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Journal articles on the topic 'Ideological subordination'
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1
Paschenko, V. G. "Formation of new value orientations of Ukrainian society." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 7 (February 24, 1998): 23–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/1998.7.134.
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In our recent past, at first glance, an ideologically monolithic society was a kind of "collective soul" that envisioned the internal subordination of the individual to the social, collective, existing system of ideologies, stereotypes that were perfected and skillfully introduced into public consciousness - and suddenly this ideological one-dimensionality society collapses and the person is alone with one another.
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Cegieł, Anna. "O niewiarygodności języka w dyskursie ideologicznym." Poradnik Językowy, no. 10/2022(799) (September 5, 2022): 133–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.33896/porj.2022.10.8.
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Ideological discourse serves the purpose of imposing a vision of the world based on the sender's beliefs on the recipient. For this purpose, treatments to modify the meanings of terms and the axiological marking of words are used, ways of understanding and prioritising values are imposed, and the designata of words are arbitrarily changed. The subordination of the language to ideology deprives it of its credibility as an instrument for describing reality, weakens its ability to express meanings precisely, and makes it a tool for sustaining disputes.
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Rumtini, Rumtini, and Dwi Susanto. "Aspek Ideologis dan Pendidikan Religiusitas dalam Novel-Novel Bertema Islam Karya Penulis Perempuan Muslim Indonesia Era Pascareformasi." Humanis 29, no. 2 (2025): 245. https://doi.org/10.24843/jh.2025.v29.i02.p09.
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One significant trent in post-reform Indonesian literature is the emergence of Islamic-themed novels, notably those by Habiburrahman El Shirazy, Abidah El Khalieqy, and Helvy Tianna Rosa. This study aims to: 1). examine the educational values; 2). Analyze the ideological aspects presented in selected novels. Using qualitative method, the research involved close reading of Islamic-themed works by Indonesian women writer, sample selection, and thematic analysis. Findings indicate that Perempuan Berkalung Sorban convey educational values throught its critique of gender subordination within traditional pesantren culture, highlighting women’s struggle for right. Meanwhile, Ketika Mas Gagah Pergi promotes adherence to Islamic Sharia as as comprehensive lifestyle, including political dimentions. Ideologically, Perempuan Berkalung Sorban reflects a feminist spirit that acknowledges gender distinctions, while Ketika Mas Gagah Pergi aligns with Indonesia’s hijra movement and post-Islamist discourse. These novels thus serve as cultural texts articulating educational and ideological narratives within contemporary Islamic literature.
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Mate, Rekopantswe. "Wombs As God's Laboratories: Pentecostal Discourses of Femininity in Zimbabwe." Africa 72, no. 4 (2002): 549–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2002.72.4.549.
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AbstractStudies of born-again Churches in Africa generally conclude that they help members embrace modernity. Their teachings provide the ideological bases for members to embrace changing material realities. Such studies are rather silent on the demands of this ideological frame on women and men. This article looks at two Zimbabwean women's organisations, Gracious Woman and Precious Stones, affiliated to Zimbabwe Assemblies of God in Africa and Family of God respectively. Using ethnographic methods, it argues that such organisations teach women domesticity and romanticise female subordination as glorifying God. They discourage individualism by exalting motherhood, wifehood and domesticity as service to God. These demands emerge at a time when life is changing drastically in urban areas as women get educated and enter the professions. Economically a small but growing number of black families have experienced some upward mobility—something these Churches encourage through ‘the gospel of prosperity’. Although accumulation and upward mobility free families from (traditional) kin obligations which the Churches encourage, women are discouraged from resisting the patriarchal yoke even when material circumstances make it possible. The organisations repackage patriarchy as Christian faith. The article concludes that if these Churches are concerned with managing modernity, then they see modernity as female subordination.
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Tappan, Mark B. "Domination, Subordination and the Dialogical Self: Identity Development and the Politics of ‘Ideological Becoming’." Culture & Psychology 11, no. 1 (2005): 47–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354067x05050743.
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Šuljagić, Sanja. "On the subordination of the policy of the Russian Empire to a Western colonial campaign in the Balkans in the 19th century." Srpska politička misao 90, no. 2 (2025): 165–94. https://doi.org/10.5937/spm90-55331.
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In this paper, the subject of research is the cause of insufficient support of the Russian Empire to Serbian and other Balkan insurgents during the establishment of the modern geopolitical constellation in the Balkan Peninsula in the nineteenth century. The objective of the research is to prove that the cause of the insufficient support of the Russian Empire to the Balkan insurgents in that period was the ideological and geopolitical subordination of the foreign policy of the Russian Empire to the Western colonial campaign on the Balkan Peninsula in the same period. By applying analytical-synthetic and comparative methods, it is shown that the ideological and geopolitical subordination of the policy of the Russian Empire to Western political and economic interests became noticeable in the period after the Russian Empire had begun to represent an obstacle to commercial aspirations of European trading companies towards India and the Far East. From that time onwards, anti-Russian propaganda began in England and European states, and later also military and non-military campaigns by representatives of European states against the Russian Empire. As a consequence of the Western agenda of "penetration to the East," in 1815, after the Congress of Vienna, the influence of the Russian Empire on the geopolitical constellation of the Balkan Peninsula was overshadowed by European political interests.
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Spillenger, Clyde. "Hate Speech, Group Libel, and “Ford's Megaphone”." Law & Social Inquiry 40, no. 04 (2015): 1058–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsi.12162.
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This essay on Victoria Saker Woeste's Henry Ford's War on Jews and the Legal Battle Against Hate Speech (2012) emphasizes that what made Ford's broadsides against Jews in the 1920s so dangerous was technology—his command of an unparalleled network of distribution, through his nationwide Ford dealerships. In addition, at the time of Ford's libels, US legal culture had not yet absorbed the idea that ideological and psychological subordination of minority groups was the principal harm worked by what would later be called “hate speech.”
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Mohammed Al-Karim, Ayad Rashid. "Globalization and its implications for the sovereignty of the State." Tikrit Journal For Political Science 1, no. 1 (2019): 86. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v1i1.94.
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The term globalization was commonly used in the last decade of the 20th century, especially at the end of the Cold War, the resulting collapse of the Soviet Union and the socialist camp, as well as the absence of ideological competition. Structural changes in the international environment were the opening of political borders and the unilateralization of the United States The United States as a superpower, which led to the reformulation of its policies towards the countries of the world in such a way that devotes the political, economic and cultural subordination of these countries.
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Bayar, Hazal, and Şölen Kipöz. "Ideological representation of Japanese school uniforms through the case of Koushun Takami’s Battle Royale." Film, Fashion & Consumption 13, no. 1 (2024): 119–33. https://doi.org/10.1386/ffc_00073_1.
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Despite school uniforms’ historic role in the democratization and equity of different social classes, they have gradually become signified as the clothing of disciplined and institutionalized bodies, thus becoming the instrument of the ideological subordination of the individuals/bodies. Although being associated with an anti-fashion attitude universally, school uniforms in Japan are incorporated into the elements of street style and thus, their meaning is transformed into a form of rebellion. In this transformation, Japanese cinema played a vital role, particularly after the 1990s. In this article, we aim to analyse the transmogrification of the ‘high school girl movement’ by examining Kinji Fukasaku’s film adaptation of Koushun Takami’s Battle Royale through a cross-disciplinary reading between fashion and film studies.
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Schottenhammer, Angela. "Consolidating Southeast Asia and the Meaning of Force in History: Pax Ming and the Case of Chen Zuyi 陳祖義". China and Asia 3, № 1 (2021): 130–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2589465x-030105.
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Abstract Many Chinese historians and politicians consider the Zheng He expeditions as voyages meant to establish peaceful relations with foreign countries. Although, in contrast with European overseas expansion, it was not in the interest of the Chinese emperor and his government to colonialize foreign countries, this does not mean that relations were peaceful. Subordination of neighbouring countries to the Ming court and their acceptance of Ming China’s claim to cultural, ideological and political superiority in the macro region—the implementation of a “pax Ming” in other words—was fully intended. The present article discusses Zheng He’s and the Ming court’s dealing with Chen Zuyi 陳祖義, an “inconvenient” local (“pirate”) leader of Chinese origins dominating parts of the Malacca/Melaka Straits, the use of violence in the implementation of official Ming goals and the ideological transfiguration and (re)interpretation of the Ming court’s own interests in Chinese historical sources.
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Alaghbary, Gibreel Sadeq. "The United States’ reaction to the Arab Spring." Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict 2, no. 1 (2014): 151–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlac.2.1.06ala.
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This study explores ideological embedding in US presidential rhetoric on aggression and conflict. Specifically, it examines President Obama’s first official statement on each of the 2011 popular uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen, Libya, Bahrain and Syria. The first statements are sampled because they are often carefully timed and phrased to project position and perspective. The objective of the study is to examine how Obama’s speeches on the Arab Spring articulate US ideological assumptions about the pro-reform protests (and protestors), the aggressive responses of the embattled regimes and the conflict which developed as a result. The methodology of analysis is constituted by the analytical framework of Critical Stylistics. Findings from the analysis reveal the ways in which value systems and sets of beliefs may be structured in the language of aggression and conflict, and, more specifically, the ways in which Obama’s ideological attitudes and assumptions are embedded in the structure of his statements. Obama’s construction of the different unrests, for example, is evident in the naming conventions, his evaluation of the revolutionaries and their oppressors is reflected in the transitivity patterns, and the US regional priorities are signposted by the structural subordination options.
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Grube, Eric B. "From Bavaria to the Brenner: Austria as a Fascist Borderland, 1933–1936." German Studies Review 48, no. 2 (2025): 249–67. https://doi.org/10.1353/gsr.2025.a960205.
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abstract: During the interwar period, Austria was a major point of contention between Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy. Compounding this contestation was the fact that Austria itself was ruled by an increasingly fascist regime. Across Bavaria, Tyrol, and South Tyrol, Nazis and fascists struggled for supremacy as they pulled Austria to cross purposes: Nazis to German subordination and fascists to Austrian autonomy. To help make sense of such an internecine ideological contest, this article frames Austria from 1933 to 1936 as a fascist borderland, in which fascist Austrian agents sought to weld and wield authoritarian strategies from their neighbors to the north and south. Rival paramilitary members across this space demonstrated the elasticity and fluidity of transnational fascism, exacerbated by their ongoing discord concerning Austria's borders. Across Austria's border regions, these men came to blows over this noxious blend of territorial and ideological fixations, warping Austria into a borderland as chaotic as any multinational, multiethnic space in Central Europe.
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Weinberg, Merlinda. "The ideological dilemma of subordination of self versus self-care: Identity construction of the ‘ethical social worker’." Discourse & Society 25, no. 1 (2013): 84–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957926513508855.
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Trijić, Vesna. "Literary Criticism and the Media." Transcultural Studies 11, no. 1 (2015): 72–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23751606-01101008.
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This article deals with literary reviews published in newspapers and their subordination to modern media which tend to give priority to non-verbal forms of communication, such as photography and the graphic shape of titles, which may control or overshadow the meaning of a text. In order to survive in such a context, book reviewers usually accept the language of journalism which imposes an ideological and commercialized dimension on them, forcing them to abandon their original discourse based on literary criticism. The paper poses the question whether there is any place left for literary criticism in the modern media or has criticism proper been relegated to specialized journals?
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RASTEGAR, KAMRAN. "Literary Modernity between Arabic and Persian Prose: Jurji Zaydan's Riwayat in Persian Translation." Comparative Critical Studies 4, no. 3 (2007): 359–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e1744185408000074.
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Our understanding of nineteenth-century literary practice is often mediated by the national literature model of study that continues to govern discussions of modern literature. Put differently, contemporary evaluations of literary texts of the nineteenth century are often arrived at by using the national literature models that remain ascendant. This results in particular from the interplay of two concepts, ‘nationalism’ and ‘novelism’, and the role that these ideological agendas play in establishing the frameworks for literary study that predominate in today's academy. Novelism is defined by Clifford Siskin as ‘the habitual subordination of writing to the novel’ – it is the prevalent tendency to approach prose writing in general using a framework of value derived from criticism of the novel.
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David, James. "Globalization and the Post-Modern Turn." Ushus - Journal of Business Management 2, no. 1 (2003): 24–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.12725/ujbm.2.3.
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We need a critical theory of globalization that is necessarily trans-disciplinary and that, which does not buy into ideological valorizations and affirms difference, resistance, and democratic self-determination against forms of global domination and subordination. A wide range of theorists has argued that the proliferation of differences and the shift from the level of globalization to focus on the local, the specific, the particular, the heterogeneous, and the micro level of everyday experience. Several theories are associated with post-structuralism, postmodernism, feminism, and multiculturalism and focus on difference, 'otherness', marginality, the personal, the particular, and the concrete over more general theory and politics that aim at more global or universal conditions.
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Dr. Aarti Vishwakarma. "The Problematics of Ideological Construction and Repressive Interpellation of Caste in Bama’s Karukku." Creative Launcher 7, no. 4 (2022): 51–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.53032/tcl.2022.7.4.07.
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The problem of caste in India is supposed to have commenced from the division of the Indian society into Varna system in the ancient times. It led to the marginalization of the people of Shudra Varna to the level of untouchability, discrimination, poverty, subjugation, subordination and exploitation. In the caste system, that was, and is, categorised as the upper caste and the lower caste-- the two fractions that emerged after the Independence of India, many people of the upper caste became so antagonistic into their treatment of the people of lower caste that they designed a system of ‘power’ and ‘control’, both ideological and repressive, in order to exert their hegemony over them and dominate the consciousness of these people for the perpetuation of their privilege, authority and rule. The writings by Dalit authors, in the post-Independence era, have posed a resistance against this ideological and repressive structure of India society that enforces the people of the lower caste to accept their lot of being born to be ruled by the upper caste people. This resistance has been voiced through candour and boldness into the ‘life narratives’ of many Dalit authors. This article seeks to explore these designs and structures of ideological formations of the caste system and its repressive interpellation in the Indian society through the autobiography of Bama, Karukku.
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Paikin, Damián. "The Foreign Policy of Contemporary Argentina. Between the Search for Autonomy and the Acceptance of Subordination." Anuario Latinoamericano – Ciencias Políticas y Relaciones Internacionales 14 (April 6, 2023): 151–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/al.2022.14.151-168.
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The foreign policy of Latin American countries is debated between two antagonistic positions. The logics of autonomy, on one hand, and the logic of globalism, on the other. Both views are based on a common diagnosis: the weakness of the countries of the region. However, from there they differ in their proposals. While the first presents a confrontational scenario against the powers, the second seeks an adaptive path. This “Latin American pendulum”, resulting in foreign policies oscillating according to the government, is perhaps most radical in Argentina. In this key, the present work analyzes the foreign policy of the governments of Mauricio Macri (2015–2019) and Alberto Fernández (2019–2023), seeking to understand if they put into practice the conceptual ideological foundations that they tried to impose from their actions.
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Pastuszka, Anna. "Die Grenze und die Grenzziehungen in der Essayistik von Karl-Markus Gauß." Acta Philologica, no. 58 (2022) (August 19, 2022): 107–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.7311/acta.58.2022.10.
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The article aims to investigate the border phenomenon and the demarcation of political and cultural borders in Gauß’s selected essays. Gauß’s essay writing originates from the European tradition of (self-)critical observation and is particularly concerned with European issues. The Austrian author examines the mechanisms of subordination and separation, the relationship between the centre and the periphery, and considers the concepts of border, nationalism, and regionalism in the Enlightenment spirit of prejudices criticism. He also recalls the Iron Curtain as the ideological border between Eastern and Western Europe and its implications. The article summarizes Gauß’s reflection on the essence of borders as artifi cial constructs and on the border’s ambivalence as a sphere of experiencing differences and a contact zone.
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Ariadne, Siqueira de Medeiros, and Diniz da Silva Machado Rosely. "Who can be a university student? A discursive analysis of the imaginary representation of public and private school students." Revista Letras Raras 12, no. 3 (2023): 46–64. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.10436269.
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In Brazil, public education is commonly stigmatized as precarious and insufficient, while private education is the provider of “quality education”. Therefore, through the lenses of Pecheuxtian Discourse Analysis, this article aims to examine discourses about public and private school students, based on two similar reports, but whose idea of entrance exam is opposite: in one it is a “possibility”, as it is associated with effort and hard work; in the other it is a certainty, to the point of satirizing other professions. The articles are “‘If nothing works out’: young people dress up as cleaners, mechanics, and street vendors at a school party”, published by the newspaper Extra on 06/05/2017, and the other one, published in G1, “‘It is possible!’, says public school student who was admitted into Law and Medicine”, on 10/20/2017. Many believe that attending university is for the few, those from private schools who have better financial conditions. In the analyses, we have shown how discourses on public and private schools identify with the knowledge of the ruling class and align themselves with the capitalist system. As an Ideological State Apparatus, the school represents the place where ideology is performed, through contradiction, inequality, and subordination, according to Althusser (1985). Thus, subject and meaning are constituted as evident as the effect of ideological interpellation, materialized from their affiliations to certain DFs, hence the need for gestures of interpretation of discourses on pre-established social places, to understand that it is also possible to resist conditions that are unequal and excluding.
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Supiastutik, Purwita Wardani Dyah, and Malikha Kayla Gading Andrea. "Feminism Represented in Jeanette Winterson's The Passion." International Journal of Social Science And Human Research 06, no. 04 (2023): 2072–79. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.7805198.
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The Passion is a novel written by a modern British feminist writer of the 20th century, Jeanette Winterson in 1987. She concerns with lesbian themes, gender, and sexuality in her works. This study aims to show the contribution of representation theory promoted by Stuart Hall in literary studies. The study utilized the concept of feminism proposed by Beauvoir as the foundation for data analysis to strengthen the argument. Data analysis shows that this novel expresses the spirit of feminism, namely 1) the resistance to the objectification of women, 2) the rejection of women's subordination, and 3) the support of cultural feminism. The analysis of the text narrative and the contextual background of the novel and the writer, the study showcased the ideological position of the writer.
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Străuțiu, Eugen, and Mihai Melintei. "Patriots of the Empire: Cossacks in the Dniester War (1992)." Hiperboreea 10, no. 2 (2023): 220–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/hiperboreea.10.2.0220.
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Abstract The participation of the Cossack formations in the military operations of Dniester in 1992, together with paramilitary forces recruited locally and supported politically and militarily by the Russian Federation, remains a topic known superficially at the level of public opinion and approached almost entirely by chance by qualified researchers. This article aims to put into circulation hitherto unused information; to systematize and interpret the information dissipated in the memoirs, contemporary media, and chronologies drawn up by the participants in the events; and to open the phenomenon (much better developed later) of the mercenary engaged in the interest of the great powers. The authors apply interdisciplinary methodology, borrowed from historical, military, political, sociological, and psychological sciences. Consequently, the conclusions will reveal ideological motivations, tactics, and strategies; alliance and subordination policies; but also serious ethical slippages—all specific to mercenary behavior.
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Skladanowski, Marcin, and Cezary Smuniewski. "The Secularism of Putin’s Russia and Patriarch Kirill’s Church: The Russian Model of State–Church Relations and Its Social Reception." Religions 14, no. 1 (2023): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14010119.
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The Russian Federation is a secular state, and the church is separate from the state. Nonetheless, during Putin’s rule, a seemingly desecularising transition has taken place in Russia. This transition can be observed on legal, ideological, and social levels. This article presents the characteristics of a new secular-state model that has developed in Russia after the collapse of the Soviet Union. We claim that the evolution of the public role of religion in Russia and the state’s attitude towards religion cannot be considered in any way a symptom of the post-secularisation tendencies observed in some Western societies. Desecularisation in Russia takes place only at the verbal level. However, this façade desecularisation conceals a profound secularisation of religious institutions and organisations, understood as their total subordination to state policy objectives and, thus, their becoming elements of the state structure.
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Griskova, Natalia. "Peculiarities of the church-religious policy of the russian autocracy in Podillya at the end of XVIII – at the beginning of the 30s of the XIX century." Scientific Papers of the Kamianets-Podilskyi National Ivan Ohiienko University. History 33 (October 7, 2021): 144–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.32626/2309-2254.2021-33.144-164.
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The work analyzes the peculiarities of the political activity of the Russian autocracy concerning the representatives of confessional and religious communities in Podillya at the end of XVIII – at the beginning of the 30s of the XIX century. The research methodology is based on the principles of scientificity, objectivity and historicism, and involves the use of general scientific methods (internal critique of sources, analysis, synthesis, generalization). The scientific novelty consists of the formation of the complex vision of implementation of religious politics of autocracy toward the representatives of non-Orthodox clergy and believers of Podillya. The analysis of legislative acts, incorporation and corporate governance documents that regulated the activities of religious communities was conducted. Based on the historical, ideological and political aspects of this policy, as well as the religious views of monarchs (on confessional and religious communities), and the status of the state religion (Orthodoxy), the main aspects of church and religious policy of the autocracy in Podillya were clarified. Conclusions.It is defined that the church-religious politics of the Russian government toward the confessional communities of the Podillya governorate were executed to get control over the confessional communities of the region and their full subordination to the autocratic government. The legal basis of religious and confessional policy was a series of imperial decrees, statutory documents and orders that defined and coordinated the activities of religious and confessional organizations. Their publications were based on the legal and ideological substantiation of the religious and confessional policy of the autocracy throughout the Right-Bank Ukraine and Podillya in particular. The implementation of the given policy led to the changes in the confessional hierarchy of the Podillya governorate; restrictions of activities and the influence of the Roman Catholic and Greek-Catholic denominations of the faithful of the region. As a result, it was the change of religion and confessional affiliation of the population of the region. Orthodoxy was recognized as the main religion by the government in the region, which depended entirely on secular authorities, the will of the emperor, and became the basis for the subordination of the Orthodox population of the region to the policy of the Russian state.
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BUKRIEIEVA, Iryna, Lyudmila AFANASIEVA, Natаlia HLEBOVA, Lyudmila GLYNS'KA, and Mykhailo SEMIKIN. "POLITICAL AND MENTAL FOUNDATIONS OF RUSSIAN IMPERIALISM." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 30 (2022): 22–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2022.30.3.
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Today, Russian imperialism is undergoing a new phase of its transformation, moving from covert interference in the internal affairs of sovereign states to open territorial expansion. Its primary task is plans to seize the sovereign state of Ukraine through military aggression, forced inoculation of its own model of the world order and return to the space of a single "Russian world". The former post-Soviet Baltic republics, Belarus, Moldova, Georgia are considered as the next territories for integration into the imperial space of Russia. And this is a war not only and not so much for territories, but for ideas, a worldview that will dominate them. The main features of imperialism as an ideology and policy are an irrational desire for military expansion and absolute security, an unobsessed regime with a “center-periphery” subordination relationship, a patronage-client scheme, and the “privatization” of state functions by the ruling elite, turning them into a source of private profits. A distinctive feature of Russian imperialism is that it carries out not only territorial expansion, but above all ideological and ideological expansion, instilling its ideological picture of the world on the conquered peoples. The Russian imperial ideology has been formed over the centuries and is based on such mental traits as: superiority, dominance, psychological inclination towards permissiveness and robbery, servile submission to power in various forms, abnormal patience, religious fanaticism and more. These features of mentality became the basis of the imperial ideology of state building as a system of views, ideas and worldview of Russians. Russian imperialism (rashism) is a syncretism of Russian Nazism, Orthodoxy and psychotraumatic nostalgia for the USSR, which has turned into an imperial identity.
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Боженко, Євгеній. "COVERAGE OF THE PROCESS OF SPACE EXPLORATION IN THE USSR IN THE JOURNAL «SCIENCE AND SOCIETY» IN 1950-1960: A COMPILATION ANALYSIS." Український літопис, no. 4 (January 17, 2025): 27–32. https://doi.org/10.31470/2786-8583-2024-4-27-32.
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The article, based on a comprehensive compilation analysis of representative sources and modern theoretical and methodological foundations, examines the research and ideological component of the publication heritage of the scientific journal «Science and Society» in the context of its coverage of space exploration in the 1950 s and 1960 s.The author reflects the ideological orientation of scientific research on the pages of the scientific periodical “Science and Society” in the period under consideration. In particular, it is pointed out that the topic of intergalactic space exploration was extremely relevant, since its development was determined by the party and state support in the form of powerful material and technical encouragement of the research potential in the field of space exploration.The author emphasizes that published scientific research shows the active participation of domestic scientists and astronomical observatory teams in solar system research projects. The discoveries of scientists reflected in journalistic journalism indicate that the period of the 1950s and 1960s was important in scientific and technological progress. However, the author of the article states that most of the scientific achievements were subordinated to the conditions of the Cold War as a result of the ideological confrontation between the USSR and the United States.The author emphasizes that the defining criterion for any area of space research was its subordination to the tasks of military-space parity. This is what distracted the enormous scientific potential from the rational use of its achievements not for defense purposes, but for peaceful space exploration, and for solving social and economic issues. Thus, the journal Science and Society became an important journalistic source for optimizing the process of space exploration in the 1950 s and 1960 s.
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MacLeod, Nicci, and Barbara A. Fennell. "Lexico-grammatical portraits of vulnerable women in war." Journal of Historical Pragmatics 13, no. 2 (2012): 259–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jhp.13.2.04mac.
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The 1641 Depositions are testimonies collected from (mainly Protestant) witnesses documenting their experiences of the Irish uprising that began in October 1641. As news spread across Europe of the events unfolding in Ireland, reports of violence against women became central to the ideological construction of the barbarism of the Catholic rebels. Against a backdrop of women’s subordination and firmly defined gender roles, this article investigates the representation of women in the Depositions, creating what we have termed “lexico-grammatical portraits” of particular categories of woman. In line with other research dealing with discursive constructions in seventeenth-century texts, a corpus-assisted discourse analytical approach is taken. Adopting the assumptions of Critical Discourse Analysis, the discussion is extended to what the findings reveal about representations of the roles of women, both in the reported events and in relation to the dehumanisation of the enemy in atrocity propaganda more generally.
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Bhatta, Damaru Chandra. "Woman in Beauvoir's Concept: A Feminist Reading." DMC Research Journal 5, no. 01 (2023): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/dmcrj.v5i01.52014.
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The purpose of this paper is to present the French existentialist philosopher Simon de Beauvoir's feminist viewpoint against traditional patriarchy, which is a social organization marked by the supremacy of the father in the clan or family, the legal dependence of wives and children, and the reckoning of descent and inheritance in the male line. It also tries to present her traditional analysis how woman has been unreasonably victimized by man in the society. Beauvoir shows with great erudition that man's dominance has been secured through the ages by an ideological power; legislators, priests, scientists, and philosophers have all promoted the idea of woman's subordination. Hence, Beauvoir concludes that feminist must break this type of patriarchal power to change man at the level of theory, but without entering the theoretical domain on man's terms; however man and woman should live together for a happy life by enjoying equal right and power.
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Pratiwi, Sekar, Ifa Bilqiis Fauziyyah, and Luqman Wahyudi. "Menyingkap Representasi Perempuan Dan Simbol Agama Dalam Poster Film Horor Indonesia: Melampaui Stereotip." Brikolase : Jurnal Kajian Teori, Praktik dan Wacana Seni Budaya Rupa 16, no. 2 (2025): 207–18. https://doi.org/10.33153/brikolase.v16i2.6594.
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The Indonesian religious-themed horror film industry, as exemplified by Kiblat, Siksa Neraka, and Sijjin, leverages religious symbols to evoke fear and tension, presenting a stark contrast between sacredness and horror. However, this approach has sparked public controversy, with many perceiving it as a desecration of religious sanctity, leading to protests and boycotts that underscore the tension between artistic expression and religious values in Indonesian society. Furthermore, the portrayal of women in these films' posters often reinforces patriarchal stereotypes by depicting them as victims or objects of violence, perpetuating narratives of female subordination and hindering progress toward gender equality. Through Stuart Hall's Representation Theory, this study analyzes the visual and ideological construction of religious symbols and female figures in Indonesian horror film posters, exploring their denotative and connotative meanings to understand the genre's role in shaping social discourse on religion and gender within Indonesia's cultural context.
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Moskovskaya, Daria S., Natalia Y. Bakshaeva, and Olga V. Romanova. "Mass Character and “Massovization” in the Early Soviet Literary Process." Studia Litterarum 7, no. 4 (2022): 10–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/2500-4247-2022-7-4-10-33.
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Theorizing the concept of Soviet literature is associated with the understanding that in the 1920s the literary process is undergoing massive changes. The mass writer undergoes ideological molding. The “order for inspiration” after 1926 does not come from the financial market, but from the authorities. But regardless of the instance that actualized the order, the fusion of literature with power gives rise to “paraliterature,” which typologically equates the “tabloid” generated by financial mechanisms with mass custom-made thematic literature. An appeal to the motives of the behavior of participants in the early Soviet literary process, the study of which is provided by the archives of proletarian writers’ unions, reveals the possibility of a sociological and literary interpretation in the concept of a Soviet writer. In the sociological perspective, the Soviet writer belongs to the market of ideological values, and the referential content of this concept, proposed by E.A. Dobrenko and M.O. Chudakova — “mass graphomania” or subordination to the doctrine of socialist realism — corresponds to the social practice of the 1920s–1930s. In the literary perspective, the writer appears as the author, “a structure acting in the space of the work.” The immanent perspective liberates the Soviet writer from the status of “Sovietness” and makes it possible to attribute his works to the achievements of world literature.
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Ugwuanyi, Lawrence Ogbo. "Critiquing Sub-Saharan Pan-Africanism through an Appraisal of Postcolonial African Modernity." Theoria 64, no. 153 (2017): 58–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/th.2017.6415305.
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Abstract What vision directs pan-Africanism and which developmental model does it support and promote? To answer this question, the article evaluates pan-Africanism within the demands of African modernity and locates the extent to which pan-Africanism meets the aspiration of African modernity. It argues that pan-Africanism has what amounts to a north-bound gaze and supports development imperialism, and shows that for this reason it is not properly grounded on African realities, the consequence of which is the weakness of African modernity. The article suggests a re-articulation of pan-Africanism through the ideology of pro-Africanism, which holds that autonomy and self-will are two cardinal principles that are fundamental to African self-definition but which pan-Africanism is not in a position to provide because it amounts to a subordination of African difference. It concludes that a redirection of the African vision in this direction is a worthier ideological alternative to pan-Africanism.
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Lumingkewas, Marthin Steven, Antonius Missa, and Magdalena Indriani Suparlim. "Indonesian Gender Justice In School Education." RERUM: Journal of Biblical Practice 1, no. 1 (2021): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.55076/rerum.v1i1.12.
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Equality in obtaining education for children, especially girls in rural areas of Indonesia often encounter cultural, religious and ideological barriers from the community. Educational opportunities are more open to boys than girls for a variety of reasons such as consideration of higher tuition fees, lack of educational facilities and cultural understanding that sees girls as second-grade individuals who can be sacrificed their rights. This subordination of girls is even recorded in a series of education policies that place women as the owners of domestic authority and men to be priests or the backbone of the family. Therefore, in this research using a feminist-sociology approach is expected to provide the results of paradigm changes and perspectives from the government and all elements of society in reviewing the educational curriculum that has so as not to maintain the model gender biased and unfriendly education towards girls' rights in obtaining an education equivalent to that of boys.
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Musgamy, Awaliah, Muhammad Rusydi, and Kurniati Kurniati. "Gender Mainstreaming in Arabic Literature." Jurnal Al Bayan: Jurnal Jurusan Pendidikan Bahasa Arab 12, no. 2 (2020): 245–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.24042/albayan.v12i2.6468.
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Arabic literature is a means of gender mainstreaming which is very rich in gender issues. This is based on the social fact that Arab society in its historical footsteps has a stereotype as a community that is very thick with its patriarchal culture. Consequently, the social condition which is less responsive to gender influences the birth of Arabic literary works in various types in which gender issues such as marginalization of women, subordination of women to men, violence, negative stereotypes, and others. This article is qualitative research by using feminist Arabic literary criticism as a perspective, gender mainstreaming in Arabic literature is carried out by tracing the gender issues that exist in Arabic literature in its various forms. Through feminist Arabic literary criticism, various theories of feminist literary criticism consisting of ideological criticism, gynocritical criticism, socialist criticism, psychoanalytic criticism, ethnic criticism, and lesbian criticism, are applied in transforming and reconstructing gender-responsive relations between men and women.
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Belafatti, Fabio. "Gendered Nationalism, Neo-Nomadism, and Ethnic-Based Exclusivity in Kyrgyz, Kazakh and Uzbek Nationalist Discourses." Studia Orientalia Electronica 7 (April 2, 2019): 66–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.23993/store.69958.
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Existing literature on gender and nationalism has postulated that nationalist narratives tend to convey patriarchal and restrictive views of gender roles, with women’s domesticity and subordination at the core of such interpretations. This paper tests this theory by looking at three examples of state-sponsored or state-produced communication in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan, arguing that the simple existence of a regime’s nationalist ideological orientation is not per se sufficient to explain or anticipate the kind of gender narratives a regime will adopt. Instead, the paper calls for an analysis of internal political mechanisms and incentives in order to explain and anticipate the specific forms that discourses around gender will take in a given political environment. In order to do so, it tries to combine the rational choice-based “Selectorate Theory” (Bueno de Mesquita et al., 2003) with existing literature on nationalism and gender, to define a connection between political systems on the one hand and discourses on the other.
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Kosterska, Alicja. "The landscaping of Upper Silesia after 1989." Polish Journal of Landscape Studies 2, no. 4-5 (2019): 73–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pls.2019.4.5.7.
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The paper offers a critical analysis of the representations of post-industrial landscapes in Upper Silesia. It takes a look at the products of visual culture after 1989: feature films set in the region and photographs by Wojciech Wilczyk, trying to detect their embedded ideological mechanism and explain its dynamics. Drawing on the concepts advanced by Tim Edensor and W.J.T. Mitchell, the paper demonstrates that that mechanism consists in using aestheticization tools and sight cropping, following which a comprehensive view is feigned. As a result, Upper Silesia appears to be a degenerate space affected by permanent stagnation. In closing, the requirements that representations of landscape should meet are enumerated in order to provide insights into the diversity of a region, as well as offering a point of departure for reflection on its place in the national imagination. Ultimately, these considerations enable the expression of Upper Silesian identity from a position other than that of inferiority and subordination.
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Vorobyova, Irina V. "PAUL HOLBACH’S IDEAS ABOUT THE SOCIAL CONTRACT AND THEIR SIGNIFICANCE FOR NOWADAYS." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Philosophy. Social Studies. Art Studies, no. 4 (2023): 67–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6401-2023-4-67-78.
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The paper reveals theoretical approaches to the development of the ideas of the social contract in the works by Paul Holbach and their significance for nowadays. The author of the article draws attention to such relevant provisions of Holbach’s works for today’s realities as criticism of absolutism, ideological control, social evils of power, the need to develop and support the middle class, etc. It is shown that Holbach understands mutually beneficial, voluntary interaction between a citizen and the state based on mutual rights and obligations as the basis of a social contract. Proceeding from the ideas of P. Holbach, the author of the article considers the possibilities of voluntary subordination of the country’s citizens to the social contract through such indicators as: solidarity with the policy of state power, trust in the authorities, political and social institutions, and persons personifying them, satisfaction with life and the state of affairs in the country, a sense that the state acts in the interests of all citizens.
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Foster, Margaret. "Hagesias as Sunoikistêr." Classical Antiquity 32, no. 2 (2013): 283–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2013.32.2.283.
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In positioning his laudandus Hagesias as the co-founder of Syracuse, Pindar considers the larger ideological implications of including a seer in a colonial foundation. The poet begins Olympian 6 by praising Hagesias as an athletic victor, seer, and sunoikistêr (co-founder) and therefore as a figure of enormous ritual power. This portrayal, however, introduces an element of competition into Hagesias' relationship with his patron Hieron, the founder of Aitna. In response, the ode's subsequent mythic portions circumscribe Hagesias' status so as to mitigate any challenge the seer might present to Hieron's own political authority. An intertextual reading of Olympian 6's myth with the myth of Pelops in Olympian 1 highlights Pindar's careful negotiation of Hagesias' position in this colonial context. Despite the resulting need to affirm Hagesias' subordination to Hieron, Pindar joins together the seemingly incompatible roles of seer and co-founder because, as an intertextual reading of Nemean 1 helps to illustrate, Hagesias embodies and symbolically enacts in the ode Hieron's synoikism of Aitna.
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Hämäläinen, Nora. "Reduce Ourselves to Zero?: Sabina Lovibond, Iris Murdoch, and Feminism." Hypatia 30, no. 4 (2015): 743–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hypa.12172.
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In her book Iris Murdoch, Gender and Philosophy, Sabina Lovibond argues that Iris Murdoch's philosophical and literary work is covertly dedicated to an ideology of female subordination. The most central and interesting aspect of her multifaceted argument concerns Murdoch's focus on the individual person's moral self‐scrutiny and transformation of consciousness. Lovibond suggests that this focus is antithetical to the kind of communal and structural criticism of society that has been essential for the advance of feminism. She further reads Murdoch's dismissal of “structuralism” as proof of Murdoch's alleged conservatism and neglect of feminist concerns. In this article I will argue that this line of argument—though not completely off‐base concerning the awkwardness of Murdoch's relation to feminism—(1) gives a misleading picture of Murdoch's philosophical and ideological position, and (2) establishes a problematic (though not unusual) antagonism between moral self‐scrutiny and social criticism, which a closer look at Murdoch's work can help us overcome.
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Gheorghiță, Nicolae. "Guiding the People’s Army Music. Mechanisms of Censorship and Control of Musical Composition Dedicated to Military Bands in Communist Romania." Musicology Today: Journal of the National University of Music Bucharest XIV, no. 56 (2025): 303–16. https://doi.org/10.69608/mt.56.04.
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In communist Romania, military bands were under a double subordination: administratively, logistically and financially they were part of the Army. From a professional point of view, however, the military band leaders wanted the bands to be part of the Union of Composers, in their real desire to professionalise and develop, and this will happen at the end of 1957, when they will become a subsection of the Union. The present paper examines the ways in which the Bureau of the Military Music Subsection controlled, guided, censored and imposed the compositional subjects dedicated to brass bands, according to the ideological directions imposed on the Union of Composers by the Party, as well as the compositional techniques specific to this genre of music that musicians had to adopt in their works. The study is based on archives in the libraries of the Ministry of Defence and on the records of the Subsection of the Military Music.
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Purwita Wardani, Dyah, Intan Permatasari, and Yanuaresti Wardhani. "Patriarchal Discourse as Seen in Christina Dalcher’s Vox." Equality Journal of Gender Child and Humanity 2, no. 1 (2025): 41–53. https://doi.org/10.58518/equality.v2i1.3309.
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This study analyzes Christina Dalcher's Vox using the theory of representation by Stuart Hall 1997 and the discursive approach by Michel Foucault is an effective means of comprehending meaning through conversation. This theory analyzes patriarchal discourse experienced by female main characters. This study is categorized as qualitative research. This thesis has two kinds of data to support this research, primary and secondary. The primary data are collected from the dialogues and narration in Vox novel that represent the patriarchal system through the female characters. The secondary data are collected from various journals, books, and internet sources. In Vox novel, women always experience oppression and violence. It makes women’s lives miserable. The result of this study found four patriarchal discourse which cover patriarchal culture, patriarchal sexuality, patriarchal household production, and patriarchal state. Women experience psychological oppression carried out by President and Pure Movement. It begins with President and Pure Movement who control women’s life. This causes gender inequality which can give birth to subordination, marginalization, double burden, and violence. The last result is the ideological position of the author. The ideological position of the author does not support patriarchal system. Dalcher paints an original depiction of the current state of society by implying that women must be granted equal rights in society. Women have essentially the same rights as men, including the right to live an honorable life, to be free from fear, and to have the ability to choose their path in life.
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Seyfarth, Lea. "Pressured to Volunteer? Societal Factors and the Motivation of Korean Men to Work as Miners in West Germany in the 1960s." Yonsei Journal of International Studies 15, no. 2 (2023): 34–51. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.13123483.
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Amid South Korea’s economic struggles in the 1960s, about8,000 Korean men chose to become miners in West Germany.Questioning the Korean government’s narrative that stronglyemphasizes and praises the voluntary nature of this decision, thispaper seeks to revisit the reasons for their decision to migrate.Beyond economic and individual motivations, it zooms out to thebigger picture and approaches the questions of their inspirationfrom a new, macrolevel perspective. Rather than looking at thepersonal stories, this approach will examine the societal settingduring this time to identify social forces that may have led to theirdecision to migrate. Based on the Migration Decision Model ofKlabunde et al., this approach uncovers the societal pressuresthat emerged from mainly two value systems at the time. Whilestate-backed nationalism served as the basis for the migrant’scommitment to sacrifice their labor for the country’s good, progrowth Confucian values provided the ideological rationale forcommitment to the family and subordination to the nation’s needs.In this regard, the Park Chung Hee administration effectivelyused these two value systems to ideologically mobilize the laborforce by creating normative factors embedded in the society’sbelief system. This paper argues that the decision to migrateto West Germany resulted from broader societal forces thatpressured the Korean men to volunteer. This new perspectiveenriches the overall understanding of migration motives andchallenges the Korean government’s narrative that portrays theminers in West Germany as volunteers.
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Khamedova, Olga. "Neopatriarchal Project of Nationalistic Press of the 1920s-1930s." Scientific notes of the Institute of Journalism, no. 2 (75) (2019): 122–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2522-1272.2019.75.9.
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The article focuses on the problem of interaction between ideology and gender in the Ukrainian press of the 1920s-1930s. The object of the study is the nationalistic periodical publications in the interwar two decades period. The objective of the study is to ascertain the techniques of dissemination of discursive impact and construction of gender models, taking into account the ideological vector of a publication. The chosen research methodology is synthesis of critical discourse-analytical approach with feminist criticism, which allows to analyze the texts in the context of “domination/subordination”. Results of the study. The nationalistic publications consistently restored the patriarchal values in the western Ukrainian society on the eve of the 1920-1930’s. Their journalists constructed an idea of militaristic masculinity as a normative and used the following techniques: modeling a warrior’s image through comparison with a foreign model of normative masculinity, the narratives about dangerous actions and martyrdom of nationalist heroes, popularization of sport and physical hardness aimed at training of youth generation for the upcoming liberation war. The nationalists tried to deny the achievements of the Ukrainian feminist movement, in particular “Soiuz Ukraiinok”/”Union of Ukrainian Women”, had the fierce ideological discussions with the leadership of this organization on the pages of their publications. A woman was represented as a resource in terms of underground struggle against the invaders and in terms of the upcoming national liberation war. However, there were extremely few materials in which the heroines (actants) were women. The heroines in the nationalistic press were endued with three functions: biological, symbolic and ideological. In those materials, which still covered the women as the members of militant groups, military or political actions, their contribution was diminished and consealed. Сonclusions of the study. The patriarchal myth was revivaled on the pages of the nationalistic press of the 1920-1930s. According to nationalists the patriarchal structure of society served best the ideological tasks in order to prepare the Ukrainians for a long national liberation struggle. Relevance of the study. Understanding the mechanisms of interaction between ideology and gender gives an idea of interconnections within the power-media-society paradigm, which is one of the most significant issues of the modern media researches.
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Ksenofontov, V. A. "Modern western concepts of military violence." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of Belarus, Humanitarian Series 67, no. 2 (2022): 135–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.29235/25242369-2022-67-2-135-148.
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The state of the military and political situation around Belarus is characterized by the dynamism of negative processes. Factors showing a high degree of military activity of geopolitical centers of power have been noted. The probability of using military force and other non-military measures against the state obliges us to continuously analyze the technologies of military violence. A regular trend of violence is revealed - the change of war paradigms from classical to non-classical. The face of modern military conflicts encompasses all spheres of social life. The main features of U. S. military policy after the end of the “cold war” are demonstrated. The American classification of the states of the world, according to which the U. S. builds relationships in the interests of geopolitical dominance, is considered. They use the technology of non-classical warfare, in which a significant role is given to information, political, diplomatic, ideological, economic and other resources of subordination of the opposite side to its will. The basic concepts of non-classical warfare and their characteristics are considered. Particular attention is paid to hybrid warfare. In military conflicts the most important place is given to information wars. The modern stage is characterized as conscientious warfare. Signs of the transition from “mental warfare” to “noosphere war” are revealed, when the mind is aimed at the destruction and subordination of the will of entire states for egoistic purposes to the will of the “world leader”. Western strategists actively use the technology of “gray zone” balancing between war and peace. It is concluded that the concepts of non-classical warfare play a significant role in modern military violence. Given the increase in military violence in the world, it is important to prioritize the military sphere of national security.
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Zawiszewska, Agata. "Zofia Wojnarowska. Poetka dla dzieci – poetka miłości – poetka rewolucji." Poznańskie Studia Polonistyczne. Seria Literacka, no. 32 (October 2, 2018): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pspsl.2018.32.3.
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The article discusses Zofia Wojnarowska’s (1881-1967) biography and poetry which were representative of the life path and artistic career of many other active Polish poetesses at the turn of the 19th century. The output of Wojnarowska, who made her debut in the period of Young Poland and reached her artistic maturity in the interwar period, expresses a typical situation of an artist–epigone whose mediocre talent looks for its own expression and place in the literary Parnassus in the time of, important for the national community, political, economic and cultural changes. Political facts like the country’s occupation, World War I and a difficult process of the restoration of an independent country influenced the judgments of Polish critics who rarely applied esthetic criteria to the evaluation of poetesses’, including Wojnarowska’s, output and instead appreciated their subordination to the following functions: didactic (in children’s poetry), expressive (in love poetry) and ideological (in the poetry of proletarian revolution). The situation in which systemic and individual factors like the emancipation of women, the crystallization of literary professions literary critics’ lenient approach to the artistic output of women and the ease of writing overlapped, the need of success and ideological engagement, on the one hand, made it difficult for women writers to improve their own work, to function in higher mainstream and to play the roles of culture creators and, on the other hand, made it easier for them to function in the popular mainstream and play a role of literary craftsmen.
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Ishchuk, Nataliia. "The phenomenon of Sobornist in the context of civilizational discourses of Ukrainian orthodoxy." Skhid 6, no. 4 (2024): 53–58. https://doi.org/10.21847/2411-3093.2024.6410.
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The article examines the authentic (Orthodox) dimension of the phenomenon of Sobornist. It argues that the conciliar (soborny) paradigm offers a complex ideological construction of unity in diversity. Theoretically, this is the ideal of harmony within the Orthodox Church and Orthodox community. Practically, due to a series of ideological distortions, it cannot be realized either in ecclesial or social existence. It is substantiated that in historical retrospect, in Orthodox countries, the source of these distortions was the cultural-civilizational complex of Byzantism (Byzantinism). A number of “social sins” of Byzantism, namely the Caesaropapal subordination of the Church to the state, the statist exaggeration of the historical role of certain countries and peoples, and the devaluation of human personality, absolutized the principle of unity through pressure on diversity. The importance of considering the role of socio-cultural and political factors of different nations and countries in the self-expression of Byzantism on national soil is proven. In the case of Ukrainian Orthodoxy, it is about the tradition of “Kyivan Christianity,” which had several specific traits that laid the foundation for the legitimization of both unity and diversity, somewhat minimizing the distortion of the conciliar (soborny) ideal in the life of the Church and the community. On the contrary, russian Orthodoxy and russian religious philosophy, through the cultivation of the statist component of Byzantism, legitimized russian imperialism. Its current form—the ideology of the “russian world,” with an emphasis on the violent “gathering of lands”—embodies an anti-soborny social paradigm.
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Darwin, Helana. "Omnivorous Masculinity: Gender Capital and Cultural Legitimacy in Craft Beer Culture." Social Currents 5, no. 3 (2018): 301–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2329496517748336.
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Peterson’s “omnivore-univore” hypothesis has stimulated a lively debate among cultural sociologists, but the effect of omnivorousness upon gender inequality remains underexplored. By analyzing the gendered valuation of beer types in craft beer blogs and in open-ended surveys with 93 craft beer bar patrons, this article demonstrates that a shift toward omnivorousness does not necessarily reflect a shift toward progressive gender ideology. These findings indicate that the same ideological conflation between femininity and illegitimacy that dominates the univorous American mainstream beer culture has been reproduced—albeit repackaged—within the American craft beer culture. Men are free to consume a range of beer types without consequence within the confines of the omnivorous craft beer culture, but women remain subjected to gendered judgment depending upon their beer preference. This imbalance signifies the emergence of a “hybrid masculinity” within the omnivorous craft beer scene that superficially signifies gender-blindness while ultimately maintaining the patriarchal status quo. These findings contribute towards the sociology of gender and the sociology of consumption by demonstrating the gender contingencies of cultural capital accrual that reinforce women’s subordination.
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Dege, Carmen Lea. "Diversity in unity in post-truth times: Max Weber’s challenge and Karl Jaspers’s response." Philosophy & Social Criticism 46, no. 6 (2019): 703–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453719860225.
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Max Weber famously diagnosed both an excess and a subordination of meaning in modernity when he coined the term disenchantment next to the fragmentation and irreconcilability of value spheres. Unlike Weber, however, who sought to keep the ideological and the rationalist sides of the modern divide together, his immediate followers capitalized either on his decisionism (i.e. Carl Schmitt) or on his universalism (i.e. Jürgen Habermas). In an attempt to develop a constructive perspective on the question of how we can conceive of irreconcilable values within a larger normative horizon, this article introduces Karl Jaspers’s interpretation and refinement of Weber’s work. Most fundamentally, Jaspers’s existentialist philosophy of communication sought to turn Weber’s warring gods into a source of solidarity rather than divisiveness. I argue that Jaspers did so in rooting human freedom not in the decision or the law but in an experiential uncertainty and the knowledge not to know. The article closes with a discussion of some practical and theoretical implications of Jaspers’s thought for our understanding of diversity in unity in post-truth times.
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Frąckiewicz, Iga. "From Solitude to Omnipotence over Matter. An Energizing Narrativeof the Sinowcy." Tekstualia 4, no. 79 (2024): 21–36. https://doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0054.8803.
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The publicists of „Sztuka i Naród” in their declaration of war against war confronted the occupiedreality not only through direct action. They verbalised their struggle with extraordinary intensityin texts which indicated that speech itself was understood as a rising, pulsating stream that wasdriven by the internal energy of the speaking subject. The examination of nationalist journalismof SiN and the intimate notes of Andrzej Trzebiński allow for a reconstruction of a phantasmaticwork of imagination aimed at metaphorical strengthening of the spirit and a proud self-defi nitionin a world engulfed by war. In this context, the articles published in the years 1942–1944 canbe interpreted as a linguistic stream of strong, „masculine” expression, which became a weaponin the irredentism aimed at an attitude of resignation and weakness. The energizing narrativeof SiN leads from a solitary stance to the complete subordination of the material world and itsarrangement according to the ideological-political guidelines of the Confederation of the Nation.This article constitutes a fragment of the doctoral dissertation entitled Idea, słowo, metafora. Wyobraźniapolityczna grupy literackiej „Sztuka i Naród” i ruchu „Zadruga”.
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Chojnowski, Dominik. "Critical education as an attempt to question the dominant habitus through the educational system." Studia z Teorii Wychowania XIII, no. 4 (41) (2022): 65–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0016.1637.
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In the article, I analyze the role of education in the prevailing system of neoliberal capitalism. On the one hand, it is used by the dominant culture characteristic for the upper classes to imprint appropriate ideological assumptions in the minds of students. On the other hand, there is strong resistance to the practices of subordination and implementation of the logic of the prevailing system. Illich's concept of deschooling society recognizes that compulsory education should be abolished. Critical educators such as Henry Giroux and Peter McLaren argue that the resistance present in the school testifies to the possibility of using the school to shape critical citizens capable of defending democracy. In my article, I argue that it is possible to partially free oneself from the logic of the dominant culture and to partially emancipate the habituses characteristic of the lower classes. However, it is not my goal to illustrate the ideas present in the theories under analysis by referring to specific examples in the field of a particular educational system.
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Damier, Vadim. "The Genoa Conference of 1922 Through the Eyes of Russian Anarchists." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 2 (2023): 86. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640025099-6.
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In the article the author examines the attitude of Russian anarchists and anarcho-syndicalists to the 1922 Genoa Conference and the participation of representatives of Soviet Russia in it. This subject has not received much coverage in the works of anarchism scholars, who have so far focused primarily on the study of the general stance of Russian anarchism towards the Soviet regime and the issue of the New Economic Policy, on the problem of anti-anarchist repressions in Russia and on the ideological and organisational processes in the Russian anarchist emigration. The author made it his task to identify the place that the critique of the “Genoa policy” of the Soviet government enjoyed in the ideological concepts and political work of the anarchists, and to trace the main line of their reasoning. The main source for this article was the original, mainly émigré, press of the Russian anarchists between 1922 and 1923. The author demonstrates that the Russian anarchists' view of the Genoa Conference was primarily determined by ideological motives and their general analysis of the course and fate of the Russian Revolution itself. Being anti-statists, the anarchists had no particular conception of foreign policy and were indifferent to so-called state interests. The “Genoa policy” was perceived by them as a manifestation and confirmation of the new Bolshevik course, in which they saw an orientation towards restoring the positions of private capital within Russia itself and towards subordination to world capital on an international scale. Planned or real concessions on the part of the Soviet delegation at the Conference and repression of Russian anarchists and socialists were, in their eyes, two sides of the “Bolshevik counter-revolution”. The criticism of Bolshevism mounted by the anarchist emigration in connection with and after the Genoa Conference contributed to the demarcation in the international trade union revolutionary-syndicalist movement and the founding of the anarcho-syndicalist International.