. The objective of the research is to prove that the cause of the insufficient support of the Russian Empire to the Balkan insurgents in that period was the ideological and geopolitical subordination of the foreign policy of the Russian Empire to the Western colonial campaign on the Balkan Peninsula in the same period. By applying analytical-synthetic and comparative methods, it is shown that the ideological and geopolitical subordination of the policy of the Russian Empire to Western political and economic interests became noticeable in the period after the Russian Empire had begun to represent an obstacle to commercial aspirations of European trading companies towards India and the Far East. From that time onwards, anti-Russian propaganda began in England and European states, and later also military and non-military campaigns by representatives of European states against the Russian Empire. As a consequence of the Western agenda of "penetration to the East," in 1815, after the Congress of Vienna, the influence of the Russian Empire on the geopolitical constellation of the Balkan Peninsula was overshadowed by European political interests.

This essay on Victoria Saker Woeste's Henry Ford's War on Jews and the Legal Battle Against Hate Speech (2012) emphasizes that what made Ford's broadsides against Jews in the 1920s so dangerous was technology—his command of an unparalleled network of distribution, through his nationwide Ford dealerships. In addition, at the time of Ford's libels, US legal culture had not yet absorbed the idea that ideological and psychological subordination of minority groups was the principal harm worked by what would later be called “hate speech.”

The term globalization was commonly used in the last decade of the 20th century, especially at the end of the Cold War, the resulting collapse of the Soviet Union and the socialist camp, as well as the absence of ideological competition. Structural changes in the international environment were the opening of political borders and the unilateralization of the United States The United States as a superpower, which led to the reformulation of its policies towards the countries of the world in such a way that devotes the political, economic and cultural subordination of these countries.

Despite school uniforms’ historic role in the democratization and equity of different social classes, they have gradually become signified as the clothing of disciplined and institutionalized bodies, thus becoming the instrument of the ideological subordination of the individuals/bodies. Although being associated with an anti-fashion attitude universally, school uniforms in Japan are incorporated into the elements of street style and thus, their meaning is transformed into a form of rebellion. In this transformation, Japanese cinema played a vital role, particularly after the 1990s. In this article, we aim to analyse the transmogrification of the ‘high school girl movement’ by examining Kinji Fukasaku’s film adaptation of Koushun Takami’s Battle Royale through a cross-disciplinary reading between fashion and film studies.

Abstract Many Chinese historians and politicians consider the Zheng He expeditions as voyages meant to establish peaceful relations with foreign countries. Although, in contrast with European overseas expansion, it was not in the interest of the Chinese emperor and his government to colonialize foreign countries, this does not mean that relations were peaceful. Subordination of neighbouring countries to the Ming court and their acceptance of Ming China’s claim to cultural, ideological and political superiority in the macro region—the implementation of a “pax Ming” in other words—was fully intended. The present article discusses Zheng He’s and the Ming court’s dealing with Chen Zuyi 陳祖義, an “inconvenient” local (“pirate”) leader of Chinese origins dominating parts of the Malacca/Melaka Straits, the use of violence in the implementation of official Ming goals and the ideological transfiguration and (re)interpretation of the Ming court’s own interests in Chinese historical sources.

This book provides a theoretical analysis of international law's impact on relations between dominant and subordinate, or subaltern, groups. It charts the law's role in the reproduction, legitimation, and transformation of systems such as capitalism, racism, and imperialism. It looks at 4 distinct moments: when law structures society; when rules and institutions are formally used; when law influences ideological positions; and when law is used to defend political claims. The book shows the law as a powerful tool for promoting the reproduction and legitimation of subordination. Offering a fresh perspective, it will appeal to scholars of international law and international relations.

This book assesses American, Canadian, and Swedish legal challenges to the explosive spread of pornography and its contribution to violence against women within their significantly different democratic systems and constructs a political and legal theory for effectively challenging the sex industry under law. The obstacles are exposed as more ideological and political than strictly legal, although they often play out in the legal arena. The pornography industry is documented to exploit vulnerable populations in making its materials. A thorough analytical review of empirical studies that use complementing methods demonstrates that using pornography substantially contributes to consumers becoming more sexually aggressive, on average desensitizing them and contributing to a demand for more subordinating, aggressive, and degrading materials. Consumers often wish to imitate pornography with unwilling partners; many demand sex from prostituted people, who have few or no alternatives. Most young men regularly consume pornography. Legal challenges to the harms are shown to be more effective under legal systems that promote equality and when the laws empower those most harmed, in contrast to state-enforced regulations (e.g., criminal obscenity laws). Drawing on feminist theory, among others, this book argues that pornography is among the linchpins of sex inequality, contending that a civil society forum can empower those harmed, with representatives who have more substantial incentives to address them. This book explains why democracies fail to address the harms of pornography and offers a political and legal theory for making the necessary changes. The insights can be applied to other intractable problems of hierarchy.

Abstract At the beginning of this book, I talked about how the Marxist tradition offers a model of ideology as socially ordered and as grounded in society, even though this model is simplistic in its image of a dualistic opposition between dominant and subordinate ideologies. And I suggested that the oversimplicity of this model is due in part to its lack of empirical engagement, particularly engagement with actual ongoing social practices. Marxist approaches to ideology acknowledge a role for language as a manifestation of ideology, but this role is not well developed. However, there is now a literature that looks at resistance as symbolic interaction (Willis 1977; Scott 1990), pays increasing attention to ideological diversity in legal language use in courts (Merry 1990; Conley & O’Barr 1990; Matoesian 1993), and fosters an emerging awareness of the shaping influence of relations of domination and subordination in the constitution of ideologies in discourse practices. Linguistic anthropological approaches to situated language use in the traditions of the ethnography of communication and textual analysis (which show culture and ideology constituted in discourse) offer theoretical and methodological models for the empirical and practical grounding of ideology in language use. But here, attention to the significance of power and to the shaping influence of relations of domination and subordination was much less developed than in Marxist traditions generally and is only now emerging in the study of language within these traditions.

Abstract The Subordination of Yorkist and early Tudor aristocratic women to their male kin rested on an interlocking series of economic, legal, and political institutions, the most fundamental of which were the common law, with its doctrine of coverture; a primogenital inheritance system reinforced by male entail; and a system of arranged marriages based on the dowry and jointure. Their contemporaries justified these institutions by appealing to divine and natural laws that decreed women’s inferiority and subjection. Together these material and ideological constructs created a regime in which the exclusion of aristocratic women from formal political power and office appeared to be completely natural and was virtually unquestioned.

In “Remaking Human Being,” the author enumerates the decolonial elements of Helena María Viramontes’s novel Their Dogs Come with Them to illustrate the importance of literature and literary criticism for a decolonial project. After defining decoloniality, the essay shows that Viramontes structures her narrative and personifies her characters to reveal the socioeconomic and ideological forces that keep Latinx and other people of color in conditions of subordination. Moreover, Viramontes’s pluralized and digressive narrative structure, together with a faithful witnessing of her characters’ daily actions and embodied subjectivities, demonstrates the importance for social justice projects of cultivating multiple and diverse perspectives on any given event. By enabling her characters—and her readers—to develop a kaleidoscopic consciousness, Viramontes effectively provides the imaginative resources to facilitate our ability to remake ourselves and their world(s) we share.

Abstract This chapter examines ‘inarticulacy’ as a social and an ideological phenomenon in early modern England. It considers contemporary attitudes towards stammering, disfluent, and ‘incoherent’ speech, how these attitudes were shaped by speakers’ social position, and the experiences of ‘inarticulate’ individuals who occupied different places in the hierarchy. The costs of inarticulacy varied in relation to a given speaker’s social position. For members of the gentry and ‘better’ sort, disfluent speech could not only compromise their ability to project their authority in the expected manner but also enable their inferiors to resist demands that were made of them. The costs of inarticulacy were different for poor and labouring people. When they spoke disfluently in power-laden situations, they unwittingly justified their subordination by confirming commonplace assumptions about the relationship between social inferiority, language, and cognitive ability.

This article analyzes for the first time the full text of objection of Theophan Prokopovich (1681–1736) to the work of Markell Radyshevskiy (†1742) on monasticism ([Objection to The announcement of monasticism], 1730), and explains the circumstances and motives for its creation. In his polemical treatise of 1734, Theophan Prokopovich polemicises with the most important provisions of Markell Radyshevskiy’s work, defending the views of Peter’s companions on monasticism and the Church. In his rebuttal, Theophan Prokopovich stands as a staunch supporter of Peter I and his Church reform, a supporter of unlimited autocratic power and unconditional subordination of the Church to the head of state. He polemicises with important arguments of Markell Radyshevskiy’s work, defending all the main provisions of Peter’s 1724 decree on monasticism. The first full publication of Theophan Prokopovich’s objection will give a clear idea of the nature of the ideological and religious disputes of Peter’s time, the essence and intensity of the controversy between Church reformers and conservatives in the era of formation of the Russian state in the 18th century.

This chapter contextualizes the development of knowledge of warfare within the turbulent politics and campaign realities of the 1660s. During the early 1660s, as the Austrian Habsburgs faced the threat of a massive Ottoman invasion, Raimondo Montecuccoli struggled to manage the complexities of warfare with limited resources. Montecuccoli has gained a historical reputation as a cool-headed, systematic thinker and general, but by analyzing his writings in the context of the rivalries of the 1660s and the Hungarian frontier, one can see how his military science emerged as part of a fiery, ideological debate. Fissures between him and the Croatian-Hungarian magnate Miklós Zrínyi emerged because they disagreed about what the common good was and how military force should serve broader interests. Montecuccoli then used the evolving idea of military science as a weapon to prove his way of waging war was correct. Loyalty was integral to his conception of how to wage war, because loyalty required the subordination of private interests to the greater good one was loyal to, supposedly resulting in clear-eyed, rational military analysis and action.

That the offshore program has remained in place for decades and public outcry against it has been minimal is partly the achievement of a carefully spun discourse of foreign farm labor, as we saw in the previous chapter. In this chapter, I examine how this discourse makes use of several strategies. First, it situates the foreign migrant workers in the context of the familiar landscape of rural Ontario. Second, it frames the representation of offshore labor in dualisms of belonging and nonbelonging. Third, it associates various dualisms with different geographical scales. These scale-particular representations enable seemingly contradictory narratives to coexist. However, in the context of the wider discourse, geographical scales and associated dualisms interlock in a manner that situates seasonal migrant labor in subordinate economic and marginal social roles. It is still common among scholars to use essentialized ethnic categories to assess rural landscapes and examine social relationships in agricultural production. In view of such scholarly practices, it is particularly important to expose the ideological underpinnings of landscape representation. Geography has offered many approaches, associated with different traditions of scholarship, to the study of landscape. These approaches variously treat landscape as an expression of rural lifestyle, a manifestation of everyday social space, a material reflection of social relations, and an ideology. I assume the fourth perspective on landscape, which George L. Henderson (2003) also describes as “apocryphal” landscape because it reveals, not authentic social relations, but ideological ways of seeing. When Stephen Daniels and Denis Cosgrove (1988: 1) say, “A landscape is a cultural image,” they refer to the ideological representation of people and objects through landscape. According to this approach to landscape, the manner in which people are situated and represented in landscape can reveal ideologies of subordination and exclusion. For example, the portrayal of Gypsies as uncivilized, dirty, and a “polluting presence” in the English countryside reflects “the assumption that the countryside belongs to the privileged” (Sibley 1995: 107). In this context, landscape is the discursive construction of “a stereotyped pure space which cannot accommodate difference” (108).

Abstract In Chapter 2 I discussed the sociocultural and political process responsible for the contact-induced Arvanítika linguistic shift. In subsequent chapters some of the most significant outcomes of the shift, such as the recruitment of bilingual resources for the building of performance frames, the production of an across the-border voice and similar phenomena, were analyzed and related to the macroprocesses of subordination and heteroglossia. The major focus of this book is the dialectic between societal praxis as it is linked to the basic social restructurings of the communities and the use of bilingual resources in speakers’ communicative praxis leading to the creation of a set of interpretive and productive practices that are interested (Hill 1990). As an outcome of this line of analysis topics related to linguistic ideology have been addressed in various places in the book. For example, terminal speakers’ language attitudes and linguistic conduct as they emerge through the frame of an across-the-border voice represent in essence an ideological phenomenon. In this chapter I tum to the discussion of linguistic ideology which I consider worth examining in its own right.

This chapter demonstrates that the motif of divinization is centrally involved in the poets’ attempts to understand and reconcile with the changing parameters of libertas as Rome gradually falls under Augustus’ control. It argues that, from as early as the Eclogues, libertas is already characterized as something that can only be mediated by the acceptance of a more authoritarian regime. The pastoral drama of Eclogue 1 in particular presents libertas and dependence on extraordinary political power as notionally compatible, thereby foreshadowing the defining ideological character of the Augustan Principate. As the new regime takes shape, however, the poets’ depiction of Augustus as a divine guarantor of peace becomes a way of reflecting on the limits of libertas under the Principate. Through a close examination of Livy’s Preface, the sphragis of the Virgil’s Georgics, and Propertius 3.4, the second half of this chapter argues that these authors frame the return of peace to Rome under Augustus as a form of civic security underpinned by political subordination; and that the divine portraits of Augustus in Georgics 4 and Propertius 3.4 highlight the simultaneously overwhelming and indispensable nature of Augustan power.

As it is emphasized by feminist critics, national crises-be they military, political, economic, or ideological-consolidate anti-women, nationalistic rhetoric that questions and criticizes women’s advances and position within the society by mobilizing particular mediated images of gender. The underlying logic of thinking of the US war on terror assumes two processes of subordination: of women at home (at the center) that need to be “protected” and of women abroad (situated at the peripheral “Orient”) that need to be “saved.” At the same time, in the aftermath of 9/11, American feminists tended to exoticize and victimize for example women under the Taliban. Such an “enlightened” and “civilized” approach to third-world women’s rights resembles the colonialist rhetoric that justifies engagement and invasion in the name of democracy, crisis prevention, or human rights. As Chandra Mohanty underlines, Western feminists too often use this general, homogenous category of “thirdworld women” viewed as passive and victimized by their barbarous, oppressive cultures and traditions (1984). Drawing from feminist and postcolonial scholarship, in my article I address the periphery’s criticism of and opposition to the dominant masculinist rhetoric of the war on terror. Peripheral in this context can be considered both the voices of American feminists contesting the US role of the protector as well as the responses of non-Western feminists questioning the unilateral, passive, and subordinated images of their experiences.

The report considers the approach to the mechanism of interpretation of the oneiric content from the position of authentic psychotherapy: the basic elements of a dream, principles of the analysis of images, sources of psychogenesis of images. 174 "Authentic counseling is intended for any individual who is aware of being part of life, as this type of counseling belongs exclusively to the sphere of the individual. Counseling of this type is oriented to those people who feel a transcendent need, who in the face of a problem do not panic but transform it in a moment of growth" [A. Meneghetti]. The main goal of authentication psychotherapy is the identification, authentication and development of the client's personal ethics, which leads him/her to a recovery of responsibility in an existential sense and the need to realize their creative potential. Authentication means that the subject's logical-historical self has reached the necessary level of maturity to realize its ontic uniqueness. Authentic psychotherapy relies on six languages of the unconscious (linguistic anamnesis and historical biography, symptom or problem analysis, physiognomic-kinetic-proxemic analysis, oneiric analysis, semantic field and outcome), among which the oneiric language is one of the most important. From the point of view of ontopsychology, a dream is a set of figurative projections identifying the subject's real state in biological, psychological and ontic terms. The main elements (principles) on which the psychotherapist relies are: the causal cause of the symbol, the functionality of the action for the subject and the semantic criterion, which is one of the tools of ontopsychology. In the course of therapy, complete dreams are analyzed, in which it is possible to see both the current situation and the cause of it and the solution – a positive way out for the client's existential situation. The results of research of dynamics of changes of symbols in oneiric activity accompanying process of historical evolution of subjects during authentication psychotherapy have shown, that functional changes in a historical situation of the client undergoing authentication psychotherapy lead to functional changes of symbols of a dream. Conventionally they can be designated as images of: life, opportunity, freedom and natural metabolism. When a person is in a situation of historical non-functionality, symbols of moral and ideological order will prevail: authority, subordination, super-self, honors. In this way the oneiric analysis allows identifying and verbalizing the most important intention for the client, leading to sustainable success and health. В докладе рассматривается подход к механизму интерпретации онейрического содержания с позиции психотерапии аутентификации: основные элементы сновидения, принципы анализа образов, источники психогенеза образов. «Аутентифицирующее консультирование предназначено для любого индивида, который осознает себя частью жизни, так как этот вид консультирования относится исключительно к сфере личности. Консультирование такого типа ориентировано на тех людей, кто чувствует трансцендентную потребность, кто перед лицом проблемы не пасует, а преобразует ее в момент роста» [А. Менегетти]. Основная цель психотерапии аутентификации состоит в идентификации, аутентификации и развитии личной этики клиента, что приводит его к восстановлению ответственности в экзистенциальном смысле и необходимости реализации творческого потенциала. Аутентификация означает, что логико-историческое «Я» субъекта достигло необходимого уровня зрелости для реализации своей онтической уникальности. Психотерапия аутентификации опирается на шесть языков бессознательного (лингвистический анамнез и историческая биография, анализ симптома или проблемы, физиогномико-кинетико-проксемический анализ, онейрический анализ, семантическое поле и результат), среди которых онейрический язык является одним из важнейших. С точки зрения онтопсихологии, сновидение представляет собой совокупность образных проекций, идентифицирующих реальное состояние субъекта в биологическом, психологическом и онтическом плане. Основными элементами (принципами), на которые опирается психотерапевт, являются: каузальная причина символа, функциональность действия для субъекта и семантический критерий, являющийся одним из инструментов онтопсихологии. В процессе терапии анализируются полные сновидения, в которых можно увидеть как текущую ситуацию и причину ее вызывающую, так и решение – позитивный для экзистенциальной ситуации клиента выход. Результаты исследования динамики измененийсимволов онейрическойдеятельности, сопровождающих процесс историческойэволюции субъектов в ходе психотерапии аутентификации, показали, что функциональные изменения в исторической ситуации проходящего психотерапию аутентификации клиента приводят к функциональным изменениям символов сновидения. Условно они могут быть обозначены, как образы: жизни, возможностей, свободы, природосообразного метаболизма. Когда человек находится в ситуации исторической нефункциональности будут превалировать символы морально-идеологического порядка: авторитет, подчинение, сверх-Я, почести. Таким образом, онейрический анализ позволяет определять и вербализовывать наиболее важную для клиента интенцию, приводящую к устойчивому успеху и здоровью.

Taking into consideration the role that power plays within the context of social life, it becomes obvious that without this attribute called ?power? there could be no ordinate human activity (Bordeiu, 2006). Seen as a political phenomenon, power seems to be the most important component of political institutions. In this regard, it is being used for keeping and consolidating a certain social order, for ensuring the functionality of all social institutions, for keeping the social cohesion in a society, for controlling the citizens? behavior, as well as for unwanted behavior prevention (Mihailescu, 2000). The most general and well-known form of power is social power and the literature of the field (Downing, 1998; Hastings, 2000; Balandier, 1998; Valsan, 1997) describes it as the means through which society adjusts itself and self-regulates its mechanism with the purpose of ensuring and sustaining its optimum functionality. Bordeiu (2006) sees it as the element that sets in motion all the social gearing towards historical progress, the propelling force which accomplishes social and sustainable development, the binding concept among all the social structures and phenomena, which it definitely organizes (forming its hierarchical systems), coordinates and orchestrates according to the target agenda. Like any other social phenomena, the social power phenomenon distinguishes itself through a series of specific traits and the question is whether these traits that personalize social power do need the use of language or not, and if they do, at what level? In what follows, I will briefly summarize the traits of social power as proposed by Bordeiu (2006) and the diverse manifestations of power forms in society, trying to determine (via logical assumptions) the relevance of language for each category:→ Display as social relation ? social power relies invariably on the existence of a specific social relation (subordination: leader to obedient, also co-operation for achieving conjoint goals) between people or groups of people, typical of any community, no matter its size (family, tribe, nation). Among the members of any groups appear different relations based on interests (power, solidarity, collaboration, conflict, etc), relations that come into being according to a specific context and are submitted to the filter of language. → Display as organization and management of social life ? power constitutes the most important element in organizing, ruling and adjustment setting of social life. It imposes the goals of human activity, the necessary means and strategies for achieving them and in this way power becomes the vital component that establishes and applies social order on the social level, an order that in its turn generates the phenomenon of power. So, social order depends on organization in order to validate power and vice versa, but neither of them can materialize themselves without the support of language. → Essentiality and Permanence - power is an essential and a permanent element for social relations and therefore ensures the normal functioning of society. But the normal functioning of a society could never be achieved without the patterns of communication and verbal interaction. Language itself becomes this way essential and permanent to society. → Global Display ? power has, among other things, the quality of a global factor and becomes an integrator that orchestrates and incorporates all the other forms of ruling and organization of social activities. During the integration process, language plays a decisive role, as it ensures the uniformity of the system (language performing values). → Social Values Synthesis Display ? The values promoted by power represent a synthesis of the other values manifested on the social level, which reflect the interests of the social majority, taking into consideration those related to the historical, moral or cultural tradition. In this case, language has the capacity to store these values, ensures fluency in passing on specific values and provides the opportunity to form a majority which will share the same ideological language. → Roles Asymmetry within Power Relationships ? The need for organizing and ruling different forms of activity (within complex human groups) determines social divisions, respectively asymmetries in the roles assumed by different categories of individuals (leaders and obeyers).