Academic literature on the topic 'Ideological transitions'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Ideological transitions.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Journal articles on the topic "Ideological transitions"
1
Munck, Gerardo L. "Building Democracy . . . Which Democracy? Ideology and Models of Democracy in Post-Transition Latin America." Government and Opposition 50, no. 3 (April 30, 2015): 364–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2015.2.
Full textAbstract:
Politics in Latin America continued to be about democracy after the democratic transitions in Latin America in the 1980s and 1990s. An old concern – securing the minimal standard of democracy that had served as the goal of democratic transitions – remained relevant. But a new concern – the attainment of more than a minimal democracy – transformed politics about democracy. Actors who supported and opposed neoliberalism – the key axis of ideological conflict – advocated and resisted political changes in the name of different models of democracy. And the conflict overwhichmodel of democracy would prevail shaped Latin America’s post-transition trajectories, determininghowdemocracy developed and, in turn,whetherdemocracy endured.
2
PINICH, I. P. "THE DISCURSIVE EMOTIONAL ASPECT OF IDEOLOGICAL TRANSITIONS IN THE VICTORIAN AGE." MESSENGER OF KYIV NATIONAL LINGUISTIC UNIVERSITY. Series Philology 22, no. 1 (June 11, 2019): 66–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.32589/2311-0821.1.2019.170160.
Full text
3
Viljoen, H., and E. Hentschel. "Tales of transition." Literator 18, no. 3 (April 30, 1997): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v18i3.546.
Full textAbstract:
In this article the rationale of this special issue is provided and the different contributions are introduced. The assumption is that there are strong similarities between the recent political and social transitions in South Africa and Germany and the reactions, both emotional and literary, of the people involved. Broadly, the transitions are described as a movement from external (or violent) to internal (or ideological) social control, though this must be modified by the various constructions the contributors put on the transition. The main themes and questions of the transitions are synthesized, highlighting the marked similarities the different contributions reveal. The most important of these are the relation to the past, problems of identity, projections of the new and the internal contradictions of nationalist discourse (which informs the process of transition). In conclusion, the similarities and differences between the two transitions indicated by this special issue, are discussed. The assumption of strong similarities between the two seems to hold, it is argued, but much more research into the matter is needed.
4
Miles, William. "FROM CÉSAIRE TO "SARKO": GENERATIONAL AND IDEOLOGICAL TRANSITIONS IN MARTINIQUE AND FRANCE." Contemporary French Civilization 34, no. 1 (January 2010): 173–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/cfc.2010.8.
Full text
5
McFaul, Michael. "The Fourth Wave of DemocracyandDictatorship: Noncooperative Transitions in the Postcommunist World." World Politics 54, no. 2 (January 2002): 212–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2002.0004.
Full textAbstract:
The transition from communism in Europe and the former Soviet Union has only sometimes produced a transition to democracy. Since the crumbling of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, most of the twenty-eight new states have abandoned communism, but only nine of these have entered the ranks of liberal democracies. The remaining majority of new postcommunist states are various shades of dictatorships or unconsolidated “transitional regimes.” This article seeks to explain why some states abandoned communism for democracy while others turned to authoritarian rule. In endorsing actorcentric approaches that have dominated analyses of the third wave of democratization, this argument nonetheless offers an alternative set of causal paths from ancien regime to new regime that can account for both democracy and dictatorship as outcomes. Situations ofunequaldistributions of power produced the quickest and most stable transitions from communist rule. In countries with asymmetrical balances of power, the regime to emerge depends almost entirely on the ideological orientation of the most powerful. In countries where democrats enjoyed a decisive power advantage, democracy emerged. Conversely, in countries in which dictators maintained a decisive power advantage, dictatorship emerged. In between these two extremes were countries in which the distribution of power between the old regime and its challengers was relatively equal. Rather than producing stalemate, compromise, and parted transitions to democracy, however, such situations in the postcommunist world resulted in protracted confrontation between relatively balanced powers. The regimes that emerged from these modes of transitions are not the most successful democracies but rather are unconsolidated, unstable, partial democracies.
6
Cramer, Steve. "Ideological Anxiety, National Transition and the Uncanny in The Omega Factor." Journal of British Cinema and Television 13, no. 1 (January 2016): 61–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jbctv.2016.0296.
Full textAbstract:
This article examines the BBC Scotland series The Omega Factor (1979), with a view to illustrating the ways in which the series used its supernatural genre to interrogate the ideological transitions of its era. In particular, the article will examine the ways in which Scotland's cultural landscape and history is misrecognised through the eyes of characters from the metropolitan English centre, who journey into a Kristevan uncanny in their experience of otherness in Scottish characters and landscapes. The ways in which The Omega Factor diverged from generic precedents set by contemporary English supernatural series of the time will also be illustrated, particularly with regard to ideological subtext and notions of decentred history.
7
Pastor, Robert A. "The Bush Administration and Latin America: The Pragmatic Style and the Regionalist Option." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 33, no. 3 (1991): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165932.
Full textAbstract:
After 8 Years of United States unilateralism in Central America and ideological confrontation on Capitol Hill, by 1989, newly-elected leaders in Latin America and Democrats in Congress yearned for a US president who would listen to their concerns, not just lecture them on the contras. George Bush's pragmatic style was therefore a welcome departure from the ideological intensity of his predecessor. With the democratic and pragmatic leaders of Latin America, Bush grappled with debt, democratic transitions, and drug trafficking, and together they sought new ways to relate the Hemisphere to a rapidly changing world.
8
Stepan, Alfred. "Multiple but Complementary, Not Conflictual, Leaderships: The Tunisian Democratic Transition in Comparative Perspective." Daedalus 145, no. 3 (July 2016): 95–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00400.
Full textAbstract:
Many classic studies of leadership focus on strong leadership in the singular. This essay focuses on effective leaderships in the plural. Some of the greatest failures of democratic transitions (Egypt, Syria, Libya) have multiple but highly conflictual leaderships. However, a key lesson in democratization theory is that successful democratic transitions often involve the formation of a powerful coalition, within the opposition, of one-time enemies. This was accomplished in Chile, Spain, and Indonesia. In greater detail, this essay examines Tunisia, the sole reasonably successful democratic transition of the Arab Spring. In all four cases, religious tensions had once figured prominently, yet were safely transcended by the actions of multiple leaders via mutual ideological and religious accommodations, negotiated socioeconomic pacts, and unprecedented political cooperation. A multiplicity of cooperating leaders, rather than a single “strong leader,” produced effective democratic leadership in Tunisia, Indonesia, Spain, and Chile.
9
Brown, R. R., N. Keath, and T. H. F. Wong. "Urban water management in cities: historical, current and future regimes." Water Science and Technology 59, no. 5 (March 1, 2009): 847–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wst.2009.029.
Full textAbstract:
Drawing from three phases of a social research programme between 2002 and 2008, this paper proposes a framework for underpinning the development of urban water transitions policy and city-scale benchmarking at the macro scale. Through detailed historical, contemporary and futures research involving Australian cities, a transitions framework is proposed, presenting a typology of six city states, namely the ‘Water Supply City’, the ‘Sewered City’, the ‘Drained City’, the ‘Waterways City’, the ‘Water Cycle City’, and the ‘Water Sensitive City’. This framework recognises the temporal, ideological and technological contexts that cities transition through when moving towards sustainable urban water conditions. The aim of this research is to assist urban water managers with understanding the scope of the hydro-social contracts currently operating across cities in order to determine the capacity development and cultural reform initiatives needed to effectively expedite the transition to more sustainable water management and ultimately to Water Sensitive Cities. One of the values of this framework is that it can be used by strategists and policy makers as a heuristic device and/or the basis for a future city state benchmarking tool. From a research perspective it can be an underpinning framework for future work on transitions policy research.
10
Korobkov, Andrei. "State and Nation Building Policies and the New Trends in Migration in the Former Soviet Union." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 1702 (January 1, 2003): 78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.2003.123.
Full textAbstract:
Democratic transitions are especially complex in federal states and countries with multinational populations and compact, ethnic minority settlements; the increasing ethnic, linguistic, religious, and cultural heterogeneity of a society complicates the achievement of political compromises. In this sense, the post-Soviet newly independent states (NIS) face an especially complex transition pattern. Roman Szporluk, for example, enumerates three different transformations: the dissolution of the imperial structure and the resulting formation of independent states, the transition from a centralized to a market economic system, and the transition from authoritarianism to (at least ideally) a political democracy, with all three "combined or fused in the chaotic and extremely difficult process of formation and transformation of states and nations. " Thus the transition in the NIS is marked by simultaneous developments in the political, economic, social, religious, ideological, and cultural spheres, including the creation or re-creation of ethnic and other identities.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Ideological transitions"
1
Karega, Sekou S. "Political transition in Iran : the ideological struggle for power within the Islamic Republic." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/5900.
Full textAbstract:
Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.Over 20 years after the 1979 Iranian Revolution, the actors have changed, but the political institution and structure remains nearly identical. There is no genuine hegemonic consensus in the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI); basically, the same political tensions that contributed to the revolution are prevalent today. The only drastic difference is the shift in anger from the majority of the population demanding democratic reforms from the West to the ruling clerics. Similarly, state structure, political, and socioeconomic policies from 1979 to the present have been consequential in producing an ideological conflict between the ruling clerics who seek power and authority and the reformists who seek to implement policy reforms. The outcome of this political dilemma will dictate domestic politics as well as foreign policy in Iran. This thesis argues that pressure on Iranian foreign policy and domestic politics comes from the need to reconcile international concerns of Iranian interests with domestic concerns of Shi'i Islam and revolutionary ideology, which limits the policy options available to the Iranian government. This thesis examines the ideological struggle for control within the ruling elite and the decisive constraints it places on the range of economic and political options available to the ruling ulama.
2
Adamson, Kevin David. "Socialism, revolution and transition : the ideological construction of the Romanian post-Communist order." Thesis, University of Essex, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.416696.
Full text
3
Irvine, Mark W. "Sex, lies and politics : the psychoanalytic transition of the ideological word in Mario Vargas Llosa's Peruvian novels." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.419839.
Full textAbstract:
Using psychoanalytic literary criticism based around the theories of Sigmund Freud, Jacques Lacan and Julia Kristeva, this thesis will show how the politico-literary drive of Mario Vargas Llosa’s Peruvian novels mirrors the power of the evolving ideological word—the internationalisation of a political agenda in language—that has influenced a transition in his writing over the decades. For sure, Vargas Llosa’s political trajectory is visible in the novels under discussion, from the passion of his social realism to his neo-liberal desire for a modernised Peruvian society. However, I intend to show how Vargas Llosa has never really changed his socio-political identity, given his deep-rooted, privileged position in Peruvian and Western society. To emphasise this, the novels under discussion do not appear in chronological order. Moreover, it is my intention to show how the resonance of ideology in the subtext unveils an illusory approach to writing, revealing an Imaginary Order of changeable political identification, which leads to the novelist’s deep disillusionment with the Symbolic Order of the Peruvian political scene. This dismay subsequently imbues Vargas Llosa’s Peruvian narrative with neo-liberal desire, only for this desire to be purged once and for all in the final novel under analysis. In short, Vargas Llosa’s one-time socialist desire for Peru, la patria, or the metaphorical (m)otherland, as I choose to call it, is re-examined as a politico-literary obsession, and is shown to transform itself into a neo-liberal desire that becomes temporarily trapped, then re-trapped, in the late-capitalist web of literary phallogocentrism, most apparent in the socio-political power struggles symbolised in his erotic fiction. I use a broad spectrum of psychoanalytic theory throughout, centred around Lacanian notions, to re-examine the depiction of the patriarchal social order in those novels set in Vargas Llosa’s homeland. However, the idea of this other land, bearing in mind the feminine gender of the Spanish noun la patria, also involves a deeper interpretation of the Peruvian novels based on psychoanalytic concepts with respect to the mother.
4
Goritz, Leif. "The ideological orientation and policy formulation of organised labour during a period of societal transition : a comparison of South Africa and Germany." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53642.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This project attempts to assess critically the 'dualistic' role of Organised Labour within the complexities of societal transition processes. As observed by Bendix (1976/2000), the Industrial Relations System, and Organised Labour within it, is a generator for societal and political change. At present, the German union federation Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund (DGB and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) do not only hold prominent positions in their respective collective bargaining systems, but also a considerable amount of political power. In both societies, strict labour legislation and strong social-democratic or even communist factions prevent government from adopting more liberal and flexible labour laws. In this paper, the historical and the present role of Organised Labour in its wider societal, context has been critically examined within the framework of the EQUILIBRIUM CONVERGENCE approach (Willy Bendix, 1979) and the TRADE UNION POLICY MATRIX (Willy Bendix, 1979). Both, the EQUILIBRIUM CONVERGENCE model and the TRADE UNION POLICY MATRIX have been applied to place the Deutcher Gewerkschaftsbund (DGB) and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) into their own societal perspectives in order to establish their role and policy in the societal transition process of their respective countries. In this respect, great similarities between problems, developments and policy formation have been found. Also that, albeit with a historical 'time lag', COSATU appears to follow the structural developments of its German counterpart, the DGB. Perhaps the most salient observation and conclusion is that, while the adaptation of the trade union movement in Germany within this country's societal, industrial transition phases, and particularly in the period of the reunification of East and West Germany, entailing the integration of a communist-socialist system into a social market economy and parliamentary democracy, was of a relatively realistic nature and resulted in a high degree of co operation between the social partners at the highest level leading to 'post modern unionism', South Africa, in its present industrial transition phase, has still to contend with strongly ideologically driven 'fighting unions'. This might hamper an effective economic policy formulation by the government.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie werkstuk is 'n evaluasie van die 'tweeledige' rol van die arbeidsbeweging binne die kompleksiteit van 'n sosiale oorgangsproses. Soos deur Bendix (1996/2000) beweer, is die nywerheidsverhoudingsstelsel met arbeid as hoofakteur daarbinne as 'n dryfkrag, die katalisator vir sosiale en politiese verandering. Die vakbondfederasies Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund (DGB) end die Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) speel tans nie net prominente rolle in hulle individuele nywerheidsverhoudingsstrukture nie, maar het ook sterk magsbasise in hulle sosiale konteks. In albei samelewings verhinder streng progressiewe arbeidswetgewing en oorweldigende sosiaal-demokratiese, of selfs kommunistiese faksies die regering daarvan om meer liberale en buigbare arbeidswetgewing in te stel. In hierdie skrif word die geskiedkundige en huidige rolle van georganiseerde arbeid ondersoek binne die raamwerk van die EQUILIBRIUM CONVERGENCE Benadering (Willy Bendix, 1979) asook die TRADE UNION POLICY MATRIX (Willy Bendix, 1979). Albei, die EQUILIBRIUM CONVERGENCE model en die TRADE UNION POLICY MATRIX is toegepas om die Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund (DGB) en die CONGRESS OF SOUTH AFRICAN TRADE UNIONS (COSATU) in hulle samelewingskompleksiteit te plaas om hulle rolle en beleid in hulle eie lande te bepaal. In hierdie proses van ondersoek is 'n groot ooreenstemming tussen hulle ontwikkelinge en posisies gevind, en ook dat, alhoewel met 'n historiese 'time lag', COSATU die pad van strukturele ontwikkelings van sy eweknie in Duitsland, die Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund (DGB), volg. Miskien die mees belangrikste bevinding en gevolgtrekking is dat, terwyl die aanpassing van die Duitse vakbondbeweging binne die land sy industriele oorgangsfase, en besonders in die periode van die herenigingsproses van Oos en Wes Duitsland, en dus die inlywing van 'n sosialistiese sisteem in 'n sosiale markekonomie en sosiale demokrasie op 'n relatiewe, realistiese basis bewerkstellig was, wat in 'n hoe mate van samewerking tussen die sosiale venote op die hoogste vlak bewerkstellig het, wat na die stadium van 'post modern unionism' voer, Suid Afrika in sy teenwoordige industriele oorgangsfase nog steeds aan die probleem van sterk ideologies gedrewe 'fighting unions' bloot gestel is, wat 'n effektiewe proses van ekonomiese beleidsformulering mag benadeel.
5
Filippi, Vanina. "Dionisio Ridruejo, de l’idéal phalangiste à la démocratie (1936-1975)." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017AIXM0328/document.
Full textAbstract:
Après la Guerre civile espagnole et le franquisme, apparut une nouvelle génération d’intellectuels phalangistes. Dionisio Ridruejo était le modèle de l’intellectuel fasciste, qui avait accédé très jeune à un poste de pouvoir et qui croyait en un homme et en un État nouveaux. Mais ce dernier rompit bruyamment avec le régime franquiste et abandonna son poste de Chef de la Propagande. Il estima que le pouvoir personnel de Franco trahissait l’idéal phalangiste. Cette rupture fut le début d’une longue période d’assignation à résidence, qui le mena à réfléchir sur ses propres convictions. Cela ne signifiait pas que Ridruejo était devenu démocrate, contrairement à ce que prétendent rétrospectivement certains de ses amis, convaincus d’avoir été des libéraux depuis les années 40. Il importait de comprendre la cohérence de l’itinéraire de cet intellectuel, qui passa de l’idéal phalangiste aux normes démocratiques, au point d’inspirer le combat des artisans de la Transition vers la démocratieAfter Spanish Civil War and Francoism, a new generation of Falangist intellectuals appeared. Dionisio Ridruejo was the example of a Fascist intellectual, who rose very young to the power and believed in a new Man and in a new State. But he loudly broke with the Francoist regime and deserted his head of Propaganda post. He thought that Franco’s personal power was betraying the Falangist ideal. This breaking off was the beginning of a long period of house arrest which led him to think about his own beliefs. It does not mean that Ridruejo was a democrat, contrary to what are claiming retrospectively his friends who are convinced that they were liberals since the 1940s. It is important to understand the coherence of this intellectual’s path who changed from Falangist ideal to democratic beliefs, inspiring the fight for transition to democracy
6
Scagnetti, Matteo. "Il Tieste di Ugo Foscolo e l’estetica teatrale di Melchiorre Cesarotti. Per la storia e le implicazioni di un’inconciliabilità ideologica e filosofica." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019USPCA044.
Full textAbstract:
Ce travail approfondit la pièce théâtrale de jeunesse de Ugo Foscolo (1778-1827), célèbre poète italien vécu entre la fin du XVIIIème siècle et les premières décennies du XIXème. La pièce en question, le Tieste, n‟est pas seulement remarquable pour le jeune d‟âge de l‟auteur, encore adolescent, mais parce qu‟elle dévoile une idée de la littérature encore inconnue à son époque. Le Tieste est une tragédie qui ne respecte pas les conventions généralement acceptées à son temps, et ceci sur le double niveau du style et du contenu, tout à fait modernes et définitivement affranchis de la philosophie des Lumières.Afin de démontrer l‟envergure de l‟opération du poète vénitien, cette thèse se concentre sur le rapport entre l‟idéologie et, pourrait-on même dire, les préceptes du philosophe padouan Melchiorre Cesarotti (1730-1808), et la tragédie de Foscolo. Les idées de Cesarotti sur le théâtre étaient une sorte de Bible, qui prévoyait pour la tragédie des caractéristiques bien précises, autant qu‟une vision optimiste de la vie et de la société humaine, avec la victoire (du moins morale) des personnages vertueux et la défaite des personnages cruels.Le Tieste démonte morceau par morceau les caractéristiques qui selon Cesarotti font une bonne tragédie, en mettant en scène deux personnages qui devraient être positifs mais se révèlent confus et impuissants, tandis que le dictateur, impitoyablement, détruit les autres personnages, sans une vraie raison, comme un metteur en scène sadique qui joue avec ses marionnettes.L‟inexplicabilité du mal et son ineffabilité marquent la fin d‟un monde Ancien Régime pour permettre à l‟homme de s‟interroger sur ses peurs les plus profondes. C‟est là la valeur du Tieste, qui peut être donc considéré comme un texte qui ouvre à l‟époque contemporaineThis work analyzes the tragedy written by Ugo Foscolo (1778-1827) at the end of his adolescence : Tieste. The drama has not been sufficiently studied yet, but presents various and important elements of interest. The idea of literature emerging from it is definitely new, and Tieste tries untrodden ways, incompatible with the dominant idea of tragedy at its epoch.Most of all, Tieste marks a rebellion against the aesthetic canons of Melchiorre Cesarotti (1730-1808), a well-known philosopher who had a deep influence in the theatrical field and who had established the standards of a good tragedy. Cesarotti‟s parameters were still those of the Enlightenment, and imposed a moral message to every tragedy, whose characters should be rewarded or punished on the basis of their goodness or their wickedness. For Cesarotti, a character would have encountered an unfavourable fate only as a consequence of a moral crime. His virtue, instead, would have avoided any danger.In Foscolo, on the contrary, there is no providence, and the destiny of human beings doesn‟t depend on their behaviour. Virtuous characters are powerless and succumb without even understanding why, while the evil tyrant triumphs, moved only by his sadism.The evil is ineffable and inexplicable, and Reason, which solves every problem in Cesarotti‟s Weltanschauung, is now helpless and meaningless. Foscolo‟s first tragedy therefore represents the transition from an Ancien Régime world view to the phantoms and the nightmares of the contemporary age, when no certitude is possible anymore
7
Lherbette-Michel, Isabelle. "L’idee russe de l’Etat, contribution a la théorie juridique de l’Etat : le cas russe des origines au postcommunisme." Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013BOR40064.
Full textAbstract:
Il existe une continuité dans l’« idée » russe de l’Etat qu’une analogie dans la continuité des systèmes ne reflète pas. De la Russie impériale à la Russie soviétique, l’Etat (Gosudarstvo) n’est pas conçu comme une entité abstraite et autonome. A la dimension césariste du pouvoir correspond la non-émergence, et du concept et de la réalité d’un Etat. Jusqu’en 1917, la conception russe du pouvoir est conditionnée par le discours idéologique – religieux. Après 1917, sa principale caractéristique est d’être subordonnée à l’idéologie, en tant qu’expression de la volonté du Parti communiste. L’Etat soviétique s’impose donc comme un Etat « de fait » et non comme un Etat « de droit ». La prédominance du discours idéologique entrave, à la fois, la constitution d’une culture de l’Etat, qui reste une culture du pouvoir, et la formation d’une culture de l’antériorité et de la supériorité du droit sur l’Etat. Après la désintégration de l’Union soviétique, la référence à la démocratie libérale et à l’Etat de droit devient un outil de la création d’une nouvelle légitimité pour l’Etat postcommuniste. L’entrée de la Russie dans la modernité politique nécessite une rupture avec les postulats idéologiques du passé. Or, la déconstruction du socialisme est un processus beaucoup plus complexe que la construction de la démocratie. Bien qu’ayant subi, sur plusieurs siècles, plusieurs types de transitions – de l’absolutisme de droit divin au socialisme, puis au postcommunisme -, l’Etat russe a donc conservé certains caractères constants et typiques qui en font, encore aujourd’hui, un modèle hybride, en tension entre autoritarisme et démocratieThere is a continuity as concerns the « idea » of the state that an analogy with the different systems does not reflect. From imperial to Soviet Russia, the state (Gosudarstvo) is not thought of as an abstract and autonomous entity. Until 1917, the Russian conception of power is conditioned by the religious ideological discourse. After 1917, her main feature is one of submission to ideology, in other words the expression of the will of the Communist Party. The Soviet state stands out by its « de facto » nature, rather than a « de jure » state. The supremacy of the ideological discourse hampers both the constitution of a new state culture, which remains focused on power, and the formation of the precedence and the superiority of law over the state. After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, reference to liberal democracy and the rule of law becomes a tool in creating renewed legitimacy for the postcommunist state. Russia’s entry into political modernity demands a rupture with the ideological postulates of the past. The dismantlement of socialism is a much more complex process than the construction of democracy. Despite having been subjected, over centuries, to many types of transition – absolutism founded on divine right to socialism, then postcommunism -, the Russian state has always preserved certain features (be they constant or specific) that make it, and still today, a hybrid model pulling towards both authoritarianism and democracy
8
Vartabedian, Sarah Ellen. "Working through a monumental break up : ideological transitions, ironic monumental disruptions, and public deliberation." 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/19598.
Full textAbstract:
At present the literature of counter-monument studies does not account for the complex interactions of irony and nostalgia in memorial spaces. The three case studies examined in this project show that nostalgia can produce critically engaging spaces of deliberation depending on how ironic commemoration intervenes in comic or tragic frames. In order to show that more rhetorical focus is possible, I have challenged the conceptualization of counter-monument studies through what I have termed the “ironic monumental disruption.” Monument studies must address how the idea of the counter-monument, in which the "counter" supposedly resides in the artifact itself, valorizes monolithic critiques and fails to recognize that contexts, interactions, and artifacts all shape the symbolism of the commemorative site. Alternatively, ironic monumental disruptions offer critical and deliberative opportunities in their interactions with visitors and provide more conceptual insight into transitional commemorative practices. The monuments reviewed in this project initially appeared to provide additional reinforcement for escapist, capitalist narratives, but my examination of them has revealed that allowing for (ironic) commemorative contradictions provides discursive openings for publics unknowingly silenced by a lack of public deliberation. Commemorative irony produces valuable insights into the current historical moment and the representational issues created by ideological transitions. The citizens of Bosnia, Bulgaria, and Hungary express varying levels of nostalgia about their communist past, which is why the commemorative sites within these countries create a valuable spectrum of ironic and nostalgic entanglements. Commemorative irony produces valuable insights into the current historical moment and the representational issues created by ideological transitions.text
9
Philion, Stephen. "The discourse of workers democracy in China as a terrain of ideological struggle in the moment of transition from state socialism." Thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10125/11954.
Full textAbstract:
Mode of access: World Wide Web.Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2004.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 246-260).
Electronic reproduction.
Also available by subscription via World Wide Web
ix, 260 leaves, bound 29 cm
10
Philion, Stephen E. "The discourse of workers democracy in China as a terrain of ideological struggle in the moment of transition from state socialism." 2004. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?index=1&did=765924121&SrchMode=1&sid=1&Fmt=2&VInst=PROD&VType=PQD&RQT=309&VName=PQD&TS=1233712301&clientId=23440.
Full textBooks on the topic "Ideological transitions"
1
(Editor), John Callaghan, and Ilaria Favretto (Editor), eds. Transitions in Social Democracy: Cultural and Ideological Problems of the Golden Age. Manchester University Press, 2007.
Find full text
2
Transitions in social democracy: Cultural and ideological problems of the golden age. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2006.
Find full text
3
Pelkmans, Mathijs. Shattered Transition. Cornell University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501705137.003.0002.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter examines shifts in Kyrgyzstan's ideological landscape. It considers public events that are suggestive of the rhythms of Kyrgyz political life, and the issues that fueled collective action, along with the more slow-paced ideological currents that informed them. To gain an overview of these slower trends, three statues that successively occupied the Ala-Too Square's central 15-meter-high pedestal are discussed: the statue of Vladimir Lenin, the Erkindik (Liberty) statue, and the statute of the national hero Manas. The chapter also discusses the trajectories of socialism, (neo) liberalism, and nationalism in the post-Soviet period and explores how these ideologies translated into political practice, along with the tensions between rhetoric and reality that has characterized Kyrgyzstan's so-called transition. By connecting the succession of statues to the political events unfolding on the Ala-Too Square and beyond, the chapter shows how Kyrgyzstan's unraveling transition became interspersed with recurrent eruptions of political turmoil.
4
Political Transition in Iran: The Ideological Struggle for Power within the Islamic Republic. Storming Media, 2002.
Find full text
5
Schneider, Nadja-Christina, and Fritzi-Marie Titzmann, eds. Family Norms and Images in Transition. Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/9783845294056.
Full textAbstract:
In an ever-changing world, the family continues to simultaneously symbolise persistence and transformation. This book looks at various shifts, ruptures and continuities in representations of contemporary Indian families. How the media conveys family norms and images as well as the nature of romantic relationships constitutes the book’s central approach, which connects the different discussions in it. Its chapters analyse documentary and feature films, promotional material, such as television commercials, and the usage of new media technologies in communication. The authors look at visualisations of familial change, ranging from split motherhood, new fatherhood and dysfunctional families to intergenerational relationships, including the pre-marriage stage of life. Aimed at an interdisciplinary readership interested in South Asian, gender and media studies, this book thus contributes to our understanding of the current—ideological and ‘lived’—reality of an Indian family. With contributions by Parul Bhandari, Nadja-Christina Schneider, Stefanie Strulik, Fritzi-Marie Titzmann
6
Trencsényi, Balázs, Michal Kopeček, Luka Lisjak Gabrijelčič, Maria Falina, Mónika Baár, and Maciej Janowski. Velvet Revolutions and the Thorny Paths of Transition. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198829607.003.0004.
Full textAbstract:
The “velvet” and not so “velvet” revolutions of 1989 triggered fervent discussions on the nature of the postcommunist political system. The paradigm of transitology provided the dominant framework for these debates, while civil society remained a key concept, even though it became increasingly contested by the neoliberals and neoconservatives, as well as by the “new left.” The seemingly dominant, although never uncontested, “liberal consensus” of the early 1990s became challenged by a new wave of conservativism which showed continuities with pre-1945 traditions. In this context, the heritage of communism and Nazism was addressed by different political actors and institutions focusing on memory politics, contributing to the polarization of the ideological field. The churches too gained political importance in the search for sources of authority, but they were also criticized because of their subservience to the state socialist regime before 1989 and for reverting to a conservative nationalist vision after the changes.
7
Stanley, Ben. Populism in Central and Eastern Europe. Edited by Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser, Paul Taggart, Paulina Ochoa Espejo, and Pierre Ostiguy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198803560.013.6.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter provides an overview of the ideological character and electoral strengths of populist parties in post-communist Central and Eastern Europe. It argues that the circumstances of democratic transition gave rise both to radical and to centrist populist parties, and that both subtypes have remained distinct and enduring features of the party systems of these countries. However, while populists have played important roles in defining ideological choices, their electoral strengths and role in government should not be overstated. No general rise in populism has occurred over the period of democratic consolidation; instead, we can observe significant country-level variation in the nature and strength of these parties.
8
Barry, John. Green Political Economy. Edited by Teena Gabrielson, Cheryl Hall, John M. Meyer, and David Schlosberg. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199685271.013.30.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter outlines the main features of green political economy and how it differs from dominant orthodox neo-classical economics. Neo-classical economics is critiqued on the grounds of its false presentation of itself as “objective” and “value neutral.” Its ecologically irrational commitment to the imperative of orthodox economic growth as a permanent feature of the economy compromises its ability to offer realistic or normatively compelling guides to how we might make the transition to a sustainable economy. Green political economy is presented as an alternative form of economic thinking but one which explicitly expresses its normative/ideological value bases. It also challenges the commitment to undifferentiated economic growth as a permanent objective of the human economy. In its place, it promotes “economic security” and a post-growth economy. The latter includes the transition to a low-carbon energy economy, and is one which maximizes quality of life and actively seeks to lower socio-economic inequality.
9
Johnson, Jake. Mormons, Musical Theater, and Belonging in America. University of Illinois Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252042515.001.0001.
Full textAbstract:
American musical theater is often dismissed as frivolous or kitschy entertainment. But what if musicals actually mattered a great deal? What if perhaps the most innocuous musical genre in America actually defined the practices of Mormonism--America’s fastest-growing religion? Mormons, Musical Theater, and Belonging in America is an interdisciplinary study of voice, popular music, and American religion that analyzes the unexpected yet dynamic relationship between two of America’s most iconic institutions, Mormonism and American musical theater. This book argues that Mormonism and early American musical theater were cut from the same ideological cloth--formed in the early nineteenth century out of Jacksonian principles of self-fashioning, white supremacy, and broader understandings of the democratic principles of vicariousness. Throughout the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, Mormons gravitated toward musicals as a common ideological platform, using musicals not only to practice a theology of voice but also to transition from outlier polygamist sect to become by the mid-twentieth century emblems of white, middle-class respectability in America. In an effort to become gods themselves, Mormons use the musical stage to practice transforming into someone they are not, modeling closely the theatrical qualities of Jesus and other spiritual leaders in Mormon mythology. Thus, learning to vicariously voice another person on the musical stage actually draws the faithful closer to godliness. Looking outward from the shared ideological roots of Mormonism and musical theater, this book offers a compelling study of how the ways Americans sound determine the paths of their belonging.
10
Khader, Serene J. Individualism. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190664190.003.0003.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter argues that independence individualism, a form of individualism that is the object of decolonial feminist critique, is conceptually unnecessary for feminism, and in fact undermines transnational feminist praxis. Opposition to sexist oppression does not logically entail individualism. Adopting the specific form of individualism called “independence individualism,” which holds that individuals should be economically self-sufficient and that only chosen relationships are valuable is likely to worsen the gender division of labor and obscure the transition costs of feminist change. The perceived relationship between independence individualism and feminism is traceable to ideological assumptions that associate capitalism with liberation from tradition, and tradition with patriarchy. The concept of independence individualism is arrived at by examining the justificatory discourses behind ostensibly feminist policies that proclaim the value of the individual person while harming “other” women.
Book chapters on the topic "Ideological transitions"
1
Carver, Martin. "Ideological Transitions in Pictland." In Cultural Encounters in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages, 305–20. Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/m.celama-eb.5.108748.
Full text
2
Rooney, Noel, and Liam Maskey. "Communities and Policing in Transition: The Northern Ireland Experience." In Preventing Ideological Violence, 91–103. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137290380_6.
Full text
3
Chew, Sing C., and Pat Lauderdale. "Transitional Ideological Modes: Feudalism, Capitalism, Socialism." In Theory and Methodology of World Development, 79–95. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230108509_3.
Full text
4
von Beyme, Klaus. "A New Movement in an Ideological Vacuum: Nationalism in Eastern Europe." In Transition to Democracy in Eastern Europe, 42–62. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230374331_4.
Full text
5
Benedikter, Roland, Katja Siepmann, and Miguel Zlosilo. "The Fiscal Dimension: Greater Fairness at the Price of a Slowing Economy? The Ideological Debate Behind Bachelet’s Envisaged Tax Reform." In Chile in Transition, 127–57. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-17951-3_6.
Full text
6
Hess, David J. "Institutional Change, Industrial Transitions, and Regime Resistance Politics." In Undone Science. The MIT Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.7551/mitpress/9780262035132.003.0006.
Full textAbstract:
The chapter focuses on the processes of industrial change in relationship to social movements. It builds on two literatures, one on institutional logics and the other on industrial transitions, and shows similarities and differences between the two literatures. It then examines the problem of resistance from industrial regime organizations or incumbent. Empirical material is based on the case of regime resistance to energy transition policies in the U.S., where the incumbent organizations have closed down the political opportunity structure for policy reform. It then draws on research that discusses three strategies that industrial transition coalitions can use to overcome regime resistance: countervailing industrial power (finding allies in neighboring industries), ideological judo (using regime ideology and frames to advance transition policies), and dual-use design (building coalitions by redefining energy transition policies in terms of a different institutional logic).
7
Cummings, Vicki. "From midden to megalith? The Mesolithic-Neolithic transition in western Britain." In Going Over: The Mesolithic-Neolithic Transition in North-West Europe. British Academy, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197264140.003.0024.
Full textAbstract:
The transition from the Mesolithic to the Neolithic in Britain and Ireland remains one of the most debated and contested transitions of prehistory. Much more complex than a simple transition from hunting and gathering to farming, the Mesolithic–Neolithic transition in Britain has been discussed not only as an economic and technological transformation, but also as an ideological one. In western Britain in particular, with its wealth of Neolithic monuments, considerable emphasis has been placed on the role of monumentality in the transition process. Over the past decade the author‧s research has concentrated on the early Neolithic monumental traditions of western Britain, a deliberate focus on areas outside the more ‘luminous’ centres of Wessex, the Cotswold–Severn region, and Orkney. This chapter discusses the transition in western Britain, with an emphasis on the monuments of this region. In particular, it discusses the areas around the Irish Sea – west Wales, the Isle of Man, south-west and western Scotland – as well as referring to the sequence on the other side of the Irish Sea, specifically eastern Ireland.
8
Weiss, Meredith L. "Drivers of Stasis and Change." In The Roots of Resilience, 200–208. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501750045.003.0007.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter revises the usual understanding of regimes and regime transitions, including what a genuine transition might entail. It recommends a mix of structural, political-cultural, ideological, and praxis-oriented angles to understand and assess regimes and political change. Over time the workings of politics under electoral authoritarianism may shift the contest from one of policy or ideology toward less differentiable issues of mundane management and microlevel accessibility and acquisition. The chapter focuses on structural innovation at the local level. By supplementing national-level electoral tactics, electoral authoritarian regimes discipline the public and opposition parties that gradually permeates political culture and everyday political praxis. It also points out the implications of patterns that shape politician–voter linkages, premises for accountability and assessing alternatives, and the range of players with stakes in the system-that-is.
9
Herrn, Rainer. "Magnus Hirschfeld’s Onnagata." In Global History of Sexual Science, 1880-1960, translated by Michael T. Taylor. University of California Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520293373.003.0017.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter examines the circulation of sexual scientific knowledge between Germany and Japan by focusing on onnagata (Japanese “female impersonators”), which was included by Magnus Hirschfeld as cultural figures in his so-called Wall of Sexual Transitions. Hirschfeld created the Wall of Sexual Transitions to illustrate his “theory of sexual transitions” for the 1913 international Physicians' Congress in London. The chapter first provides an overview of the beginnings of the homosexual movement in Germany and the controversies it engendered, highlighting the important role played by the first reception of the traditions of Japanese samurai and male homosexuality in Japanese theater. It then considers Hirschfeld's idea of transvestitism and his 1931 visit to Japan, and how his reinterpretation of the onnagata influenced his own conception of transvestitism. It also shows how sexual ethnography emerged as an important field of sexual science that served to delineate ideological differences between European scientists and activists.
10
"THE TRANSITION TO COLLECTIVISM." In Ideological Heritage Vol 2, 117–55. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315016252-13.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Ideological transitions"
1
Konstantinov, Mikhail. "POLITICAL IDEOLOGY AS AN EVOLUTIONARY SYSTEM (TO THE THEORY OF COGNITIVE-IDEOLOGICAL MATRICES)." In NORDSCI International Conference. SAIMA Consult Ltd, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/nordsci2020/b2/v3/14.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of the article is to concretize the concept of political ideology in the aspect of its matrix structure and in the context of the cognitive-evolutionary approach. Based on Michael Frieden's morphological approach to the analysis of ideological consciousness, the concept of cognitive-ideological matrices is introduced, which allows us to describe the process of transition from proto-ideological to ideological concepts proper, especially at the level of individual consciousness. The identification of the ideological concept as the main “gene” of conceptual variability and inheritance made it possible to describe the main parameters of the evolution of political ideologies and associate it with changes taking place at the individual consciousness level. The described concept was tested in a series of sociological studies of youth consciousness conducted in 2015-2016 and 2018-2020. As a result of the study, it was possible to first identify the “zero level” of ideology, at which the minds of young respondents are potentially open to the influence of diverse and often mutually exclusive ideological orientations, and second, to pinpoint the changes that have occurred in the cognitive ideological matrices of Rostov-on-Don students over the past five years. This study was conducted by scientists from the southern Federal University.
2
Novikov, A. N., and M. S. Novikova. "МИРОВОЗЗРЕНЧЕСКИЕ ФОРМУЛЫ В ГЕОГРАФИИ:ОСОБЕННОСТИ РЕАЛИЗАЦИИ В НАУКЕ И ОБРАЗОВАНИИ." In Geosistemy vostochnyh raionov Rossii: osobennosti ih struktur i prostranstvennogo razvitiia. ИП Мироманова Ирина Витальевна, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.35735/tig.2019.20.67.004.
Full textAbstract:
География это мировоззренческая наука. Сложившаяся за десятилетия структура курса обучения географии в российской средней школе знакома каждому из нас и состоит из четырёх этапов. В университете система обучения будущих учителей географии состоит из тех же самых этапов, однако, это не просто углублённое повторение школьной программы, это совершенно новый, более высокий уровень географического образования. Как на школьном, так и на университетском уровнях изменения происходят в масштабе тем и разделов отдельных этапов, но этапы остаются неизменными. Межэтапный уровень является предельным, его осознание не попадает в область рефлексии педагогов и методистов. Отсутствуют и научные труды по его анализу. В качестве метода исследования выступает диалектика, законы которой срабатывают в виде мировоззренческих формул. В школьном географическом образовании проблема формирования восприятия не проявляется чётко и поэтому не осознаётся. Проблемы начинают проявляться на межэтапном уровне. Мировоззренческая формула дихотомии перестала работать в виде противопоставления отраслевая география районная география, взаимодействие в этой бинарной оппозиции строилось по принципу отраслевой анализ региональный синтез. В разделах районной географии исчезли механизмы (энергопроизводственные циклы) и формы синтеза (природнотерриториальные и территориальнопроизводственные комплексы). Произошла утрата целесообразности изучения районной географии. Новых форм синтеза в постсоветское время на вооружение российской школьной и университетской географией принято не было. В университетском курсе, который был направлен на осознание диалектических знаний школьного курса и развитие их, невозможно провести рефлексию, так как основы географических знаний у абитуриентов бесформенные. Владение мировоззренческими формулами это вопрос отражения географической реальности. В переходе с уровня на уровень возрастает самостоятельность географического мышления и удаление от стереотипов, возрастает эвристический потенциал за счёт сочетания формул, которое даёт вариативность отражения географической реальности. Geography is a worldview science. The structure of the geography course in the Russian secondary school, which has developed over the decades, is familiar to each of us and consists of four stages. At the University, the system of teaching future teachers of geography consists of the same stages, however, it is not just an indepth repetition of the school curriculum, it is a completely new, higher level of geographical education. At both the school and University levels, changes occur in the scale of topics and sections of individual stages, but the stages remain the same. The interstage level is the limit, its awareness does not fall into the field of reflection of teachers and methodologists. There are no scientific papers on its analysis. The method of research is dialectics, the laws of which work in the form of worldview formulas. In school geographic education, the problem of perception formation is not clearly manifested and therefore is not realized. Problems begin to emerge at the interstage level. The worldview formula of dichotomy ceased to work in the form of the opposition sectoral geography regional geography, the interaction in this binary opposition was based on the principle of sectoral analysis regional synthesis. Mechanisms (energy production cycles) and forms of synthesis (naturalterritorial and territorialproduction complexes) have disappeared in the sections of the district geography. There was a loss of expediency of studying of regional geography. New forms of synthesis in the postSoviet period were not adopted by the Russian school and University geography. In the University course, which was aimed at understanding the dialectical knowledge of the school course and their development, it is impossible to reflect, as the basis of geographical knowledge of students formless. The possession of ideological formulas is the question of geographic reality. In the transition from level to level increases the independence of geographical thinking and the distance from stereotypes, heuristic potential increases due to the combination of formulas, which gives variability of reflection of geographical reality.
3
Novikov, A. N., and M. S. Novikova. "МИРОВОЗЗРЕНЧЕСКИЕ ФОРМУЛЫ В ГЕОГРАФИИ:ОСОБЕННОСТИ РЕАЛИЗАЦИИ В НАУКЕ И ОБРАЗОВАНИИ." In Geosistemy vostochnyh raionov Rossii: osobennosti ih struktur i prostranstvennogo razvitiia. ИП Мироманова Ирина Витальевна, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.33833/tig.2019.20.67.004.
Full textAbstract:
География это мировоззренческая наука. Сложившаяся за десятилетия структура курса обучения географии в российской средней школе знакома каждому из нас и состоит из четырёх этапов. В университете система обучения будущих учителей географии состоит из тех же самых этапов, однако, это не просто углублённое повторение школьной программы, это совершенно новый, более высокий уровень географического образования. Как на школьном, так и на университетском уровнях изменения происходят в масштабе тем и разделов отдельных этапов, но этапы остаются неизменными. Межэтапный уровень является предельным, его осознание не попадает в область рефлексии педагогов и методистов. Отсутствуют и научные труды по его анализу. В качестве метода исследования выступает диалектика, законы которой срабатывают в виде мировоззренческих формул. В школьном географическом образовании проблема формирования восприятия не проявляется чётко и поэтому не осознаётся. Проблемы начинают проявляться на межэтапном уровне. Мировоззренческая формула дихотомии перестала работать в виде противопоставления отраслевая география районная география, взаимодействие в этой бинарной оппозиции строилось по принципу отраслевой анализ региональный синтез. В разделах районной географии исчезли механизмы (энергопроизводственные циклы) и формы синтеза (природнотерриториальные и территориальнопроизводственные комплексы). Произошла утрата целесообразности изучения районной географии. Новых форм синтеза в постсоветское время на вооружение российской школьной и университетской географией принято не было. В университетском курсе, который был направлен на осознание диалектических знаний школьного курса и развитие их, невозможно провести рефлексию, так как основы географических знаний у абитуриентов бесформенные. Владение мировоззренческими формулами это вопрос отражения географической реальности. В переходе с уровня на уровень возрастает самостоятельность географического мышления и удаление от стереотипов, возрастает эвристический потенциал за счёт сочетания формул, которое даёт вариативность отражения географической реальности. Geography is a worldview science. The structure of the geography course in the Russian secondary school, which has developed over the decades, is familiar to each of us and consists of four stages. At the University, the system of teaching future teachers of geography consists of the same stages, however, it is not just an indepth repetition of the school curriculum, it is a completely new, higher level of geographical education. At both the school and University levels, changes occur in the scale of topics and sections of individual stages, but the stages remain the same. The interstage level is the limit, its awareness does not fall into the field of reflection of teachers and methodologists. There are no scientific papers on its analysis. The method of research is dialectics, the laws of which work in the form of worldview formulas. In school geographic education, the problem of perception formation is not clearly manifested and therefore is not realized. Problems begin to emerge at the interstage level. The worldview formula of dichotomy ceased to work in the form of the opposition sectoral geography regional geography, the interaction in this binary opposition was based on the principle of sectoral analysis regional synthesis. Mechanisms (energy production cycles) and forms of synthesis (naturalterritorial and territorialproduction complexes) have disappeared in the sections of the district geography. There was a loss of expediency of studying of regional geography. New forms of synthesis in the postSoviet period were not adopted by the Russian school and University geography. In the University course, which was aimed at understanding the dialectical knowledge of the school course and their development, it is impossible to reflect, as the basis of geographical knowledge of students formless. The possession of ideological formulas is the question of geographic reality. In the transition from level to level increases the independence of geographical thinking and the distance from stereotypes, heuristic potential increases due to the combination of formulas, which gives variability of reflection of geographical reality.